At the same time
Barkiyāruq
proclaimed himself at Ispahan.
Cambridge Medieval History - v4 - Eastern Roman Empire
In spite of their
heterodoxy they soon gained control over the Caliph, who became
absolutely subject to their authority.
The other Shi'ite kingdom, to which reference has been made, was
that of the Fățimids in Egypt (909–1171). As their name implies, these
יר
וי
Сн. х.
## p. 302 (#344) ############################################
302
Islām saved by the Seljūgs
rulers claimed descent from Fātimah, the daughter of the Prophet, who
married 'Alī. It is therefore easy to understand their leanings towards
the Shi'ah. The dynasty arose in North Africa where ‘Ubaid-Allāh, who
claimed to be the Mahdī, conquered the Aghlabid rulers and gradually
made himself supreme along the coast as far as Morocco. Finally, in 969
the Fātimids wrested Egypt from the Ikhshidids and founded Cairo, close
to the older Fusțāț of ‘Amr ibn al--Aş. By 991 they had occupied Syria
as far as and including Aleppo. Their predominance in politics and
commerce continued to extend, but it is unnecessary to trace their de-
velopment at present. It is sufficient to recall their Shi'ite tendencies and
to appreciate the extent to which the Caliphate suffered in consequence of
their prosperity.
It will thus be seen that at the end of the tenth century the position
of the Caliphate was apparently hopeless. The unity of Islām both in
politics and in religion was broken; the Caliph was a puppet at the mercy
of the Buwaihids and Fāțimids. The various Muslim states, it is true,
acknowledged his sway, but the acknowledgment was formal and unreal.
It seemed as though the mighty religion framed by the Prophet would be
disintegrated by sectarianism, as though the brotherhood of Islām were
a shattered ideal, and the great conquests of Khālid and Omar were
destined to slip away from the weakening grasp of the helpless ruler at
Baghdad.
In such a crisis it would seem that Islam was doomed. It is useful
also to recollect that within a very few years the Muslim world was to
encounter the might of Europe; the pomp and chivalry of Christendom
were to be hurled against the Crescent with, one would imagine, every
prospect of success. At this juncture Islām was re-animated by one of
those periodical revivals that fill the historian with amazement. The
Semitic races have proved to be endowed with extraordinary vitality.
Frequently, when subdued, they have imposed their religion and civilisa-
tion on their conquerors, imbued them with fanaticism, and converted
them into keen propagators of the faith.
Islām was saved from destruction at the hands of the Crusaders by
one of these timely ebullitions. The approach of the Seljūqs towards
the West produced a new element in Islām which enabled the Muslims
successfully to withstand the European invaders; their intervention
changed the subsequent history of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt.
The Seljūqs crushed every dynasty in Persia, Asia Minor, Mesopotamia,
and Syria, and united, for certain periods, under one head the vast
territory reaching from the Mediterranean littoral almost to the borders
of India. They beat back successfully both Crusader and Byzantine, gave
a new lease of life to the Abbasid Caliphate which endured till its ex-
tinction by the Mongols in 1258, and to their influence the establishment
of the Ayyübid dynasty in Egypt by Saladin may be directly traced.
It has already been stated that the Seljūgs derived their name from
## p. 303 (#345) ############################################
The dynasty of Seljūq
303
a chieftain of that name, who came from Turkestan. They were Turkish
in origin, being a branch of the Ghuzz Turks, whom the Byzantine
writers style Uzes. An interesting reference is made to the Ghuzz
in the famous itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, whose extensive travels
in the Orient took place about 1165. Benjamin speaks of the “Ghuz,
the Sons of the Kofar-al-Turak,” by which description he means the
Mongolian or infidel Turks, as the title Kuffar (plural of Kāfir, heretic),
implies. He says: “They worship the wind and live in the Wilderness.
They do not eat bread nor drink wine but live on uncooked ineat.
They have no noses. And in lieu thereof they have two small holes,
through which they breathe. They eat animals both clean and unclean
and are very friendly towards the Israelites! . Fifteen years ago they
overran the country of Persia with a large army and took the city
of Rayy (Rai]: they smote it with the edge of the sword, took all the
spoil thereof and returned by way of the Wilderness. ” Benjamin goes
on to describe the campaign of Sanjar ibn Malik Shāh against the Ghuzz
in 1153, and his defeat.
Seljūq had four sons, Mīkā'īl, Isrā’il, Mūsà (Moses), and Yunus; the
names are recorded with certain variants by different writers. They
came from the Kirghiz Steppes of Turkestan to Transoxiana, and made
their winter quarters near Bukhārā and their summer quarters near Sughd
and Samarqand. They thus came under the suzerainty of Mahmūd of
Ghaznah (998-1030), and they embraced Islām with great fervour. The
Ghaznawid dynasty was then at the zenith of its power, chiefly through
the genius and success of the great Mahmud. He was the son of Sabak-
tagīn, who ruled under the sovereignty of the Sāmānid dynasty. Mahmud
asserted his independence and established himself in undisputed supremacy
over Khurāsān and Ghaznah, being recognised by the Caliph. A zealous
follower of Islām, he made twelve campaigns into India and gained the
title of the “ breaker of idols. ” But it is as a patron of learning that he
is best known. He established a university at Ghaznah and fostered
literature and the arts with a liberal hand. Under him Ghaznah became
a centre to which the learned flocked; the poet Firdausī wrote his
Shāhnāma under the auspices of Maḥmūd.
The migration of the Seljūqs took place at a somewhat earlier period.
It is clear that they were already employed in military service by Sabak-
tagin (976–997), the father of Mahmūd, and before the accession of the
latter (about 998) they had begun to play an important part in the
political life of the neighbouring Muslim states. Finally, they entered
into negotiations with Maḥmūd in order to receive his permission to
settle near the frontier of his kingdom, on the eastern bank of the
Oxus. According to Rāwandī, Maḥmūd unwisely gave the required
permission and allowed the Seljūqs to increase their power within his
dominions. The emigrants were then under the leadership of the sons
1 A circumstance als me tioned by Rāwandi.
CH. X.
## p. 304 (#346) ############################################
304
Țughril Beg
of Seljūq. Ultimately Maḥmūd became alarmed at their growing strength,
and seizing Isrā'īl the son of Seljūq, caused him to be imprisoned in the
castle of Kālanjar in India, where he died in captivity. Qutalmish, the
son of Isrā'īl, escaped to Bukhārā and instigated his relatives to avenge
his father's death. Accordingly they demanded leave from Maḥmūd to
cross the Oxus and settle in Khurāsān. Against the advice of the governor
of Țūs this was accorded, and during the lifetime of Maḥmūd there was
peace with the Seljūs. Before the death of the Sultan, Chaghrī Beg and
ľughril Beg were born to Mīkā'īl, the brother of Isrā'īl. Maḥmūd was
succeeded by his son Masíūd, who was very different from his father in
character. The conduct of the Seljūqs caused him serious alarm. Pre-
suming on their strength they made but slight pretence to acknowledge his
sovereignty, their independence was thinly veiled, and many complaints
against them poured in on the Sultan from his subjects and neighbours.
They defeated the governor of Nīshāpūr and forced the Sultan, then
engaged in an expedition to India, to accept their terms. Afterwards
Masóūd decreed the expulsion of the tribe, and the governor of Khurāsān
was instructed to enforce the command. He set out with a large force
but met with a crushing defeat, and the victorious Seljūqs, entering
Nīshāpūr in June 1038, established themselves in complete independence
and proclaimed Țughril Beg their king. In the previous year, the name
of his brother Chaghrī Beg had been inserted in the Khutbah or bidding
prayer, with the title of “King of Kings. ” From this time forward
the tide of Seljūq conquests spread westward. The Ghaznawids expanded
eastward in proportion as their western dominions were lost. The
Seljūq brothers conquered Balkh, Jurjān, Țabaristān, and Khwārazm,
and gained possession of many cities, including Rai, Hamadān, and
Ispahan. Finally in 1055 Țughril Beg entered Baghdad and was pro-
claimed Sultan by the Caliph.
Shortly after the defeat of Masóūd near Merv (1040), dissension broke
out among the Seljūq princes. While Țughril Beg and Chaghri Beg
remained in the East, Ibrāhīm ibn Ināl (or Nīyāl) went to Hamadan
and ‘Irāq ‘Ajami. Ibrāhīm became too powerful for Țughril Beg's liking,
and his relations with the Caliph and with the Fāțimids in Egypt boded
no good to Țughril Beg. Țughril Beg overcame Ibrāhīm, but the latter
was incapable of living at peace with his kinsmen. The affairs of the
Caliphate were controlled by the Isfahsālār Basāsīrī, who was appointed
by the Buwaihid ruler Khusrau Fīrūz ar-Raḥīm. The Caliph Qā'im
was forced to countenance the unorthodox Shīʻah, and when Ţughril
Beg came to Baghdad in 1055 his arrival was doubly welcome to
the Caliph. Before the approach of Țughril Beg, Basāsīrī fled. He
managed to prevail on Ibrāhīm ibn Ināl to rebel, and receiving support
from the Fātimids marched to Baghdad, which he re-occupied in 1058.
ľughril Beg overcame his foes and freed the Caliphate ; Ibrāhīm was
strangled and Basāsīrī beheaded. The grateful Caliph showered rewards
## p. 305 (#347) ############################################
The Vizier Nizām-al-Mulk
305
on Țughril Beg and finally gave him his daughter in marriage; but before
the nuptials could take place Ţughril Beg died (1063). He had received
from the Caliph, besides substantial gifts, the privilege of having his
name inserted in the Khutbah, the title Yamīnu 'Amīri'l-Mu'minin (Right
hand of the Commander of the Faithful), which was used by Maḥmūd of
Ghaznah himself, and finally the titles Rukn-ad-Daulah and Rukn-ad-Dīn.
These decorations from the Caliph were of the greatest value. They added
legitimacy to his claim and stability to his throne. From being the chief
of a tribe Țughril Beg became the founder of a dynasty.
Țughril Beg, having left no children, was succeeded by Alp Arslān,
the son of his brother Chaghrī Beg. For nearly two years before the death
of Țughril, Alp Arslān had held important posts, almost tantamount
to co-regency. He was born in 1029, and died at the early age of
forty-three in the height of his power. The greatness that he achieved,
though in some degree due to his personal qualities and the persistent
good fortune that attended him in his career, was in the main to be
ascribed to his famous Vizier Nizām-al-Mulk. As soon as he was seated
on the throne, Alp Arslān dismissed the Vizier of Țughril Beg, Abū-Nasr
al-Kundurī, the 'Amid-al-Mulk, who was accused of peculation and other
malpractices. The 'Amid had exercised great influence in the previous
reign; both the Sultan and the Caliph held him in high esteem. He was
extremely capable, and the sudden change in his fortunes is difficult to
explain. Alp Arslān was not given to caprice or cruelty, at all events
in the beginning of his reign, and whatever may be urged against the
Sultan there is little likelihood that Nizām-al-Mulk would have acquiesced
without reasonable grounds. According to Rāwandi, Niļām-al-Mulk
was the real author of the overthrow of the 'Amid, having instigated Alp
Arslān. He states that Alp Arslān carried the 'Amid about with him
from place to place, and finally had him executed. Before his death he
sent defiant messages to the Sultan and to his successor in the Vizierate,
Nizām-al-Mulk.
