It was
quite entire, and so well preserved by spices as to
have suffered no injury from time ; yet, when it was
removed into the city, it mouldered away in three days.
quite entire, and so well preserved by spices as to
have suffered no injury from time ; yet, when it was
removed into the city, it mouldered away in three days.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
net/2027/uva.
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org/access_use#pd-google
? TROJA.
TROJA.
w. p 273. ) The next great feature to bi
in the Homeric chorography is the poet's account of
(he rivers which flowed in the vicinity of Troy, and
discharged their waters into the Hellespont. These
are the Xanthus or Scamander, and the Simois,
*hose junction is especially alluded to. (//. , 9,774. )
And again (6. 2), where it is said that the conflict be-
tween the Greeks and Trojans took place in the plain
between the two rivers. One of the first questions,
then, to Ins considered, in reconciling the topography
of anciont Troy with the existing state of the country,
is this: Are there two streams answering to Homer's
description, which unite in a plain at a short distance
from the sea, and fall into it between the Khcelean
and Sigean promontories 1 To this question it cer-
tainly appears, from recent observations, that we must
reply in the negative. There arc two streams which
water the plain, supposed to be that of Troy, but they
do not meet, except in some marshes formed princi-
pally by the Matdere, the larger of the two, which
seems to have no exit into the Hellespont, while the
? mailer river partly flows into these stagnant pools,
and partly into the sea near the Sigean cape. (Choi-
*>! '! Gouffier. ) It appears, however, from Strabo, or,
rather, from Demetrius, whom he quotes, that when he
wrote the junction did take place; for he says, "The
Scamander and Simo'is advance, the one towards
Sigeum, the other towards Rhoateum, and, after uniting
their streams a little above New Ilium, fall into the
sea near Sigeum, where they form what is called the
Stomalimne" (597. --Compare 695). Pliny, also, when
he speaks . of the. Palaiscamander, evidently leads to
the notion that the channel of that river had under-
gone a material alteration (5, 32). The observations
of travellers afford likewise evidences of great changes
having taken place in regard to the course of these
streams; and it is said that the ancient common chan-
nel in yet to be traced, under the name of Mcndcrc,
aear the point of Kum-Kale. The ancients them-
selves were aware of considerable alteration having
taken place along the whole line of coast; for His-
tiaea of Alexandrca Troas, a lady who had written
much on the Iliad, affirmed that the whole distance be-
tween New Ilium and the sea, which Slrabo estimates
it twelve stadia, had been formed by alluvial deposite
(598); and recent researches prove that their distance
is now nearly double. (Leakc's Asia Minor, p. 295 )
The great question, however, after all, respecting the
two rivers alluded to, and on which the whole inquiry
may bo said to turn, is. Which is the Scamander. and
which the Simois of Homer '. If we refer for the so-
lution of this question to Demetrius of Scepsis, who,
from his knowledge of the Trojan district, appears to
have been best qualified to decide upon it, we shall
Snd that he looked upon the river now called Mendere
as corresponding with the Scamander of Homer, a
supposition which certainly derives support from the
similarity of names; while he considered the Simois
to be the stream now called Giumbrek-sou, which
unites with the Mcndcrc near the site of Palco Aklshi,
supposed to represent the Pagus Ilicnsium, and which
Demetrius himself identified with ancient Troy. But
it has been rightly observed by those modern writers
who have bestowed their attention on the subject, that
the similarity of names is not a convincing reason in
itself, since they have often been known to vary; and
that, after all, we must refer to the original account,
? ? where we find the characteristics of the two rivers de-
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? TROJA.
tfae character of tr. e Meniere, which takes iis rise in a
deep cave below the highest summit of Mount Ida,
and, after a tortuous course, between steep and craggy
banks, of nearly thirty miles, in a rugged bed, which
is nearly dry in summer, finds its way into the plain
of Bounarbachi. It is true, that when Demetrius of
Scepsis wrote, which is some years after the defeat of
Anliochus by the Romans {Strab. , p. 593), the Men-
dere certainly bore the nainr. of Scamander, for he de-
scribes the source of that river in Mount Ida very ac-
carately {up. Slrabo, p. 602). I should admit, also,
that the Scamander, which, according to Herodotus,
was drained by the army of Xerxes (42), is the Men-
dere: Hellanicus likewise was of this opinion lap.
Schol. II. , 21, 242); but this objection may be fairly
disposed of by supposing that the name of Scamander,
which is certainly much oftencr mentioned in Homer,
had, in process of time, been transferred to the river
whose course was longer, and body of water more con-
luierable; whereas it is impossible, I conceive, to get
over the difficulty presented by Homer's description of
the double sources of the Scamander. The question
may be fairly summed up in this way: either we must
allow that Homer drew his local descriptions from real
scenes, or that he only applied historical names to fan-
ciful and ideal localities; in the latter case, all our in-
terest in the comparative topography of Troy ceases,
and it is a fruitless task to look for an application of
the imagery traced by the poet to the actual face of
things. But if a striking resemblance does present it-
self, we are bound, in justice to the poet, to take our
stand on that ground, and, without regarding any hy-
pothesis or system which may have been advanced
or framed in ancient times, to seek for an application
}f the remaining local features traced in the Iliad in
the immediate vicinity of the sources of Bounarbachi.
Here, then, travellers have observed, a little above
these springs and the village of the same name, a hill
riiing from the plain, generally well calculated for the
(Ho of a large town, and, in particular, satisfying many
of the local requisites which the Homeric Troy must
have possessed; such as a sufficient distance from the
sea, and an elevated and commanding situation. This
is evident from the epithets r'/vepoeooa, aiireivrj, and
bjpvoecoa, which are so constantly applied to it. If
we, besides, have a rock behind the town answering
the purpose of such a citadel as tho Pergainus of Troy
is described to have been, " Yi. ipyap. oc dupy," rising
precipitously above the city, and presenting a situation
of great strength, we shall have all that the nature of
the poem, even in its historical character, ought to lead
us to expect. (Compare Voy Pitt. , 2, 238, and the
plan there given. ) With respect to minor objects al-
luded to by Homer in the course of his poem, such as
the tombs or mounds of litis, . Esyetcs, and Myrina,
the Scopie and Erincus, or grove of wild fig-trees, it
is, perhaps, too much to seek to identify, as the French
topographers have somewhst fancifully done, with pres-
ent appearances. It is certain that such indications
cannot be relied upon, since the inhabitants of New
Ilium, who also pretended that their town stood on the
site of ancient Troy, boasted that they could show,
close to their walls, these dubious vestiges of antiqui-
ty. {Slrabo, 599. ) With respect to the objection
which may bo brought against the situation here as-
signed to ancient Troy, . that it would not have been
possible for the flight of Hector to have taken place
round the walls, as the poet has represented it, since
? ? the heights of Bounarbachi are skirted to the northeast
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? TROPHOMUS
TJJ B
rowed up b) the earth. (Pausan. , 1. c. ) According , Orcham, p. 198, 150, scgq. , 242. -- Strata, 421. -
lo Pindar, when they had finished the temple of Del- ! Liv. , 45, 27. )--The same trick related above in the
phi, they asked a reward of the god. He promised to case of I Km us, is said to have been played off or
give it on the seventh day, desiring them, meanwhile, Augeas, king of Elis, by Trophoniu>, the ttepiun o
to live cheerful and happy. On the seventh day they ; Agamedes, the Arcadian architect. (Charax, ap
died in their sleep. (Pmd. , ap. Plut. , de Cons. --Op. , . Schol. ad Arittoph. , tfub. , 509. ) It also formed as
vol. 7, p. 335, nl. HuHcii. ) There was a celebrated episode in the Telegonia; and there is likewise a very
oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea in Bo3otia. During | strong similarity between it and the legend related by
a great drought, the Boeotians were, it is said, directed Herodotus of the Egyptian king Rhampsinilus (2,121).
the god at Delphi lo seek aid of Trophonius in Leb-
adea. They came thither, but could find no oracle;
one of them, however, happening lo see a awarm of
bees, they foiU>>>ed them to a chasm in the earth, which
proved to be the place sought. (Pausan. , 9, 40. )
The writer just quoted gives a detailed account of the
mode of consulting this oracle, from his own personal
observation (9, 39). After going through certain cere-
monies, the individual who sought to inquire into fu-
turity was conducted to a chasm in the earth resem-
bling an oven, and a ladder was furnished him by which
to descend. After reaching the bottom of the chasm,
he lay down on the ground in a certain posture, and
was immediately drawn within a cavern, as if hurried
away by the vortex of a most rapid river. Then he ob-
tained the knowledge of which he was in quest. In
some cases this was given to the applicants through
the medium of the sight; at others through the hear-
ing; but all returned through the same opening, and
walked backward as they returned. It is a common
notion, which we meet with in many modern works,
that a visiter to the cave of Trophonius never smiled
after his return. The language of Pausanias, however,
expressly disproves this; for he observes that after-
ward the person recovers the use of his reason, and
laughs just the same as before (fiarepov pivroi ru re
iXAo ovdcv n fpovrjaei fielov rj irpiirtpov, KO. I ycfajf
hdvtioiv HI). It is probable that the gloom, the mo
phitic vapours, and perhaps some violence from the
priests, which the applicant encountered in his descent,
might seriously affect his constitution, and render
. him melancholy; and thus Aristophanes strongly ex-
presses terror by an observation in the Clouds (v. 507),
which became proverbial, cic iidoiit' tyu 'Eiaa KO. T-
afiaivuv uairep ? f TpoQuvtov. One man, indeed, is
noticed by Athenians (14, p. 614, a), who did not re-
cover his power of smiling until assisted by another
oracle. Parmeniscus of Metapontum, finding himself
thus wofully dispirited, went to Delphi for a remedy,
and Apollo answered that he would find a cure if he
resorted to his (Apollo's) mother. The hypochondriac
interpreted this response as relating to his own native
country; but, on being disappointed in his hope there,
he sought relief in travelling. Touching by accident at
Delos, he entered a temple of Latona; and, unexpected-
ly casting his eyes upon a statue of that goddess
(Apollo's mother) most grotesquely sculptured, he burst
into an involuntary fit of laughter. ---Of other recorded
descents into the cave of Trophonius, that ofTimar-
chus, described by Plutarch (De Socralis Gcnio. --
Op. , vol. 8, p. 332, cd. Reiske), is dismissed by the
writer himself as a mere fable (A jtiv Ti/uipxov fiiBof
oirof). That of Apollonius of Tyana (Phtloitrat. ,
Vit. Apollon. , 4, 8) was an irruption, not a legitimate
visit. The impostor appears to have bullied the priests,
and to have done exactly according to his pleasure both
above and below ground. (Encycl. lUctropol. , pt. 35,
p. 664. )--Trophonius was named Zeus-Trophonius,
? ? that is, the Nourishing or Sustaining Zeus or Jupiter
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? TIL
TUL
Iocca, Plautius, a friend of Horace and Virgil.