Nižām-al-Mulk was one of a triad of famous contemporaries who were
pupils of the great Imām Muwaffaq of Nīshāpūr. His companions were
Omar Khayyām, the poet and astronomer, and Hasan ibn Şabbāh, the
founder of the sect of the Assassins, one of whom ultimately slew Nizām-
al-Mulk. The Vizier was noted for his learning and his statesmanship. A
work on geomancy and science has been attributed to him, but his most
famous literary achievement was his Treatise on Politics in which he
embodied his wisdom in the form of counsels to princes. Nizām-al-
Mulk gathered round him a large number of savants and distinguished
men. Under his influence literature was fostered and the sciences and
arts encouraged. In 1066 he founded the well-known Nizāmīyah Univer-
sity at Baghdad. To this foundation students came from all parts, and
many great names of Islām are associated with this college as students
or teachers. Ibn al-Habbārīyah the satirist (ob. 1110), whose biting
C. MED. H. VOL. IV. CH. X.
20
## p. 306 (#348) ############################################
306
Alp Arslan
sarcasm neither decency could restrain nor gratitude overcome, was
tolerated here on account of his wit and genius by Nizām-al-Mulk, who
even overlooked most generously a satire directed against himself. Among
the students were: the famous philosopher Ghazālī (1049–1111) and
his brother Abū’l-Futūḥ (ob. 1126) the mystic and ascetic, author of
several important works; the great poet Sa'dī, author of the Gulistan
and of the Bustān (1184–1291); the two biographers of Saladin, 'Imād-
ad-Dīn (1125-1201), in whose honour a special chair was created, and
Bahā-ad-Dīn (1145–1234), who also held a professorial post at his old
university; the Spaniard ‘Abdallah ibn Tūmart (1092-1130), who pro-
claimed himself Mahdi and was responsible for the foundation of the
Almohad dynasty. Mention must also be made of Abū-Isḥāq ash-Shīrāzī
(1003-1083), author of a treatise on Shāfisite law called Muhadhdhab,
of a Kitāb at-Tanbih, and of other works. He was the first principal of
the Nizāmīyah, an office which he at first refused to accept. Another
noted lecturer was Yahyà ibn 'Alī at-Tabrīzī (1030–1109).
Such are a few of the names that rendered illustrious not only the
Nizāmīyah University at Baghdad but its founder also. At Nīshāpūr
Nizām-al-Mulk instituted another foundation similar to that at Baghdad,
and also called Niņāmīyah, after the Vizier. It will be easily under-
stood that, with such a minister, the empire of the Seljūgs was well
governed. Not only in the conduct of foreign affairs and military expe-
ditions but in internal administration was his guiding hand manifest.
Alp Arslān, on embracing Islām, adopted the name of Muḥammad,
instead of Isrā'īl by which he had formerly been known. Alp Arslān
signifies in Turkish "courageous lion”; the title 'Izz ad-Dīn was con-
ferred on him by the Caliph Qā’im. Alp Arslān ruled over vast
territory. His dominions stretched from the Oxus to the Tigris. Not
content to rule over the lands acquired by his predecessors, he added
to his empire many conquests, the fruits of his military prowess and good
fortune. As overlord his commands were accepted without hesitation,
for he united under his sway all the possessions of the Seljūq princes and
exacted strict obedience from every vassal. The first of his military
exploits was the campaign in Persia. In 1064 he subdued an incipient
but formidable rebellion in Khwārazm, and left his son Malik Shāh to
rule over the province. Shortly after, he summoned all his provincial
governors to a general assembly, at which he caused his son Malik Shāh
to be adopted as his successor and to receive an oath of allegiance from
all present.
The next exploit of the Sultan was his victory over the Emperor
Romanus Diogenes (1071). The Byzantines had gradually been encroach-
ing on the Muslim frontiers. Alp Arslān marched westwards to meet the
enemy and fought with Romanus, who had a great numerical pre-
ponderance, at Manzikert. The Byzantines sustained a crushing defeat
and the Emperor was taken captive. Alp Arslān treated his royal prisoner
## p. 307 (#349) ############################################
Malik Shāh
307
with kindness, though at first he ordered rings to be placed in his ears as a
token of servitude. After a short period Romanus was released on pro-
mising to pay tribute and to give his daughter in marriage to the Sultan.
To this victory is due the establishment of the Seljūg dynasty of Rūm;
while, in the loss of provinces which provided the best recruits for its
armies, the Byzantine Empire experienced a calamity from which it
never recovered.
Finally, in 1072 Alp Arslān undertook a campaign against the
Turkomans in Turkestan, the ancient seat of the Seljūqs, in order to
establish his rule there. It was in this campaign that he met his end.
An angry dispute took place between the Sultan and Yusuf Barzami,
the chieftain of a fortress captured by the Seljūqs. Stung by the taunts
of the Sultan, Yusuf threw himself forward and slew him in the
presence
of all the guards and bystanders, whose intervention came too late to
save Alp Arslān.
Malik Shāh succeeded his murdered father. He was known by the
titles Jalāl-ad-Dīn and Mu'izz-ad-Dunyà-wa’d-Dīn. He ascended the
throne, which he occupied for twenty years, when he was eighteen, being
born in 1053 and dying in 1091. The great Vizier Niğām-al-Mulk
remained in power and for long maintained his influence. As soon as
Alp Arslān died Malik Shāh was recognised by the Caliph as his successor,
and invested with the title of 'Amir-al-Mu'minin (Commander of the
Faithful), hitherto jealously preserved by the Caliphs for themselves.
Malik Shāh had left Khurāsān on his way to 'Iraq when he was met by
the tidings that his uncle Qāwurd had raised a revolt against him and was
on his way from Kirmān. Malik Shāh promptly set out to meet him,
routed his army, and took Qāwurd captive. As his own troops shewed
signs of disaffection and preference for Qāwurd, Malik Shāh, on the
advice of his Vizier, had him put to death in prison, either by poison or
by strangling. The execution was announced to the populace as a suicide,
and the troops returned to their loyalty. Soon after this Malik Shāh sent
his cousin Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish on an expedition into Syria, and
Antioch was captured. Subsequently (1078) the Sultan himself captured
Samarqand. This expedition was marked by an incident which shews how
greatly Nizām-al-Mulk was imbued with the imperial idea. After Malik
Shāh had been ferried over the Oxus, the native ferrymen received drafts
on Antioch in payment of their services. When they complained to the
Sultan, who asked the Vizier why this had been done, the latter explained
that he had taken this course in order to afford an object-lesson in the
greatness and unity of the Sultan's realms. At this time Malik Shāh
espoused Turkān Khātūn, daughter of Țamghāj Khān. She became,
later on, an implacable foe to the Vizier.
Thus Malik Shāh extended his dominions to the north and west. He
rode his horse into the sea at Laodicea in Syria, and gave thanks to God
for his wide domain. It is related that, during one of his progresses
CH. X.
20-2
## p. 308 (#350) ############################################
308
Intrigues of the Turkān Khātān
לל
in the north, he was, while hunting, taken prisoner by the Byzantine
Emperor, by whom however he remained unrecognised. Malik Shāh con-
trived to send word to Nizām-al-Mulk, who adroitly managed to rescue
the Sultan without revealing his master's rank. Soon afterwards the tide
turned and the Byzantine Emperor was a captive in the Muslim camp.
When brought into the presence of Malik Shāh he remembered his late
encounter and made a memorable reply, when the Sultan asked him how
he wished to be treated. “If you are the King of the Turks,” returned
the Emperor, “send me back; if you are a merchant, sell me; if you are
a butcher, slay me. ” The Sultan generously set him at liberty. Peace
was made and lasted until the death of the Byzantine Emperor, when,
after hostilities, Malik Shāh made Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish ruler over
the newly conquered territory.
Malik Shāh appointed a commission of eight astronomers, among
whom was Omar Khayyām, to regulate the calendar, and a new era was in-
troduced and named Ta'rīkh Jalālī, or Era of Jalāl, after the title of Malik
Shāh. Similarly the astronomical tables drawn up by Omar were called
Zījī-Malikshāhī in honour of the Sultan. Malik Shāh was noted for the
excellent administration of justice that prevailed in his reign, for his
internal reforms, for his public works such as canals and hostels and
buildings, for the efficiency in which he maintained his army, and for his
piety and philanthropy. To his nobles he made liberal grants of estates.
He undertook the pilgrimage to Mecca, and his wells and caravanserais
for pilgrims are abiding memorials of his good works. He made even
his pleasures productive of charity, for whenever he engaged in the chase,
to which he was passionately addicted, he made it a rule to give a dinner
to a poor man for every
that fell to him.
Towards the end of his reign Nizām-al-Mulk began to decline in
favour. This was due to the intrigues of the Turkān Khātūn, who de-
sired to secure the succession for her son Mahmūd, while the Vizier
favoured the eldest son Barkiyārug, who was not only entitled to be re-
cognised as heir apparent on the ground of birth but, moreover, was far
better fitted to rule. The constant efforts of the Khātūn, coupled with
the fact that Nizām-al-Mulk bad placed all his twelve sons in high
offices in the State, for which indeed they were well qualified, had their
effect on the Sultan. He dismissed the aged Vizier who had served both
him and his father before him, and installed in his stead a creature of the
Khātūn, Tāj-al-Mulk Abu'l-Ghanā’im. Shortly afterwards Malik Shāh
went on a visit to the Caliph, and Nižām-al-Mulk followed his court at a
distance. At Nihāwand, Nizām-al-Mulk was set upon and murdered by
one of the Assassins, instigated by Tāj-al-Mulk. The late Vizier lingered
long enough to send a message to the Sultan, urging his own loyalty in
the past and offering that of his son for the future. He was buried at
Ispahan. He may probably be considered as the most brilliant man of
head of
game
his age.
## p. 309 (#351) ############################################
Barkiyāruq: Civil wars
309
Shortly afterwards the Sultan himself died, at Baghdad. He was one
of the greatest of the Seljūgs, and the policy by which he placed his
kinsmen over conquered territories is in keeping with his private liberality.