He and Variua were ordered by Augustus to revise
? he . lEncid after Virgil's death. (Vid. Virgilius. )
Tuder, a town of Umbria, northwest of Spoletium,
and near the Tiber. It was originally one of the most
important cities of Umbria, and famous for its worship
of Mars. Its situation on a lofty hill rendered it a
place of great strength. It is now Todi. (Sil. Ital. ,
4, 232. --Id. , 464. -- Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p.
273. )
TtiLiNGt, a people of Gaul, reckoned among the
Helvetii by some, but more correctly their neigh-
bours, and of Germanic origin. (Cits. , B. G. , 1,5. )
Tho modern Stuhlingen is thought to preserve traces
of their name. (Oberlin. ad Cas. , I. c. )
Tui. ua, I. a daughter of Servius Tullius, king of
Rome. She married Tarquin the Proud after she had
made away with her first husband, Aruns Tarquinius.
(Vid. Servius Tullius. )--II. A daughter of Cicero by
Terentia. She was three times married. Her first
husband, Caius Piso, died a short time before Cicero's
return from exile. At the end of about a year, she
was married to a second husband, Furius Crassipes,
who appears to have been a patrician of rank and dig-
nity. She was afterward divorced from this second
husband, and united to P. Cornelius Dolabella. The
life and character, however, of this last-mentioned in-
dividual proved so contrary to the manners and tem-
per both of Cicero and his daughter, that a divorce
ensued in this case also. Cicero entertained the deep-
est affection for this his favourite child, and her death,
at the age of 32, proved to him a source of the bitter-
est sorrow. (Vid. remarks under the article Cicero,
page 345, column 2. )--Cnslius Khodiginus tells us,
that in the time of Sixtus IV. there was found near
Rome, on the Appian Way, over against the tomb of
Cicero, the body of a woman whose hair was dressed
up in network of gold, and which, from the inscrip-
tion, was thought to be the body of Tullia.
It was
quite entire, and so well preserved by spices as to
have suffered no injury from time ; yet, when it was
removed into the city, it mouldered away in three days.
But this was only the hasty conjecture of some learn-
ed men of the time, which, for want of authority to
support it, soon vanished of itself; for no inscription
was ever produced to confirm it, nor has it been men-
tioned by any other author that there was any sepul-
chre of Cicero on the Appian Way. (Col. Rhod. ,
Led. Antiq. , 3, 24. --Middlcton's Life of Cicero, vol.
>>, p. 149, in not. )
Tuliia Lex, I. de Senatu, by M. Tullius Cicero,
A. U. C. 690, enacted that those who had a libera le-
gation granted them by the senate should hold it no
more than one year. Such senators as had a libera
legatio travelled through the provinces without any
expense, as if they were employed in the affairs of
the state. --II. Another, de Ambitu, by the same, the
same year. It forbade any person, two years before
he canvassed for an office, to exhibit a show of gladi-
ators, unless that task had devolved upon him by will.
Senators guilty of the crime of Ambitus were punished
with the aqua et ignis interdictio tor ten years, and
the penalty inflicted on the commons was more severe
than that of the Calpurnian law. (Dio Cass. , 37, 29.
--Cic. , pro Mur. , 32, seqq. )
Tuluanom, a name given to part of the public
prison at Rome. The prison was originally built by
? ? Ancus Marcius, and was afterward enlarged by Servius
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? TUR
alliance WM formed between the Romans and the Lat-
ins. Tullus had now leisure to direct his attention to
the artsuof peace, in which, however, he did not equal-
ly excTM. The only public works ascribed to him
were the enclosing of a space for the Comitia, or as-
sembly of the people, and the building of a Curia, or
? enate house. Towards the end of his reign his mind
was disturbed by prodigies, indicating the wrath of
the gods for religion neglected and temples left des-
>ku'. A shower of stones fell from heaven on the
Alban Mount, and the awful accents of a supernatu-
ral voice were heard to issue from the consecrated
summit of the hill. A plague swept away numbers
~}i the Koinan people. The king himself sickened;
and, from having been neglectful of religion, became
the slave of superstitious terrors. In vain did he sup-
plicate the gods. He had disregarded them in the
days of his prosperity, and in his adversity no deity
regarded his prayers or sent relief. In his despair he
presumed to use the divinations of Nmna, by the rites
of Jupiter Elicius (vid. Elicius); but the only answer
returned was the lightning of the offended gods, by
which Tullus himself and his whole household were
smitten and consumed. Another account, however,
ascribed his death to an act of treachery and assassi-
nation on the part of Ancus Marcius, who could not
brook that he, a descendant of Numa, should be kept
from the throne by a man of private origin. Such is
the legend of Tullus Hostilius. This monarch is said
to have reigned two-and-thirty years. (Lie. , 1, 22,
xfi/y. --Dion. Hal. , 3, 1, scqq. --Hctheringtori's His-
tory of Rome, p. 13, scqq. )--As the reigns of Romu-
lus and Numa represent the establishment of two of
the tribes or constituent elements of the Roman peo-
ple, so the reign of Tullus Hostilius seems to compre-
hend the development of the third tribe, or Luceres.
To him, as to Romulus and Numa, is ascribed a di-
vision of lands, by which portions were assigned to
the needy citizens, who, as yet, possessed no property
in the soil. It has been conjectured that the Luceres
bad hitherto held their lands, not in absolute property,
and not as common proprietors of the public domain,
but as vassals or tenants of the state, which would
bo represented in the person of the king. That the
distribution of Tullus Hostilius effected the third tribe
is rendered probable by its being connected with the
assignment of ground for building on the Cn? lian
Mount, and the enclosure of that part of the city with-
in one line of fortification with the older town, if
there is any weight in the arguments that are adduced
to show that the town on the Caelian was the settle-
ment of the Luceres. From the circumstance that
Hostilius himself dwelt there, and that he derived his
origin from the Latin town Medullia (. Dion. Hal. , 3,
I), it may be conjectured that he himself was consid-
ered to belong to the Luceres, as Romulus to the
Kamnes, and Numa to the Titienses. (Maiden's
History of Rome, p. 137, seq. )
TUNBS (Twi/f, ijroc), a city of Africa, southwest of
and near to Carthage, being, according to Polybius
(1% HI), only 120 stadia from the latter place. The
Peutinger table, however, gives the distance more
correctly at ten miles. It first rose into consequence
after the fall of Carthage. It is now Tunis. Diodo-
rus Siculus calls it " White Tunis," perhaps from the
;halky cliffs that lie around it when viewed from the
sea. (Manncrt, Geogr. , vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 262. )
TUNOBI, a German tribe, probably the same with
? ? . he Aduatici of Caesar, and the first that crossed lie
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? T VN
?
>yna, and at the foot of Mount Taurus. Slrabo says
it was built an what was called the causeway of Semir-
ings. (Strabo, 537. ) Cellariua is of opinion that
the town called Dana by Xenophon, in the Anabasis
(1, 2, 20), should be identified with Tyana (Geogr.
Aniiq. , vol. 2, p. 291), and this supposition has great
probability to recommend it. --The Greeks, always led
by a similarity of name to connect the origin of cities
? vith their fables, pretended that it owed its foundation
to Thoas, the king of the Tauric Chersonese, in Ins
pursuit thither of Pylades and Orestes. (Arrian,
Peripl. Evx. , p. 6. ) From him it was called Thoana,
and afterward Tuana. (Steph. Byz. , s. u. Tvava. )
Tyana was the native city of the impostor Apollonius.
At a later period it became the see of a Christian
bishop, and the metropolis of Cappadocia Secunda.
(Grtf- Naz. , Epist. , 33. --Id. , Oral. , 20, p. 355. )
This took place in the reign of Valens. Its capture
by the Saracens is recorded by Cedrcnus (p. 477).
The modern Kctch-histar, near the foot of the central
chain of Taurus and the Cilician Pass, is thought to
correspond to the ancient city. Captain Kinneir, in
one of his journeys, found considerable ruins here.
(Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 128, seqq. )
TYAniTis, a district in the southern part of Cappa-
docia, near the range of Taurus. Its capital was
Tyana, from which it derived its name. (Vid. Tyana. )
TYBRIS. Vid. Tiberis.