He was succeeded, after a civil war, by his son Barkiyāruq.
This Sultan received the name of Qāsim at circumcision, and the title
of Rukn-ad-Daulah-wa'd-Dīn (Column of the State and the Faith) from
the Caliph Muqtadi. He was born in 1081, succeeded to the throne at the
age of thirteen in 1094, and died in 1106. During his reign he experienced
a series of vicissitudes of fortune, being sometimes at the height of power
and once at least in imminent danger of execution, when a captive in his
rival's hands. The unexpected death of his father at Baghdad and the pre-
sence of his enemies at the Caliph's court were serious obstacles to his
accession. His chief partisan, Nizām-al-Mulk, had been murdered; his
stepmother the Khātūn was importuning the Caliph to alter the succession
in favour of her son Mahmūd; the newly-appointed Vizier was a supporter
of the Khātūn; Barkiyāruq himself was away in Ispahan, and the Caliph
was wavering in his decision. Finally, Muqtadi was won over by the
Khātān and declared Mahmūd, then aged four, successor to Malik Shāh.
At the same time Barkiyāruq proclaimed himself at Ispahan. Within a
week, the envoys of the Khātün arrived in order to seize Barkiyāruq, who
was, however, saved by the sons of Nizām-al-Mulk. The sons of the late
Vizier were, like their father, pledged to Barkiyāruq's cause, and their own
safety was bound up with his. They escaped with the lad to Gumushtagin,
one of the Atābegs appointed by Malik Shāh, who offered generous pro-
tection and help. At Rai he was crowned by the governor, Abū-Muslim,
and 20,000 troops were enrolled to protect him. Turkān Khātün had by
this time seized Ispahan and she, with Mahmūd, was besieged by Barki-
yāruq. After some time peace was made. The Khātūn and her son were
to be left in possession of Ispahan on giving up half of the treasure (one
million dinars) left by Malik Shāh. Barkiyāruq retired to Hamadān.
Within a few months, however, war again broke out. Hamadān was then
ruled by Ismāʻīl, the maternal uncle of Barkiyāruq, and the Khātün
opened negotiations with him, proposing to marry him if he would over-
come her stepson. The governor agreed and marched against Barkiyāruq,
by whom, however, he was defeated and slain. Nevertheless the Sultan
had no respite from his enemies, for another uncle, Tutush, the son of
Alp Arslān, rose against him and pressed him hard (1094). Barkiyāruq
had the Turkān Khātun executed, but eventually was forced to surrender
to his uncle and to Maḥmūd his step-brother. At this stage his life was
in great peril. Maḥmūd, who had received Barkiyāruy with every ap-
pearance of friendship, soon had him imprisoned. His life hung by a
thread. Finally, Maḥmūd gave orders to put out his eyes, in order to
render him permanently incapable of ruling. This command would have
been carried out but for the sudden illness of Mahmūd, who caught the
smallpox. Thereupon the sentence was suspended while the issue of the
co. X.
## p. 310 (#352) ############################################
310
Muḥammad
llness was in doubt. In point of fact Maḥmūd died and Barkiyāruq was
restored to the throne, only to be attacked by the same malady. The
Sultan, however, recovered and at once proceeded to restore his authority.
He made Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk, a son of Nizām-al-Mulk, Vizier, and led
an army against his uncle Tutush, who was beaten and slain (1095).
Barkiyāruq was attacked by one of the Assassins, but the wound was not
fatal, and the Sultan led an expedition to Khurāsān, where his uncle
Arslān Arghūn was in revolt. The latter was murdered by a slave, and
the Sultan, victorious over the enemy, placed his brother Sanjar in
authority over Khurāsān.
The next struggle that awaited Barkiyāruq arose from the intrigues
of Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk. The latter, who had been replaced in office by his
brother Fakhr-al-Mulk, prevailed on one of the late Turkān Khātūn's
most powerful supporters, the Isfahsālār Unrū Bulkà, to rebel. The plot
came to nothing as Unrū Bulkà met his death at the hands of an Assassin
emissary. Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk fled to Barkiyāruq's brother Muḥammad, and
renewed his intrigues there. Finally, in 1098 war broke out between the
two brothers. Barkiyāruq was weakened by a serious outbreak among
his troops and had to flee to Rai with a small retinue, while Muḥammad
and Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk reached Hamadān, where Muḥammad was acknow-
ledged as king. Barkiyāruq was driven into exile, but at length succeeded
in raising a force and captured Muḥammad and Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk. The
latter actually proposed that Barkiyāruq should accept a fine and rein-
state him in his office, and at first the Sultan consented; but, when he heard
that this leniency was the subject of ridicule among his domestics, he slew
the traitor with his own hand. Peace was made with Muḥammad and the
empire divided. Muḥammad received Syria, Babylonia, Media, Armenia,
and Georgia, while Barkiyāruq retained the remaining territories.
In 1104 Barkiyāruq was travelling to Baghdad in order to confer with
Ayāz, whom Malik Shāh had previously appointed governor of Khuzistān.
Ayāz had helped Barkiyāruq during his misfortunes and he was now
supreme at Baghdad, the Caliph having lost all power. On the way Bar-
kiyāruq was taken ill and died. He declared his son Malik Shāh as his
successor and left him under the guardianship of Ayāz and Sadaqah. As
soon as the death of Barkiyāruq became known, Muḥammad, who now
became the chief among the Seljūq princes, seized Malik Shāh and deprived
him of his dominions.
Muḥammad, son of Malik Shāh, was born in 1082 and died in 1119.
His undisputed reign really began with the death of Barkiyāruq in 1104
and with the seizure of his nephew Malik Shāh at Baghdad. Ayāz and
Sadaqah, the adherents of Barkiyāruq and his successor, met their death
and their armies surrendered to the new Sultan. Muhammad received the
support of the Caliph Mustazhir, who granted him the titles of Ghiyāth-
ad-Dunyà-wa’d-Din and 'Amir-al-Mu'minin. The Sultan was noted for his
orthodoxy. He reduced the castle of Dizkūh near Ispahan. The Malāḥidah
## p. 311 (#353) ############################################
Sanjar, the last Great Seljūq
311
(Assassins) had seized this fortress, which had been built in order to
overawe Ispahan, and having established themselves in safety began to
make extensive propaganda for their heretical doctrines, gaining many
adherents to their cause. The outrages of the Assassins were fearful ;
Sa'd-al-Mulk, the minister, was among the disaffected, and so deeply
had their intrigues permeated the government that it took Muḥammad
seven years to reduce the sect. During this period he was in great danger
of death, as the Vizier conspired with the Sultan's surgeon and pre-
vailed on him to use a poisoned lancet. The plot was discovered and the
guilty persons punished. It is said that Muhammad sent an expedition
into India to destroy idols. His religious zeal was great. He is also
accused of having been unduly economical, even to the point of avarice,
but on the whole he was a prudent and beneficent prince. Before his
death he designated his son Mahmud as his successor, but the power
passed to his brother Sanjar.
Sanjar was the last Sultan of a united Seljūq Empire; after his death
the various provincial kings and rulers ceased to acknowledge a central
authority. His reign was marked by brilliant conquests and ignominious
defeats. Although he extended the boundaries of his dominions, his ad-
ministration was ill-adapted to conserve their solidarity. Yet the break
up of the imperial power must not be entirely attributed to him; for
this result other causes also are responsible.
Sanjar's other titles were Mu'izz-ad-Dunyà-wa'd-Din and ’Amir-al-
Mu'minin. He was born in 1086 (according to Bundārī in 1079) and he
died in 1156. For twenty years previous to his accession he had been
king in Khurāsān, to which office he had been appointed by Barkiyāruq,
and he ruled the whole of the Seljūq Empire for forty years. He was the
last of the sons of Malik Shāh, son of Alp Arslān. His conquests were
numerous. He waged a successful war with his nephew Mahmūd, the son
of the late Sultan, in 'Irāq Ajamī, and wrested the succession from him.
Maḥmūd was overcome and offered submission. Sanjar received him with
kindness and invested him with the government of the province, on the
condition that Maḥmūd should recognise his suzerainty. The visible
signs of submission were the insertion of Sanjar's name in the Khutbah
before that of Maḥmūd, the maintenance of Sanjar's officials in the posts
to which they had been appointed, and the abolition of the trumpets that
hera! ded the entry and departure of Maḥmūd from his palace. Maḥmūd
accepted the terms eagerly and thenceforward devoted his life to the
chase, of which he was passionately fond.
In 1130 Aḥmad Khān, the governor of Samarqand, refused tribute.
Sanjar crossed the Oxus, invaded Mā-warā-an-Nahr (Transoxiana), and
besieged Samarqand. Aḥmad submitted and was removed from his post.
Sanjar also made himself supreme in Ghaznah, where he seated Bahrām
Shāh on the throne, as a tributary, in Sīstān, and in Khwārazm. His
nominal empire was much wider. It is said that “his name was recited
CH. X.
## p. 312 (#354) ############################################
312
Revolts of Atsiz of Khwārazm
in the Khutbah in the Mosque from Kashgar to Yaman, Mecca and Țā'if,
and from Mukrán and Ummán to Adharbayjàn and the frontiers of Rúm
and continued to be so recited until a year after his death: yet he was
simple and unostentatious in his dress and habits. . . . He was, moreover,
virtuous and pious, and in his day Khurásán was the goal of the learned
and the focus of culture and science. ”
The most eventful wars that occupied Sanjar were those against the
Khațà (heathen from Cathay) and the Ghuzz. In 1140 Sanjar set out from
Merv to Samarqand, and was met by the news that the Khațà had invaded
Transoxiana and defeated his army. Sanjar himself was routed and his
forces nearly annihilated. The Sultan fled to Balkh and rallied his
troops at Tirmidh, a strong fortress. Meanwhile Tāj-ad-Dīn, King of
Nimrūz, after a protracted resistance had been overcome and captured by
the Khațà. Sanjar was beset with other troubles also, chiefly due to the
rising of Atsiz, the third of the Khwārazm Shāhs. His grandfather
Anūshtigin, from Ghaznah, had been a Turkish slave, and finally was
advanced by Sultan Malik Shāh to be governor of Khwārazm. Anūsh-
tigin was succeeded in 1097 by his son Qutb-ad-Dīn Muḥammad, who
was known by the title of the Khwārazm Shāh and who was followed in
1127 by his son Atsiz. This Shāh greatly extended his dominions, partly
at the expense of Sanjar. The dynasty came to an end about a century
later when Shāh Muhammad and his son Jalal-ad-Dīn were overthrown
by the Mongols. At the time of Sanjar, Atsiz was sparing no effort to
obtain independence. He stood high in Sanjar's favour on account of
the services that he and his father had rendered. When Sanjar made
his expedition against Aḥmad Khān, Atsiz rescued him from a band of
conspirators who had seized his person while hunting. As a reward Sanjar
attached Atsiz to his person and loaded him with honours and marks of
distinction, till he roused the jealousy of the court. So strong did the
opposition of his enemies become that Atsiz had to ask leave to retire
to his governorship at Khwārazm, professing that disorders there required
bis
presence. Sanjar allowed him to depart most unwillingly, for he feared
that Atsiz would fall a victim to the hatred of his enemies. But the sub-
sequent conduct of Atsiz was quite unexpected. Instead of quelling the
disorders, he joined the malcontents and rebelled against Sanjar. In 1138
the Sultan took the field against Atsiz and his son Ilkilig, who were
routed, the latter being slain. Sanjar restored order and, having ap-
pointed Sulaimān his nephew to govern the province, returned to Merv.