TYCHB, I. one of the Occanides. (Hesiod, Th. ,
i60. )--II. A part of the town of Syracuse. It con-
tained a temple of Fortune (Tv^), whence the name.
(Cie , Verr. , 4, 53. )
TYDEDS (two syllables), a son of CEneus, king of
Calydon. He fled from his country after the accidental
murder of one of his friends, and found a safe asylum in
the court of Adrastus, king of Argos, whose daugh-
ter, Deiphyle, he married. When Adrastus wished to
}lace his son-in-law Polynices on the throne of Thebes,
t'ydeus undertook to announce the war to Eteocles,
*ho usurped the crown. The reception he met with
jrovoked his resentment; he challenged Eteocles and
vis principal chieftains, and worsted them in conflict.
On leaving Thebes and entering upon his way home,
he fell into an ambuscade of fifty of the foe, purposely
planted to destroy him, and he slew all but one, who
was permitted to return to Thebes, to bear the tidings
if the fate of his companions. He was one of the
^even chiefs of the army of Adrastus, and during the
fheban war he signalized his valour in a marked de-
gree, and made great slaughter of the foe, till he was
it last mortally wounded by Melanippus. As he lay
expiring, Minerva hastened to him with a medicine
which she had obtained from Jupiter, and which would
make him immortal (Bacchyl. , ap. Sehol. ad Aris-
? aph. . An. , 1536); but Amphiaraus, who hated him as
a chief cause of the war, perceiving what the goddess
was about, cut off the head of Mclanippus, whom Ty-
deus, though wounded, had slain, and brought it to
him. The savage warrior opened it and devoured the
brain, and Minerva, in disgust, withheld her aid. His
remains were interred at Aiy ><. where a monument,
laid to be his, was still seen m the age of Pausanias.
(Ham. , II, 4, 365, seqq. --Apoltod. , 1, 8, 3. --JEsch. ,
Sept. C. Thcb. , 372, seqq. , ed. Scholef. --Pausan. ,
S, 18. )
TYDIDES, a patronymic of Diomedes, as son of Ty-
deus. (Virg. ,ASn. , 1, 101. --Horat. , Od. , 1, 15, 20 )
? ? 'I'vi. ns, an island in the Sinus Persicus, on the
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? T yH
TYRUS
3i<< legcndi about the Dioscuri '. n very early connexion
with I,ac. . iia. In all probability, his lameness was
only a satirical allusion u> his use of the elegiac meas-
? ire, or alternating hexameter and pentameter, the lat-
ter being shorter by a foot than the former. --Tyrtseus
came to the Lacedaemonians at a time when they were
not onlv brought into great straits from without by
the boldness of Aristomenes and the desperate cour-
age of the Messenians, b. it when tho state was also
rent with internal discord. In this condition of the
Spartan commonwealth Tyrtaeus composed the most
celebrated of his elegies, which, from its subject,
was called Eunomia, that is, "Justice" or "Good
Government" (also Politeia, or "the Constitution").
But the Eunomia was neither the only nor yet the first
elegy in which Tyrlseus stimulated the Lacedaemoni-
an. s to a bold defence against the Messenians. Ex-
hortations to bravery was the theme which this poet
look for many elegies, and wrote on it with unceasing
? pirit and ever new invention. Never was the duty
and the honour of bravery impressed on the youth of
a nation with so much beauty and force of language,
by such natural and touching motives. That these
poems breathed a truly Spartan spirit, and that the
Spartans knew how to value them, is proved by the
constant use made of them in the military expeditions.
? TROJA.
TROJA.