Atsiz was roused to fresh endeavours in spite of the defeat which he
had sustained. Rallying his army and collecting fresh forces, he attacked
Sulaimān and forced him to abandon his post and flee to Sanjar, leaving
Khwārazm open to the mercy of Atsiz. Finally, in 1142 Sanjar led a
second expedition against this rebellious vassal and besieged him. Atsiz,
reduced to despair, sent envoys to Sanjar with presents and promises of
fidelity if spared. The Sultan, who was of a benevolent disposition, and,
## p. 313 (#355) ############################################
The Ghuzz: death of Sanjar
313
in addition, was sensible of the debt of gratitude which he owed Atsiz,
again accepted his submission and left him in possession of his office.
But again was his generosity ill requited. On all sides reports reached
Sanjar that Atsiz was fomenting disloyalty and preparing trouble. In
order to find out the truth he sent a notable poet, 'Adib şābir of Tirmidh,
to make enquiries in Khwārazm. He found that Atsiz was despatching a
band of assassins to kill Sanjar. He succeeded in sending warning, for
which act he paid with his life, and the plot was detected at Merv; the
traitors were executed. So, in the end, Sanjar had to march against Atsiz
for the third time(1147),and again exercised his forbearance and generosity
when Atsiz was nearly in his power. Hereafter Atsiz remained loyal,
though practically independent. He extended his empire as far as Jand
on the Jaxartes, and died in 1156.
In 1149 Sanjar recovered the credit which his defeat by the Khațà had
lost him. He gained a great victory over Husain ibn Hasan Jahānsūz,
Sultan of Ghūr, who had invaded Khurāsān. Husain was joined by Falak-
ad-Dīn 'Ali Chatrī, Sanjar's chamberlain; both were taken captive and
the latter executed. Ultimately, Husain was sent back to his post by
Sanjar as a vassal.
In 1153 came the invasion of the Ghuzz Turkomans. An interesting
account, to which allusion has been made above, is that of Benjamin of
Tudela, almost a contemporary visitor to the East. These tribes were
goaded into rebellion by the exactions of one of Sanjar's officers. When
the Sultan marched against them, they were seized with fear and offered to
submit. Unfortunately Sanjar was persuaded to refuse terms and give
battle, in which he was utterly defeated and captured. The Ghuzz came
to Merv, plundered it, and killed many of the inhabitants. Then they
marched to Nīshāpūr, where they massacred a large number of persons in
the
mosque.
The chief mosque was burned and the learned men put to
death. All over Khurāsān the Ghuzz ranged, killing and burning where-
ever they went. Herat alone was able to repulse their attack. Famine
and plague followed them to add to the misery of the land. For two
years Sanjar was a prisoner, and was then rescued by some friends. He
reached the Oxus, where boats had been prepared, and returned to Merv,
but he died soon after reaching his capital, of horror and grief (1156).
Sanjar was the last of the Seljūqs to enjoy supreme imperial power.
For a considerable time previously the various provincial governors had
acquired practical independence, and if, after the time of Sanjar, the reins
of central authority were loosened, this change was effected by no violent
rupture. It was the outcome, first of the steady rise on the part of the
vassals and viceroys to autonomy, and, secondly, the necessary consequence
of the Atābeg system. A certain ambiguity in the method of succession
frequently caused strife between uncle and nephew for the right of inheri-
tance. Often, as for example in the case of Nizām-al-Mulk, the office of
Vizier was practically hereditary. Hence the Vizier developed into the
сн. х.
## p. 314 (#356) ############################################
314
The Atabegs and local Seljūg dynasties
position of tutor or guardian to the royal heir, thereby acquiring much
influence and consolidating his position for the next reign. The name
Atăbeg or Atabey (“Father Bey") denotes this office. In many cases the
Atābeg forcibly secured the succession and displaced the prince. The
reason for their employment and power—which is comparable to that of
the Egyptian Mamlūks—was the desire of the kings to possess, as their
ministers, such officials as could be trusted implicitly, for reasons not
only of loyalty, a quality not invariably present, but also of self-interest.
So slaves and subordinates were raised to high positions, in lieu of the
nobility. The Seljūq public life was a carrière ouverte aux talents. A
Vizier chosen from the grandees might have so much influence through
descent, wealth, or family as to make his allegiance to the king a matter
of choice. In the case of a slave or subordinate, loyalty was a matter of
necessity, for such an official could not possibly stand on his own merits.
If, on the other hand, the subordinate supplanted his master, as was often
the case, this was due to the lack of discrimination displayed by the
latter in the choice of his instruments. Frequently also an official who
had been kept in check by a strong Sultan succeeded, if the Sultan's
successor were weak, in becoming more powerful than his master and
ultimately in displacing him. The Atābeg system was only possible when
the head of the State was a strong man. By the end of Sanjar's reign
the weakness of this policy became manifest. From this time onward the
history of the Seljūqs becomes that of the groups into which the empire
was now split: four of these groups need attention.
(I) In Kirmān a line of twelve rulers (including contemporary rivals)
held
sway from 1041 to 1187. This province, which lies on the eastern side
of the Persian Gulf, was one of the first occupied by the Seljūqs. 'Imād-
ad-Dīn Qāwurd, who was the son of Chaghrī Beg and thus great-grandson
to Seljūq, was the first ruler, and from him the dynasty descended. Qāwurd
carried on war with Malik Shāh, at whose hands he met his death (1073).
For a century the province was tolerably peaceful until the death of
ľughril Shāh in 1167, when his three sons, Bahrām, Arslān, and Tūrān
brought havoc to the land by their disputes and warfare. Muḥammad II
was the last of his line; the invading hosts of Ghuzz Turkomans and the
Khwārazm Shāhs displaced the Seljūq rulers in Kirmān.
(II) The Seljūqs of Syria are chiefly important for their relations
with the Crusaders, on which subject more will be said later. The period
of their independence was from 1094 to 1117. Tutush, the first of this
branch, was the son of Alp Arslān, the second Great Seljūq. He died in
1094 at Rai, being defeated by his nephew Barkiyāruq. His two sons
Ridwān and Duqāq ruled at Aleppo and Damascus respectively. They
were succeeded by Ridwān's sons Alp Arslān Akhras (1113) and Sultan
Shāh (1114). After this the dynasty was broken up and the rule passed
into the hands of the Būrids and the Urtugids. The former dynasty
were Atābegs of Damascus and were descended from Țughtigin, a slave
## p. 315 (#357) ############################################
The Seljūqs of Rūm
315
of Tutush, who rose to power and was appointed Atābeg of Duqaq.
From Būrī, the eldest son and successor of Tughtigīn, the line takes its
name. Eventually the Būrids were supplanted by the Zangids. Of the
Urtuqids more will be said hereafter.
(III) The Seljūqs of 'Irāq and Kurdistān consisted of a dynasty of
nine rulers, and were descended from Muḥammad ibn Malik Shāh. Four
of Muḥammad's five sons, four of his grandsons, and one great-grandson,
formed this line of rulers, beginning with Maḥmūd in 1117, and ending
with Țughril II in 1194, after which the Khwārazm Shāhs became supreme.
(IV) The Seljūqs of Rūm or Asia Minor are perhaps the most im-
portant to the Western historian, on account of their relations with the
Crusaders and the Eastern Emperors, and their influence on the Ottoman
Empire. The first of these rulers was Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish, a son of
Arslān ibn Seljūq. This branch of the Seljūq family is thus distinct from
the Great Seljūqs, the Seljūqs of 'Irāq, Syria, and Kirmān. From the
time of Sulaimān I (1077) until the period of the Ottoman Turks (1300)
seventeen monarchs ruled, subject at certain periods to the dominion of
the Mongols. The second of this line, Qilij Arslān ibn Sulaimān (1092–
1106), made Nicaea his capital, and defeated the earliest crusaders under
Walter the Penniless (1096). In the next year he was twice defeated by
Godfrey of Bouillon, and Nicaea was captured. Iconium then became the
Seljūq capital. In 1107 he marched to the help of Mosul, which was
besieged by a rebel ; after raising the siege he met with an accident
while crossing the Khabur and was drowned. But the dynasty was con-
solidated by his successors and played an important part in the Crusades,
for, in addition to the bravery of their forces, the Seljūqs possessed
sufficient political skill to take advantage of the mutual animosity ex-
isting between the Greeks and the Crusaders and to utilise it for their
own purposes. They also succeeded in supplanting the Dānishmand, a
minor Seljūq dynasty of obscure origin. It is said that the founder,
Mahomet ibn Gumishtigīn, was a schoolmaster, as the title Dānishmand
denotes, but everything connected with this line, which ruled from about
1105–1165, is doubtful. Their territory lay in Cappadocia and included
the cities of Sīwās (Sebastea), Qaişarīyah (Caesarea), and Malațīyah (Meli-
tene). Mahomet defeated and captured Bohemond in 1099, as the
latter was marching to help Gabriel of Melitene against him. When
Bohemond ransomed himself and became tributary to Mahomet, the
two rulers formed an alliance against Qilij Arslān and Alexius, the
Emperor of Constantinople, one of the instances which shew that political
considerations were more important than religious differences, not only
among the Crusaders but also among the Muslims.
Besides the Seljūqs proper, mention must be made of their officers, the
Atābegs, whose functions have been described. The power wielded by
these vassals was very great, and in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries many established themselves in virtual independence. The most
CH. X.
## p. 316 (#358) ############################################
316
Coming of the Crusaders
powerful of these were the Zangids or descendants of Zangī, and the
Khwārazm Shāhs. They deserve attention for their relations with the
Crusaders, but details of their history, apart from this connexion, cannot
be given here.
It now remains to deal with the relations between the Seljūqs and
the Crusaders. In no small degree the origin of the Holy Wars was due
to the expansion of the Seljūq Empire, for as long as the Arabs held
Jerusalem the Christian pilgrims from Europe could pass unmolested.
heterodoxy they soon gained control over the Caliph, who became
absolutely subject to their authority.
The other Shi'ite kingdom, to which reference has been made, was
that of the Fățimids in Egypt (909–1171). As their name implies, these
יר
וי
Сн. х.
## p. 302 (#344) ############################################
302
Islām saved by the Seljūgs
rulers claimed descent from Fātimah, the daughter of the Prophet, who
married 'Alī. It is therefore easy to understand their leanings towards
the Shi'ah. The dynasty arose in North Africa where ‘Ubaid-Allāh, who
claimed to be the Mahdī, conquered the Aghlabid rulers and gradually
made himself supreme along the coast as far as Morocco. Finally, in 969
the Fātimids wrested Egypt from the Ikhshidids and founded Cairo, close
to the older Fusțāț of ‘Amr ibn al--Aş. By 991 they had occupied Syria
as far as and including Aleppo. Their predominance in politics and
commerce continued to extend, but it is unnecessary to trace their de-
velopment at present. It is sufficient to recall their Shi'ite tendencies and
to appreciate the extent to which the Caliphate suffered in consequence of
their prosperity.
It will thus be seen that at the end of the tenth century the position
of the Caliphate was apparently hopeless. The unity of Islām both in
politics and in religion was broken; the Caliph was a puppet at the mercy
of the Buwaihids and Fāțimids. The various Muslim states, it is true,
acknowledged his sway, but the acknowledgment was formal and unreal.
It seemed as though the mighty religion framed by the Prophet would be
disintegrated by sectarianism, as though the brotherhood of Islām were
a shattered ideal, and the great conquests of Khālid and Omar were
destined to slip away from the weakening grasp of the helpless ruler at
Baghdad.
In such a crisis it would seem that Islam was doomed. It is useful
also to recollect that within a very few years the Muslim world was to
encounter the might of Europe; the pomp and chivalry of Christendom
were to be hurled against the Crescent with, one would imagine, every
prospect of success. At this juncture Islām was re-animated by one of
those periodical revivals that fill the historian with amazement. The
Semitic races have proved to be endowed with extraordinary vitality.
Frequently, when subdued, they have imposed their religion and civilisa-
tion on their conquerors, imbued them with fanaticism, and converted
them into keen propagators of the faith.
Islām was saved from destruction at the hands of the Crusaders by
one of these timely ebullitions. The approach of the Seljūqs towards
the West produced a new element in Islām which enabled the Muslims
successfully to withstand the European invaders; their intervention
changed the subsequent history of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt.
The Seljūqs crushed every dynasty in Persia, Asia Minor, Mesopotamia,
and Syria, and united, for certain periods, under one head the vast
territory reaching from the Mediterranean littoral almost to the borders
of India. They beat back successfully both Crusader and Byzantine, gave
a new lease of life to the Abbasid Caliphate which endured till its ex-
tinction by the Mongols in 1258, and to their influence the establishment
of the Ayyübid dynasty in Egypt by Saladin may be directly traced.
It has already been stated that the Seljūgs derived their name from
## p. 303 (#345) ############################################
The dynasty of Seljūq
303
a chieftain of that name, who came from Turkestan. They were Turkish
in origin, being a branch of the Ghuzz Turks, whom the Byzantine
writers style Uzes. An interesting reference is made to the Ghuzz
in the famous itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, whose extensive travels
in the Orient took place about 1165. Benjamin speaks of the “Ghuz,
the Sons of the Kofar-al-Turak,” by which description he means the
Mongolian or infidel Turks, as the title Kuffar (plural of Kāfir, heretic),
implies. He says: “They worship the wind and live in the Wilderness.
They do not eat bread nor drink wine but live on uncooked ineat.
They have no noses. And in lieu thereof they have two small holes,
through which they breathe. They eat animals both clean and unclean
and are very friendly towards the Israelites! . Fifteen years ago they
overran the country of Persia with a large army and took the city
of Rayy (Rai]: they smote it with the edge of the sword, took all the
spoil thereof and returned by way of the Wilderness. ” Benjamin goes
on to describe the campaign of Sanjar ibn Malik Shāh against the Ghuzz
in 1153, and his defeat.
Seljūq had four sons, Mīkā'īl, Isrā’il, Mūsà (Moses), and Yunus; the
names are recorded with certain variants by different writers. They
came from the Kirghiz Steppes of Turkestan to Transoxiana, and made
their winter quarters near Bukhārā and their summer quarters near Sughd
and Samarqand. They thus came under the suzerainty of Mahmūd of
Ghaznah (998-1030), and they embraced Islām with great fervour. The
Ghaznawid dynasty was then at the zenith of its power, chiefly through
the genius and success of the great Mahmud. He was the son of Sabak-
tagīn, who ruled under the sovereignty of the Sāmānid dynasty. Mahmud
asserted his independence and established himself in undisputed supremacy
over Khurāsān and Ghaznah, being recognised by the Caliph. A zealous
follower of Islām, he made twelve campaigns into India and gained the
title of the “ breaker of idols. ” But it is as a patron of learning that he
is best known. He established a university at Ghaznah and fostered
literature and the arts with a liberal hand. Under him Ghaznah became
a centre to which the learned flocked; the poet Firdausī wrote his
Shāhnāma under the auspices of Maḥmūd.
The migration of the Seljūqs took place at a somewhat earlier period.
It is clear that they were already employed in military service by Sabak-
tagin (976–997), the father of Mahmūd, and before the accession of the
latter (about 998) they had begun to play an important part in the
political life of the neighbouring Muslim states. Finally, they entered
into negotiations with Maḥmūd in order to receive his permission to
settle near the frontier of his kingdom, on the eastern bank of the
Oxus. According to Rāwandī, Maḥmūd unwisely gave the required
permission and allowed the Seljūqs to increase their power within his
dominions. The emigrants were then under the leadership of the sons
1 A circumstance als me tioned by Rāwandi.
CH. X.
## p. 304 (#346) ############################################
304
Țughril Beg
of Seljūq. Ultimately Maḥmūd became alarmed at their growing strength,
and seizing Isrā'īl the son of Seljūq, caused him to be imprisoned in the
castle of Kālanjar in India, where he died in captivity. Qutalmish, the
son of Isrā'īl, escaped to Bukhārā and instigated his relatives to avenge
his father's death. Accordingly they demanded leave from Maḥmūd to
cross the Oxus and settle in Khurāsān. Against the advice of the governor
of Țūs this was accorded, and during the lifetime of Maḥmūd there was
peace with the Seljūs. Before the death of the Sultan, Chaghrī Beg and
ľughril Beg were born to Mīkā'īl, the brother of Isrā'īl. Maḥmūd was
succeeded by his son Masíūd, who was very different from his father in
character. The conduct of the Seljūqs caused him serious alarm. Pre-
suming on their strength they made but slight pretence to acknowledge his
sovereignty, their independence was thinly veiled, and many complaints
against them poured in on the Sultan from his subjects and neighbours.
They defeated the governor of Nīshāpūr and forced the Sultan, then
engaged in an expedition to India, to accept their terms. Afterwards
Masóūd decreed the expulsion of the tribe, and the governor of Khurāsān
was instructed to enforce the command. He set out with a large force
but met with a crushing defeat, and the victorious Seljūqs, entering
Nīshāpūr in June 1038, established themselves in complete independence
and proclaimed Țughril Beg their king. In the previous year, the name
of his brother Chaghrī Beg had been inserted in the Khutbah or bidding
prayer, with the title of “King of Kings. ” From this time forward
the tide of Seljūq conquests spread westward. The Ghaznawids expanded
eastward in proportion as their western dominions were lost. The
Seljūq brothers conquered Balkh, Jurjān, Țabaristān, and Khwārazm,
and gained possession of many cities, including Rai, Hamadān, and
Ispahan. Finally in 1055 Țughril Beg entered Baghdad and was pro-
claimed Sultan by the Caliph.
Shortly after the defeat of Masóūd near Merv (1040), dissension broke
out among the Seljūq princes. While Țughril Beg and Chaghri Beg
remained in the East, Ibrāhīm ibn Ināl (or Nīyāl) went to Hamadan
and ‘Irāq ‘Ajami. Ibrāhīm became too powerful for Țughril Beg's liking,
and his relations with the Caliph and with the Fāțimids in Egypt boded
no good to Țughril Beg. Țughril Beg overcame Ibrāhīm, but the latter
was incapable of living at peace with his kinsmen. The affairs of the
Caliphate were controlled by the Isfahsālār Basāsīrī, who was appointed
by the Buwaihid ruler Khusrau Fīrūz ar-Raḥīm. The Caliph Qā'im
was forced to countenance the unorthodox Shīʻah, and when Ţughril
Beg came to Baghdad in 1055 his arrival was doubly welcome to
the Caliph. Before the approach of Țughril Beg, Basāsīrī fled. He
managed to prevail on Ibrāhīm ibn Ināl to rebel, and receiving support
from the Fātimids marched to Baghdad, which he re-occupied in 1058.
ľughril Beg overcame his foes and freed the Caliphate ; Ibrāhīm was
strangled and Basāsīrī beheaded. The grateful Caliph showered rewards
## p. 305 (#347) ############################################
The Vizier Nizām-al-Mulk
305
on Țughril Beg and finally gave him his daughter in marriage; but before
the nuptials could take place Ţughril Beg died (1063). He had received
from the Caliph, besides substantial gifts, the privilege of having his
name inserted in the Khutbah, the title Yamīnu 'Amīri'l-Mu'minin (Right
hand of the Commander of the Faithful), which was used by Maḥmūd of
Ghaznah himself, and finally the titles Rukn-ad-Daulah and Rukn-ad-Dīn.
These decorations from the Caliph were of the greatest value. They added
legitimacy to his claim and stability to his throne. From being the chief
of a tribe Țughril Beg became the founder of a dynasty.
Țughril Beg, having left no children, was succeeded by Alp Arslān,
the son of his brother Chaghrī Beg. For nearly two years before the death
of Țughril, Alp Arslān had held important posts, almost tantamount
to co-regency. He was born in 1029, and died at the early age of
forty-three in the height of his power. The greatness that he achieved,
though in some degree due to his personal qualities and the persistent
good fortune that attended him in his career, was in the main to be
ascribed to his famous Vizier Nizām-al-Mulk. As soon as he was seated
on the throne, Alp Arslān dismissed the Vizier of Țughril Beg, Abū-Nasr
al-Kundurī, the 'Amid-al-Mulk, who was accused of peculation and other
malpractices. The 'Amid had exercised great influence in the previous
reign; both the Sultan and the Caliph held him in high esteem. He was
extremely capable, and the sudden change in his fortunes is difficult to
explain. Alp Arslān was not given to caprice or cruelty, at all events
in the beginning of his reign, and whatever may be urged against the
Sultan there is little likelihood that Nizām-al-Mulk would have acquiesced
without reasonable grounds. According to Rāwandi, Niļām-al-Mulk
was the real author of the overthrow of the 'Amid, having instigated Alp
Arslān. He states that Alp Arslān carried the 'Amid about with him
from place to place, and finally had him executed. Before his death he
sent defiant messages to the Sultan and to his successor in the Vizierate,
Nizām-al-Mulk.