w. p 273. ) The next great feature to bi
in the Homeric chorography is the poet's account of
(he rivers which flowed in the vicinity of Troy, and
discharged their waters into the Hellespont. These
are the Xanthus or Scamander, and the Simois,
*hose junction is especially alluded to. (//. , 9,774. )
And again (6. 2), where it is said that the conflict be-
tween the Greeks and Trojans took place in the plain
between the two rivers. One of the first questions,
then, to Ins considered, in reconciling the topography
of anciont Troy with the existing state of the country,
is this: Are there two streams answering to Homer's
description, which unite in a plain at a short distance
from the sea, and fall into it between the Khcelean
and Sigean promontories 1 To this question it cer-
tainly appears, from recent observations, that we must
reply in the negative. There arc two streams which
water the plain, supposed to be that of Troy, but they
do not meet, except in some marshes formed princi-
pally by the Matdere, the larger of the two, which
seems to have no exit into the Hellespont, while the
? mailer river partly flows into these stagnant pools,
and partly into the sea near the Sigean cape. (Choi-
*>! '! Gouffier. ) It appears, however, from Strabo, or,
rather, from Demetrius, whom he quotes, that when he
wrote the junction did take place; for he says, "The
Scamander and Simo'is advance, the one towards
Sigeum, the other towards Rhoateum, and, after uniting
their streams a little above New Ilium, fall into the
sea near Sigeum, where they form what is called the
Stomalimne" (597. --Compare 695). Pliny, also, when
he speaks . of the. Palaiscamander, evidently leads to
the notion that the channel of that river had under-
gone a material alteration (5, 32). The observations
of travellers afford likewise evidences of great changes
having taken place in regard to the course of these
streams; and it is said that the ancient common chan-
nel in yet to be traced, under the name of Mcndcrc,
aear the point of Kum-Kale. The ancients them-
selves were aware of considerable alteration having
taken place along the whole line of coast; for His-
tiaea of Alexandrca Troas, a lady who had written
much on the Iliad, affirmed that the whole distance be-
tween New Ilium and the sea, which Slrabo estimates
it twelve stadia, had been formed by alluvial deposite
(598); and recent researches prove that their distance
is now nearly double. (Leakc's Asia Minor, p. 295 )
The great question, however, after all, respecting the
two rivers alluded to, and on which the whole inquiry
may bo said to turn, is. Which is the Scamander. and
which the Simois of Homer '. If we refer for the so-
lution of this question to Demetrius of Scepsis, who,
from his knowledge of the Trojan district, appears to
have been best qualified to decide upon it, we shall
Snd that he looked upon the river now called Mendere
as corresponding with the Scamander of Homer, a
supposition which certainly derives support from the
similarity of names; while he considered the Simois
to be the stream now called Giumbrek-sou, which
unites with the Mcndcrc near the site of Palco Aklshi,
supposed to represent the Pagus Ilicnsium, and which
Demetrius himself identified with ancient Troy. But
it has been rightly observed by those modern writers
who have bestowed their attention on the subject, that
the similarity of names is not a convincing reason in
itself, since they have often been known to vary; and
that, after all, we must refer to the original account,
? ? where we find the characteristics of the two rivers de-
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? TROJA.
tfae character of tr. e Meniere, which takes iis rise in a
deep cave below the highest summit of Mount Ida,
and, after a tortuous course, between steep and craggy
banks, of nearly thirty miles, in a rugged bed, which
is nearly dry in summer, finds its way into the plain
of Bounarbachi. It is true, that when Demetrius of
Scepsis wrote, which is some years after the defeat of
Anliochus by the Romans {Strab. , p. 593), the Men-
dere certainly bore the nainr. of Scamander, for he de-
scribes the source of that river in Mount Ida very ac-
carately {up. Slrabo, p. 602). I should admit, also,
that the Scamander, which, according to Herodotus,
was drained by the army of Xerxes (42), is the Men-
dere: Hellanicus likewise was of this opinion lap.
Schol. II. , 21, 242); but this objection may be fairly
disposed of by supposing that the name of Scamander,
which is certainly much oftencr mentioned in Homer,
had, in process of time, been transferred to the river
whose course was longer, and body of water more con-
luierable; whereas it is impossible, I conceive, to get
over the difficulty presented by Homer's description of
the double sources of the Scamander. The question
may be fairly summed up in this way: either we must
allow that Homer drew his local descriptions from real
scenes, or that he only applied historical names to fan-
ciful and ideal localities; in the latter case, all our in-
terest in the comparative topography of Troy ceases,
and it is a fruitless task to look for an application of
the imagery traced by the poet to the actual face of
things. But if a striking resemblance does present it-
self, we are bound, in justice to the poet, to take our
stand on that ground, and, without regarding any hy-
pothesis or system which may have been advanced
or framed in ancient times, to seek for an application
}f the remaining local features traced in the Iliad in
the immediate vicinity of the sources of Bounarbachi.