Nižām-al-Mulk was one of a triad of famous contemporaries who were
pupils of the great Imām Muwaffaq of Nīshāpūr. His companions were
Omar Khayyām, the poet and astronomer, and Hasan ibn Şabbāh, the
founder of the sect of the Assassins, one of whom ultimately slew Nizām-
al-Mulk. The Vizier was noted for his learning and his statesmanship. A
work on geomancy and science has been attributed to him, but his most
famous literary achievement was his Treatise on Politics in which he
embodied his wisdom in the form of counsels to princes. Nizām-al-
Mulk gathered round him a large number of savants and distinguished
men. Under his influence literature was fostered and the sciences and
arts encouraged. In 1066 he founded the well-known Nizāmīyah Univer-
sity at Baghdad. To this foundation students came from all parts, and
many great names of Islām are associated with this college as students
or teachers. Ibn al-Habbārīyah the satirist (ob. 1110), whose biting
C. MED. H. VOL. IV. CH. X.
20
## p. 306 (#348) ############################################
306
Alp Arslan
sarcasm neither decency could restrain nor gratitude overcome, was
tolerated here on account of his wit and genius by Nizām-al-Mulk, who
even overlooked most generously a satire directed against himself. Among
the students were: the famous philosopher Ghazālī (1049–1111) and
his brother Abū’l-Futūḥ (ob. 1126) the mystic and ascetic, author of
several important works; the great poet Sa'dī, author of the Gulistan
and of the Bustān (1184–1291); the two biographers of Saladin, 'Imād-
ad-Dīn (1125-1201), in whose honour a special chair was created, and
Bahā-ad-Dīn (1145–1234), who also held a professorial post at his old
university; the Spaniard ‘Abdallah ibn Tūmart (1092-1130), who pro-
claimed himself Mahdi and was responsible for the foundation of the
Almohad dynasty. Mention must also be made of Abū-Isḥāq ash-Shīrāzī
(1003-1083), author of a treatise on Shāfisite law called Muhadhdhab,
of a Kitāb at-Tanbih, and of other works. He was the first principal of
the Nizāmīyah, an office which he at first refused to accept. Another
noted lecturer was Yahyà ibn 'Alī at-Tabrīzī (1030–1109).
Such are a few of the names that rendered illustrious not only the
Nizāmīyah University at Baghdad but its founder also. At Nīshāpūr
Nizām-al-Mulk instituted another foundation similar to that at Baghdad,
and also called Niņāmīyah, after the Vizier. It will be easily under-
stood that, with such a minister, the empire of the Seljūgs was well
governed. Not only in the conduct of foreign affairs and military expe-
ditions but in internal administration was his guiding hand manifest.
Alp Arslān, on embracing Islām, adopted the name of Muḥammad,
instead of Isrā'īl by which he had formerly been known. Alp Arslān
signifies in Turkish "courageous lion”; the title 'Izz ad-Dīn was con-
ferred on him by the Caliph Qā’im. Alp Arslān ruled over vast
territory. His dominions stretched from the Oxus to the Tigris. Not
content to rule over the lands acquired by his predecessors, he added
to his empire many conquests, the fruits of his military prowess and good
fortune. As overlord his commands were accepted without hesitation,
for he united under his sway all the possessions of the Seljūq princes and
exacted strict obedience from every vassal. The first of his military
exploits was the campaign in Persia. In 1064 he subdued an incipient
but formidable rebellion in Khwārazm, and left his son Malik Shāh to
rule over the province. Shortly after, he summoned all his provincial
governors to a general assembly, at which he caused his son Malik Shāh
to be adopted as his successor and to receive an oath of allegiance from
all present.
The next exploit of the Sultan was his victory over the Emperor
Romanus Diogenes (1071). The Byzantines had gradually been encroach-
ing on the Muslim frontiers. Alp Arslān marched westwards to meet the
enemy and fought with Romanus, who had a great numerical pre-
ponderance, at Manzikert. The Byzantines sustained a crushing defeat
and the Emperor was taken captive. Alp Arslān treated his royal prisoner
## p. 307 (#349) ############################################
Malik Shāh
307
with kindness, though at first he ordered rings to be placed in his ears as a
token of servitude. After a short period Romanus was released on pro-
mising to pay tribute and to give his daughter in marriage to the Sultan.
To this victory is due the establishment of the Seljūg dynasty of Rūm;
while, in the loss of provinces which provided the best recruits for its
armies, the Byzantine Empire experienced a calamity from which it
never recovered.
Finally, in 1072 Alp Arslān undertook a campaign against the
Turkomans in Turkestan, the ancient seat of the Seljūqs, in order to
establish his rule there. It was in this campaign that he met his end.
An angry dispute took place between the Sultan and Yusuf Barzami,
the chieftain of a fortress captured by the Seljūqs. Stung by the taunts
of the Sultan, Yusuf threw himself forward and slew him in the
presence
of all the guards and bystanders, whose intervention came too late to
save Alp Arslān.
Malik Shāh succeeded his murdered father. He was known by the
titles Jalāl-ad-Dīn and Mu'izz-ad-Dunyà-wa’d-Dīn. He ascended the
throne, which he occupied for twenty years, when he was eighteen, being
born in 1053 and dying in 1091. The great Vizier Niğām-al-Mulk
remained in power and for long maintained his influence. As soon as
Alp Arslān died Malik Shāh was recognised by the Caliph as his successor,
and invested with the title of 'Amir-al-Mu'minin (Commander of the
Faithful), hitherto jealously preserved by the Caliphs for themselves.
Malik Shāh had left Khurāsān on his way to 'Iraq when he was met by
the tidings that his uncle Qāwurd had raised a revolt against him and was
on his way from Kirmān. Malik Shāh promptly set out to meet him,
routed his army, and took Qāwurd captive. As his own troops shewed
signs of disaffection and preference for Qāwurd, Malik Shāh, on the
advice of his Vizier, had him put to death in prison, either by poison or
by strangling. The execution was announced to the populace as a suicide,
and the troops returned to their loyalty. Soon after this Malik Shāh sent
his cousin Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish on an expedition into Syria, and
Antioch was captured. Subsequently (1078) the Sultan himself captured
Samarqand. This expedition was marked by an incident which shews how
greatly Nizām-al-Mulk was imbued with the imperial idea. After Malik
Shāh had been ferried over the Oxus, the native ferrymen received drafts
on Antioch in payment of their services. When they complained to the
Sultan, who asked the Vizier why this had been done, the latter explained
that he had taken this course in order to afford an object-lesson in the
greatness and unity of the Sultan's realms. At this time Malik Shāh
espoused Turkān Khātūn, daughter of Țamghāj Khān. She became,
later on, an implacable foe to the Vizier.
Thus Malik Shāh extended his dominions to the north and west. He
rode his horse into the sea at Laodicea in Syria, and gave thanks to God
for his wide domain. It is related that, during one of his progresses
CH. X.
20-2
## p. 308 (#350) ############################################
308
Intrigues of the Turkān Khātān
לל
in the north, he was, while hunting, taken prisoner by the Byzantine
Emperor, by whom however he remained unrecognised. Malik Shāh con-
trived to send word to Nizām-al-Mulk, who adroitly managed to rescue
the Sultan without revealing his master's rank. Soon afterwards the tide
turned and the Byzantine Emperor was a captive in the Muslim camp.
When brought into the presence of Malik Shāh he remembered his late
encounter and made a memorable reply, when the Sultan asked him how
he wished to be treated. “If you are the King of the Turks,” returned
the Emperor, “send me back; if you are a merchant, sell me; if you are
a butcher, slay me. ” The Sultan generously set him at liberty. Peace
was made and lasted until the death of the Byzantine Emperor, when,
after hostilities, Malik Shāh made Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish ruler over
the newly conquered territory.
Malik Shāh appointed a commission of eight astronomers, among
whom was Omar Khayyām, to regulate the calendar, and a new era was in-
troduced and named Ta'rīkh Jalālī, or Era of Jalāl, after the title of Malik
Shāh. Similarly the astronomical tables drawn up by Omar were called
Zījī-Malikshāhī in honour of the Sultan. Malik Shāh was noted for the
excellent administration of justice that prevailed in his reign, for his
internal reforms, for his public works such as canals and hostels and
buildings, for the efficiency in which he maintained his army, and for his
piety and philanthropy. To his nobles he made liberal grants of estates.
He undertook the pilgrimage to Mecca, and his wells and caravanserais
for pilgrims are abiding memorials of his good works. He made even
his pleasures productive of charity, for whenever he engaged in the chase,
to which he was passionately addicted, he made it a rule to give a dinner
to a poor man for every
that fell to him.
Towards the end of his reign Nizām-al-Mulk began to decline in
favour. This was due to the intrigues of the Turkān Khātūn, who de-
sired to secure the succession for her son Mahmūd, while the Vizier
favoured the eldest son Barkiyārug, who was not only entitled to be re-
cognised as heir apparent on the ground of birth but, moreover, was far
better fitted to rule. The constant efforts of the Khātūn, coupled with
the fact that Nizām-al-Mulk bad placed all his twelve sons in high
offices in the State, for which indeed they were well qualified, had their
effect on the Sultan. He dismissed the aged Vizier who had served both
him and his father before him, and installed in his stead a creature of the
Khātūn, Tāj-al-Mulk Abu'l-Ghanā’im. Shortly afterwards Malik Shāh
went on a visit to the Caliph, and Nižām-al-Mulk followed his court at a
distance. At Nihāwand, Nizām-al-Mulk was set upon and murdered by
one of the Assassins, instigated by Tāj-al-Mulk. The late Vizier lingered
long enough to send a message to the Sultan, urging his own loyalty in
the past and offering that of his son for the future. He was buried at
Ispahan. He may probably be considered as the most brilliant man of
head of
game
his age.
## p. 309 (#351) ############################################
Barkiyāruq: Civil wars
309
Shortly afterwards the Sultan himself died, at Baghdad. He was one
of the greatest of the Seljūgs, and the policy by which he placed his
kinsmen over conquered territories is in keeping with his private liberality.
He was succeeded, after a civil war, by his son Barkiyāruq.
This Sultan received the name of Qāsim at circumcision, and the title
of Rukn-ad-Daulah-wa'd-Dīn (Column of the State and the Faith) from
the Caliph Muqtadi. He was born in 1081, succeeded to the throne at the
age of thirteen in 1094, and died in 1106. During his reign he experienced
a series of vicissitudes of fortune, being sometimes at the height of power
and once at least in imminent danger of execution, when a captive in his
rival's hands. The unexpected death of his father at Baghdad and the pre-
sence of his enemies at the Caliph's court were serious obstacles to his
accession. His chief partisan, Nizām-al-Mulk, had been murdered; his
stepmother the Khātūn was importuning the Caliph to alter the succession
in favour of her son Mahmūd; the newly-appointed Vizier was a supporter
of the Khātūn; Barkiyāruq himself was away in Ispahan, and the Caliph
was wavering in his decision. Finally, Muqtadi was won over by the
Khātān and declared Mahmūd, then aged four, successor to Malik Shāh.
At the same time Barkiyāruq proclaimed himself at Ispahan. Within a
week, the envoys of the Khātün arrived in order to seize Barkiyāruq, who
was, however, saved by the sons of Nizām-al-Mulk. The sons of the late
Vizier were, like their father, pledged to Barkiyāruq's cause, and their own
safety was bound up with his. They escaped with the lad to Gumushtagin,
one of the Atābegs appointed by Malik Shāh, who offered generous pro-
tection and help. At Rai he was crowned by the governor, Abū-Muslim,
and 20,000 troops were enrolled to protect him. Turkān Khātün had by
this time seized Ispahan and she, with Mahmūd, was besieged by Barki-
yāruq. After some time peace was made. The Khātūn and her son were
to be left in possession of Ispahan on giving up half of the treasure (one
million dinars) left by Malik Shāh. Barkiyāruq retired to Hamadān.
Within a few months, however, war again broke out. Hamadān was then
ruled by Ismāʻīl, the maternal uncle of Barkiyāruq, and the Khātün
opened negotiations with him, proposing to marry him if he would over-
come her stepson. The governor agreed and marched against Barkiyāruq,
by whom, however, he was defeated and slain. Nevertheless the Sultan
had no respite from his enemies, for another uncle, Tutush, the son of
Alp Arslān, rose against him and pressed him hard (1094). Barkiyāruq
had the Turkān Khātun executed, but eventually was forced to surrender
to his uncle and to Maḥmūd his step-brother. At this stage his life was
in great peril. Maḥmūd, who had received Barkiyāruy with every ap-
pearance of friendship, soon had him imprisoned. His life hung by a
thread. Finally, Maḥmūd gave orders to put out his eyes, in order to
render him permanently incapable of ruling. This command would have
been carried out but for the sudden illness of Mahmūd, who caught the
smallpox. Thereupon the sentence was suspended while the issue of the
co. X.
## p. 310 (#352) ############################################
310
Muḥammad
llness was in doubt. In point of fact Maḥmūd died and Barkiyāruq was
restored to the throne, only to be attacked by the same malady. The
Sultan, however, recovered and at once proceeded to restore his authority.
He made Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk, a son of Nizām-al-Mulk, Vizier, and led
an army against his uncle Tutush, who was beaten and slain (1095).
Barkiyāruq was attacked by one of the Assassins, but the wound was not
fatal, and the Sultan led an expedition to Khurāsān, where his uncle
Arslān Arghūn was in revolt. The latter was murdered by a slave, and
the Sultan, victorious over the enemy, placed his brother Sanjar in
authority over Khurāsān.
The next struggle that awaited Barkiyāruq arose from the intrigues
of Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk. The latter, who had been replaced in office by his
brother Fakhr-al-Mulk, prevailed on one of the late Turkān Khātūn's
most powerful supporters, the Isfahsālār Unrū Bulkà, to rebel. The plot
came to nothing as Unrū Bulkà met his death at the hands of an Assassin
emissary. Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk fled to Barkiyāruq's brother Muḥammad, and
renewed his intrigues there. Finally, in 1098 war broke out between the
two brothers. Barkiyāruq was weakened by a serious outbreak among
his troops and had to flee to Rai with a small retinue, while Muḥammad
and Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk reached Hamadān, where Muḥammad was acknow-
ledged as king. Barkiyāruq was driven into exile, but at length succeeded
in raising a force and captured Muḥammad and Mu'ayyid-al-Mulk. The
latter actually proposed that Barkiyāruq should accept a fine and rein-
state him in his office, and at first the Sultan consented; but, when he heard
that this leniency was the subject of ridicule among his domestics, he slew
the traitor with his own hand. Peace was made with Muḥammad and the
empire divided. Muḥammad received Syria, Babylonia, Media, Armenia,
and Georgia, while Barkiyāruq retained the remaining territories.
In 1104 Barkiyāruq was travelling to Baghdad in order to confer with
Ayāz, whom Malik Shāh had previously appointed governor of Khuzistān.
Ayāz had helped Barkiyāruq during his misfortunes and he was now
supreme at Baghdad, the Caliph having lost all power. On the way Bar-
kiyāruq was taken ill and died. He declared his son Malik Shāh as his
successor and left him under the guardianship of Ayāz and Sadaqah. As
soon as the death of Barkiyāruq became known, Muḥammad, who now
became the chief among the Seljūq princes, seized Malik Shāh and deprived
him of his dominions.
Muḥammad, son of Malik Shāh, was born in 1082 and died in 1119.
His undisputed reign really began with the death of Barkiyāruq in 1104
and with the seizure of his nephew Malik Shāh at Baghdad. Ayāz and
Sadaqah, the adherents of Barkiyāruq and his successor, met their death
and their armies surrendered to the new Sultan. Muhammad received the
support of the Caliph Mustazhir, who granted him the titles of Ghiyāth-
ad-Dunyà-wa’d-Din and 'Amir-al-Mu'minin. The Sultan was noted for his
orthodoxy. He reduced the castle of Dizkūh near Ispahan. The Malāḥidah
## p. 311 (#353) ############################################
Sanjar, the last Great Seljūq
311
(Assassins) had seized this fortress, which had been built in order to
overawe Ispahan, and having established themselves in safety began to
make extensive propaganda for their heretical doctrines, gaining many
adherents to their cause. The outrages of the Assassins were fearful ;
Sa'd-al-Mulk, the minister, was among the disaffected, and so deeply
had their intrigues permeated the government that it took Muḥammad
seven years to reduce the sect. During this period he was in great danger
of death, as the Vizier conspired with the Sultan's surgeon and pre-
vailed on him to use a poisoned lancet. The plot was discovered and the
guilty persons punished. It is said that Muhammad sent an expedition
into India to destroy idols. His religious zeal was great. He is also
accused of having been unduly economical, even to the point of avarice,
but on the whole he was a prudent and beneficent prince. Before his
death he designated his son Mahmud as his successor, but the power
passed to his brother Sanjar.
Sanjar was the last Sultan of a united Seljūq Empire; after his death
the various provincial kings and rulers ceased to acknowledge a central
authority. His reign was marked by brilliant conquests and ignominious
defeats. Although he extended the boundaries of his dominions, his ad-
ministration was ill-adapted to conserve their solidarity. Yet the break
up of the imperial power must not be entirely attributed to him; for
this result other causes also are responsible.
Sanjar's other titles were Mu'izz-ad-Dunyà-wa'd-Din and ’Amir-al-
Mu'minin. He was born in 1086 (according to Bundārī in 1079) and he
died in 1156. For twenty years previous to his accession he had been
king in Khurāsān, to which office he had been appointed by Barkiyāruq,
and he ruled the whole of the Seljūq Empire for forty years. He was the
last of the sons of Malik Shāh, son of Alp Arslān. His conquests were
numerous. He waged a successful war with his nephew Mahmūd, the son
of the late Sultan, in 'Irāq Ajamī, and wrested the succession from him.
Maḥmūd was overcome and offered submission. Sanjar received him with
kindness and invested him with the government of the province, on the
condition that Maḥmūd should recognise his suzerainty. The visible
signs of submission were the insertion of Sanjar's name in the Khutbah
before that of Maḥmūd, the maintenance of Sanjar's officials in the posts
to which they had been appointed, and the abolition of the trumpets that
hera! ded the entry and departure of Maḥmūd from his palace. Maḥmūd
accepted the terms eagerly and thenceforward devoted his life to the
chase, of which he was passionately fond.
In 1130 Aḥmad Khān, the governor of Samarqand, refused tribute.
Sanjar crossed the Oxus, invaded Mā-warā-an-Nahr (Transoxiana), and
besieged Samarqand. Aḥmad submitted and was removed from his post.
Sanjar also made himself supreme in Ghaznah, where he seated Bahrām
Shāh on the throne, as a tributary, in Sīstān, and in Khwārazm. His
nominal empire was much wider. It is said that “his name was recited
CH. X.
## p. 312 (#354) ############################################
312
Revolts of Atsiz of Khwārazm
in the Khutbah in the Mosque from Kashgar to Yaman, Mecca and Țā'if,
and from Mukrán and Ummán to Adharbayjàn and the frontiers of Rúm
and continued to be so recited until a year after his death: yet he was
simple and unostentatious in his dress and habits. . . . He was, moreover,
virtuous and pious, and in his day Khurásán was the goal of the learned
and the focus of culture and science. ”
The most eventful wars that occupied Sanjar were those against the
Khațà (heathen from Cathay) and the Ghuzz. In 1140 Sanjar set out from
Merv to Samarqand, and was met by the news that the Khațà had invaded
Transoxiana and defeated his army. Sanjar himself was routed and his
forces nearly annihilated. The Sultan fled to Balkh and rallied his
troops at Tirmidh, a strong fortress. Meanwhile Tāj-ad-Dīn, King of
Nimrūz, after a protracted resistance had been overcome and captured by
the Khațà. Sanjar was beset with other troubles also, chiefly due to the
rising of Atsiz, the third of the Khwārazm Shāhs. His grandfather
Anūshtigin, from Ghaznah, had been a Turkish slave, and finally was
advanced by Sultan Malik Shāh to be governor of Khwārazm. Anūsh-
tigin was succeeded in 1097 by his son Qutb-ad-Dīn Muḥammad, who
was known by the title of the Khwārazm Shāh and who was followed in
1127 by his son Atsiz. This Shāh greatly extended his dominions, partly
at the expense of Sanjar. The dynasty came to an end about a century
later when Shāh Muhammad and his son Jalal-ad-Dīn were overthrown
by the Mongols. At the time of Sanjar, Atsiz was sparing no effort to
obtain independence. He stood high in Sanjar's favour on account of
the services that he and his father had rendered. When Sanjar made
his expedition against Aḥmad Khān, Atsiz rescued him from a band of
conspirators who had seized his person while hunting. As a reward Sanjar
attached Atsiz to his person and loaded him with honours and marks of
distinction, till he roused the jealousy of the court. So strong did the
opposition of his enemies become that Atsiz had to ask leave to retire
to his governorship at Khwārazm, professing that disorders there required
bis
presence. Sanjar allowed him to depart most unwillingly, for he feared
that Atsiz would fall a victim to the hatred of his enemies. But the sub-
sequent conduct of Atsiz was quite unexpected. Instead of quelling the
disorders, he joined the malcontents and rebelled against Sanjar. In 1138
the Sultan took the field against Atsiz and his son Ilkilig, who were
routed, the latter being slain. Sanjar restored order and, having ap-
pointed Sulaimān his nephew to govern the province, returned to Merv.