Here, then, travellers have observed, a little above
these springs and the village of the same name, a hill
riiing from the plain, generally well calculated for the
(Ho of a large town, and, in particular, satisfying many
of the local requisites which the Homeric Troy must
have possessed; such as a sufficient distance from the
sea, and an elevated and commanding situation. This
is evident from the epithets r'/vepoeooa, aiireivrj, and
bjpvoecoa, which are so constantly applied to it. If
we, besides, have a rock behind the town answering
the purpose of such a citadel as tho Pergainus of Troy
is described to have been, " Yi. ipyap. oc dupy," rising
precipitously above the city, and presenting a situation
of great strength, we shall have all that the nature of
the poem, even in its historical character, ought to lead
us to expect. (Compare Voy Pitt. , 2, 238, and the
plan there given. ) With respect to minor objects al-
luded to by Homer in the course of his poem, such as
the tombs or mounds of litis, . Esyetcs, and Myrina,
the Scopie and Erincus, or grove of wild fig-trees, it
is, perhaps, too much to seek to identify, as the French
topographers have somewhst fancifully done, with pres-
ent appearances. It is certain that such indications
cannot be relied upon, since the inhabitants of New
Ilium, who also pretended that their town stood on the
site of ancient Troy, boasted that they could show,
close to their walls, these dubious vestiges of antiqui-
ty. {Slrabo, 599. ) With respect to the objection
which may bo brought against the situation here as-
signed to ancient Troy, . that it would not have been
possible for the flight of Hector to have taken place
round the walls, as the poet has represented it, since
? ? the heights of Bounarbachi are skirted to the northeast
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? TROPHOMUS
TJJ B
rowed up b) the earth. (Pausan. , 1. c. ) According , Orcham, p. 198, 150, scgq. , 242. -- Strata, 421. -
lo Pindar, when they had finished the temple of Del- ! Liv. , 45, 27. )--The same trick related above in the
phi, they asked a reward of the god. He promised to case of I Km us, is said to have been played off or
give it on the seventh day, desiring them, meanwhile, Augeas, king of Elis, by Trophoniu>, the ttepiun o
to live cheerful and happy. On the seventh day they ; Agamedes, the Arcadian architect. (Charax, ap
died in their sleep. (Pmd. , ap. Plut. , de Cons. --Op. , . Schol. ad Arittoph. , tfub. , 509. ) It also formed as
vol. 7, p. 335, nl. HuHcii. ) There was a celebrated episode in the Telegonia; and there is likewise a very
oracle of Trophonius at Lebadea in Bo3otia. During | strong similarity between it and the legend related by
a great drought, the Boeotians were, it is said, directed Herodotus of the Egyptian king Rhampsinilus (2,121).
the god at Delphi lo seek aid of Trophonius in Leb-
adea. They came thither, but could find no oracle;
one of them, however, happening lo see a awarm of
bees, they foiU>>>ed them to a chasm in the earth, which
proved to be the place sought. (Pausan. , 9, 40. )
The writer just quoted gives a detailed account of the
mode of consulting this oracle, from his own personal
observation (9, 39). After going through certain cere-
monies, the individual who sought to inquire into fu-
turity was conducted to a chasm in the earth resem-
bling an oven, and a ladder was furnished him by which
to descend. After reaching the bottom of the chasm,
he lay down on the ground in a certain posture, and
was immediately drawn within a cavern, as if hurried
away by the vortex of a most rapid river. Then he ob-
tained the knowledge of which he was in quest. In
some cases this was given to the applicants through
the medium of the sight; at others through the hear-
ing; but all returned through the same opening, and
walked backward as they returned. It is a common
notion, which we meet with in many modern works,
that a visiter to the cave of Trophonius never smiled
after his return. The language of Pausanias, however,
expressly disproves this; for he observes that after-
ward the person recovers the use of his reason, and
laughs just the same as before (fiarepov pivroi ru re
iXAo ovdcv n fpovrjaei fielov rj irpiirtpov, KO. I ycfajf
hdvtioiv HI). It is probable that the gloom, the mo
phitic vapours, and perhaps some violence from the
priests, which the applicant encountered in his descent,
might seriously affect his constitution, and render
. him melancholy; and thus Aristophanes strongly ex-
presses terror by an observation in the Clouds (v. 507),
which became proverbial, cic iidoiit' tyu 'Eiaa KO. T-
afiaivuv uairep ? f TpoQuvtov. One man, indeed, is
noticed by Athenians (14, p. 614, a), who did not re-
cover his power of smiling until assisted by another
oracle. Parmeniscus of Metapontum, finding himself
thus wofully dispirited, went to Delphi for a remedy,
and Apollo answered that he would find a cure if he
resorted to his (Apollo's) mother. The hypochondriac
interpreted this response as relating to his own native
country; but, on being disappointed in his hope there,
he sought relief in travelling. Touching by accident at
Delos, he entered a temple of Latona; and, unexpected-
ly casting his eyes upon a statue of that goddess
(Apollo's mother) most grotesquely sculptured, he burst
into an involuntary fit of laughter. ---Of other recorded
descents into the cave of Trophonius, that ofTimar-
chus, described by Plutarch (De Socralis Gcnio. --
Op. , vol. 8, p. 332, cd. Reiske), is dismissed by the
writer himself as a mere fable (A jtiv Ti/uipxov fiiBof
oirof). That of Apollonius of Tyana (Phtloitrat. ,
Vit. Apollon. , 4, 8) was an irruption, not a legitimate
visit. The impostor appears to have bullied the priests,
and to have done exactly according to his pleasure both
above and below ground. (Encycl. lUctropol. , pt. 35,
p. 664. )--Trophonius was named Zeus-Trophonius,
? ? that is, the Nourishing or Sustaining Zeus or Jupiter
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? TIL
TUL
Iocca, Plautius, a friend of Horace and Virgil.
He and Variua were ordered by Augustus to revise
? he . lEncid after Virgil's death. (Vid. Virgilius. )
Tuder, a town of Umbria, northwest of Spoletium,
and near the Tiber. It was originally one of the most
important cities of Umbria, and famous for its worship
of Mars. Its situation on a lofty hill rendered it a
place of great strength. It is now Todi. (Sil. Ital. ,
4, 232. --Id. , 464. -- Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p.