Atsiz was roused to fresh endeavours in spite of the defeat which he
had sustained. Rallying his army and collecting fresh forces, he attacked
Sulaimān and forced him to abandon his post and flee to Sanjar, leaving
Khwārazm open to the mercy of Atsiz. Finally, in 1142 Sanjar led a
second expedition against this rebellious vassal and besieged him. Atsiz,
reduced to despair, sent envoys to Sanjar with presents and promises of
fidelity if spared. The Sultan, who was of a benevolent disposition, and,
## p. 313 (#355) ############################################
The Ghuzz: death of Sanjar
313
in addition, was sensible of the debt of gratitude which he owed Atsiz,
again accepted his submission and left him in possession of his office.
But again was his generosity ill requited. On all sides reports reached
Sanjar that Atsiz was fomenting disloyalty and preparing trouble. In
order to find out the truth he sent a notable poet, 'Adib şābir of Tirmidh,
to make enquiries in Khwārazm. He found that Atsiz was despatching a
band of assassins to kill Sanjar. He succeeded in sending warning, for
which act he paid with his life, and the plot was detected at Merv; the
traitors were executed. So, in the end, Sanjar had to march against Atsiz
for the third time(1147),and again exercised his forbearance and generosity
when Atsiz was nearly in his power. Hereafter Atsiz remained loyal,
though practically independent. He extended his empire as far as Jand
on the Jaxartes, and died in 1156.
In 1149 Sanjar recovered the credit which his defeat by the Khațà had
lost him. He gained a great victory over Husain ibn Hasan Jahānsūz,
Sultan of Ghūr, who had invaded Khurāsān. Husain was joined by Falak-
ad-Dīn 'Ali Chatrī, Sanjar's chamberlain; both were taken captive and
the latter executed. Ultimately, Husain was sent back to his post by
Sanjar as a vassal.
In 1153 came the invasion of the Ghuzz Turkomans. An interesting
account, to which allusion has been made above, is that of Benjamin of
Tudela, almost a contemporary visitor to the East. These tribes were
goaded into rebellion by the exactions of one of Sanjar's officers. When
the Sultan marched against them, they were seized with fear and offered to
submit. Unfortunately Sanjar was persuaded to refuse terms and give
battle, in which he was utterly defeated and captured. The Ghuzz came
to Merv, plundered it, and killed many of the inhabitants. Then they
marched to Nīshāpūr, where they massacred a large number of persons in
the
mosque.
The chief mosque was burned and the learned men put to
death. All over Khurāsān the Ghuzz ranged, killing and burning where-
ever they went. Herat alone was able to repulse their attack. Famine
and plague followed them to add to the misery of the land. For two
years Sanjar was a prisoner, and was then rescued by some friends. He
reached the Oxus, where boats had been prepared, and returned to Merv,
but he died soon after reaching his capital, of horror and grief (1156).
Sanjar was the last of the Seljūqs to enjoy supreme imperial power.
For a considerable time previously the various provincial governors had
acquired practical independence, and if, after the time of Sanjar, the reins
of central authority were loosened, this change was effected by no violent
rupture. It was the outcome, first of the steady rise on the part of the
vassals and viceroys to autonomy, and, secondly, the necessary consequence
of the Atābeg system. A certain ambiguity in the method of succession
frequently caused strife between uncle and nephew for the right of inheri-
tance. Often, as for example in the case of Nizām-al-Mulk, the office of
Vizier was practically hereditary. Hence the Vizier developed into the
сн. х.
## p. 314 (#356) ############################################
314
The Atabegs and local Seljūg dynasties
position of tutor or guardian to the royal heir, thereby acquiring much
influence and consolidating his position for the next reign. The name
Atăbeg or Atabey (“Father Bey") denotes this office. In many cases the
Atābeg forcibly secured the succession and displaced the prince. The
reason for their employment and power—which is comparable to that of
the Egyptian Mamlūks—was the desire of the kings to possess, as their
ministers, such officials as could be trusted implicitly, for reasons not
only of loyalty, a quality not invariably present, but also of self-interest.
So slaves and subordinates were raised to high positions, in lieu of the
nobility. The Seljūq public life was a carrière ouverte aux talents. A
Vizier chosen from the grandees might have so much influence through
descent, wealth, or family as to make his allegiance to the king a matter
of choice. In the case of a slave or subordinate, loyalty was a matter of
necessity, for such an official could not possibly stand on his own merits.
If, on the other hand, the subordinate supplanted his master, as was often
the case, this was due to the lack of discrimination displayed by the
latter in the choice of his instruments. Frequently also an official who
had been kept in check by a strong Sultan succeeded, if the Sultan's
successor were weak, in becoming more powerful than his master and
ultimately in displacing him. The Atābeg system was only possible when
the head of the State was a strong man. By the end of Sanjar's reign
the weakness of this policy became manifest. From this time onward the
history of the Seljūqs becomes that of the groups into which the empire
was now split: four of these groups need attention.
(I) In Kirmān a line of twelve rulers (including contemporary rivals)
held
sway from 1041 to 1187. This province, which lies on the eastern side
of the Persian Gulf, was one of the first occupied by the Seljūqs. 'Imād-
ad-Dīn Qāwurd, who was the son of Chaghrī Beg and thus great-grandson
to Seljūq, was the first ruler, and from him the dynasty descended. Qāwurd
carried on war with Malik Shāh, at whose hands he met his death (1073).
For a century the province was tolerably peaceful until the death of
ľughril Shāh in 1167, when his three sons, Bahrām, Arslān, and Tūrān
brought havoc to the land by their disputes and warfare. Muḥammad II
was the last of his line; the invading hosts of Ghuzz Turkomans and the
Khwārazm Shāhs displaced the Seljūq rulers in Kirmān.
(II) The Seljūqs of Syria are chiefly important for their relations
with the Crusaders, on which subject more will be said later. The period
of their independence was from 1094 to 1117. Tutush, the first of this
branch, was the son of Alp Arslān, the second Great Seljūq. He died in
1094 at Rai, being defeated by his nephew Barkiyāruq. His two sons
Ridwān and Duqāq ruled at Aleppo and Damascus respectively. They
were succeeded by Ridwān's sons Alp Arslān Akhras (1113) and Sultan
Shāh (1114). After this the dynasty was broken up and the rule passed
into the hands of the Būrids and the Urtugids. The former dynasty
were Atābegs of Damascus and were descended from Țughtigin, a slave
## p. 315 (#357) ############################################
The Seljūqs of Rūm
315
of Tutush, who rose to power and was appointed Atābeg of Duqaq.
From Būrī, the eldest son and successor of Tughtigīn, the line takes its
name. Eventually the Būrids were supplanted by the Zangids. Of the
Urtuqids more will be said hereafter.
(III) The Seljūqs of 'Irāq and Kurdistān consisted of a dynasty of
nine rulers, and were descended from Muḥammad ibn Malik Shāh. Four
of Muḥammad's five sons, four of his grandsons, and one great-grandson,
formed this line of rulers, beginning with Maḥmūd in 1117, and ending
with Țughril II in 1194, after which the Khwārazm Shāhs became supreme.
(IV) The Seljūqs of Rūm or Asia Minor are perhaps the most im-
portant to the Western historian, on account of their relations with the
Crusaders and the Eastern Emperors, and their influence on the Ottoman
Empire. The first of these rulers was Sulaimān ibn Qutalmish, a son of
Arslān ibn Seljūq. This branch of the Seljūq family is thus distinct from
the Great Seljūqs, the Seljūqs of 'Irāq, Syria, and Kirmān. From the
time of Sulaimān I (1077) until the period of the Ottoman Turks (1300)
seventeen monarchs ruled, subject at certain periods to the dominion of
the Mongols. The second of this line, Qilij Arslān ibn Sulaimān (1092–
1106), made Nicaea his capital, and defeated the earliest crusaders under
Walter the Penniless (1096). In the next year he was twice defeated by
Godfrey of Bouillon, and Nicaea was captured. Iconium then became the
Seljūq capital. In 1107 he marched to the help of Mosul, which was
besieged by a rebel ; after raising the siege he met with an accident
while crossing the Khabur and was drowned. But the dynasty was con-
solidated by his successors and played an important part in the Crusades,
for, in addition to the bravery of their forces, the Seljūqs possessed
sufficient political skill to take advantage of the mutual animosity ex-
isting between the Greeks and the Crusaders and to utilise it for their
own purposes. They also succeeded in supplanting the Dānishmand, a
minor Seljūq dynasty of obscure origin. It is said that the founder,
Mahomet ibn Gumishtigīn, was a schoolmaster, as the title Dānishmand
denotes, but everything connected with this line, which ruled from about
1105–1165, is doubtful. Their territory lay in Cappadocia and included
the cities of Sīwās (Sebastea), Qaişarīyah (Caesarea), and Malațīyah (Meli-
tene). Mahomet defeated and captured Bohemond in 1099, as the
latter was marching to help Gabriel of Melitene against him. When
Bohemond ransomed himself and became tributary to Mahomet, the
two rulers formed an alliance against Qilij Arslān and Alexius, the
Emperor of Constantinople, one of the instances which shew that political
considerations were more important than religious differences, not only
among the Crusaders but also among the Muslims.
Besides the Seljūqs proper, mention must be made of their officers, the
Atābegs, whose functions have been described. The power wielded by
these vassals was very great, and in the course of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries many established themselves in virtual independence. The most
CH. X.
## p. 316 (#358) ############################################
316
Coming of the Crusaders
powerful of these were the Zangids or descendants of Zangī, and the
Khwārazm Shāhs. They deserve attention for their relations with the
Crusaders, but details of their history, apart from this connexion, cannot
be given here.
It now remains to deal with the relations between the Seljūqs and
the Crusaders. In no small degree the origin of the Holy Wars was due
to the expansion of the Seljūq Empire, for as long as the Arabs held
Jerusalem the Christian pilgrims from Europe could pass unmolested.