273. )
TtiLiNGt, a people of Gaul, reckoned among the
Helvetii by some, but more correctly their neigh-
bours, and of Germanic origin. (Cits. , B. G. , 1,5. )
Tho modern Stuhlingen is thought to preserve traces
of their name. (Oberlin. ad Cas. , I. c. )
Tui. ua, I. a daughter of Servius Tullius, king of
Rome. She married Tarquin the Proud after she had
made away with her first husband, Aruns Tarquinius.
(Vid. Servius Tullius. )--II. A daughter of Cicero by
Terentia. She was three times married. Her first
husband, Caius Piso, died a short time before Cicero's
return from exile. At the end of about a year, she
was married to a second husband, Furius Crassipes,
who appears to have been a patrician of rank and dig-
nity. She was afterward divorced from this second
husband, and united to P. Cornelius Dolabella. The
life and character, however, of this last-mentioned in-
dividual proved so contrary to the manners and tem-
per both of Cicero and his daughter, that a divorce
ensued in this case also. Cicero entertained the deep-
est affection for this his favourite child, and her death,
at the age of 32, proved to him a source of the bitter-
est sorrow. (Vid. remarks under the article Cicero,
page 345, column 2. )--Cnslius Khodiginus tells us,
that in the time of Sixtus IV. there was found near
Rome, on the Appian Way, over against the tomb of
Cicero, the body of a woman whose hair was dressed
up in network of gold, and which, from the inscrip-
tion, was thought to be the body of Tullia.
It was
quite entire, and so well preserved by spices as to
have suffered no injury from time ; yet, when it was
removed into the city, it mouldered away in three days.
But this was only the hasty conjecture of some learn-
ed men of the time, which, for want of authority to
support it, soon vanished of itself; for no inscription
was ever produced to confirm it, nor has it been men-
tioned by any other author that there was any sepul-
chre of Cicero on the Appian Way. (Col. Rhod. ,
Led. Antiq. , 3, 24. --Middlcton's Life of Cicero, vol.
>>, p. 149, in not. )
Tuliia Lex, I. de Senatu, by M. Tullius Cicero,
A. U. C. 690, enacted that those who had a libera le-
gation granted them by the senate should hold it no
more than one year. Such senators as had a libera
legatio travelled through the provinces without any
expense, as if they were employed in the affairs of
the state. --II. Another, de Ambitu, by the same, the
same year. It forbade any person, two years before
he canvassed for an office, to exhibit a show of gladi-
ators, unless that task had devolved upon him by will.
Senators guilty of the crime of Ambitus were punished
with the aqua et ignis interdictio tor ten years, and
the penalty inflicted on the commons was more severe
than that of the Calpurnian law. (Dio Cass. , 37, 29.
--Cic. , pro Mur. , 32, seqq. )
Tuluanom, a name given to part of the public
prison at Rome. The prison was originally built by
? ? Ancus Marcius, and was afterward enlarged by Servius
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? TUR
alliance WM formed between the Romans and the Lat-
ins. Tullus had now leisure to direct his attention to
the artsuof peace, in which, however, he did not equal-
ly excTM. The only public works ascribed to him
were the enclosing of a space for the Comitia, or as-
sembly of the people, and the building of a Curia, or
? enate house. Towards the end of his reign his mind
was disturbed by prodigies, indicating the wrath of
the gods for religion neglected and temples left des-
>ku'. A shower of stones fell from heaven on the
Alban Mount, and the awful accents of a supernatu-
ral voice were heard to issue from the consecrated
summit of the hill. A plague swept away numbers
~}i the Koinan people. The king himself sickened;
and, from having been neglectful of religion, became
the slave of superstitious terrors. In vain did he sup-
plicate the gods. He had disregarded them in the
days of his prosperity, and in his adversity no deity
regarded his prayers or sent relief. In his despair he
presumed to use the divinations of Nmna, by the rites
of Jupiter Elicius (vid. Elicius); but the only answer
returned was the lightning of the offended gods, by
which Tullus himself and his whole household were
smitten and consumed. Another account, however,
ascribed his death to an act of treachery and assassi-
nation on the part of Ancus Marcius, who could not
brook that he, a descendant of Numa, should be kept
from the throne by a man of private origin. Such is
the legend of Tullus Hostilius. This monarch is said
to have reigned two-and-thirty years. (Lie. , 1, 22,
xfi/y. --Dion. Hal. , 3, 1, scqq. --Hctheringtori's His-
tory of Rome, p. 13, scqq. )--As the reigns of Romu-
lus and Numa represent the establishment of two of
the tribes or constituent elements of the Roman peo-
ple, so the reign of Tullus Hostilius seems to compre-
hend the development of the third tribe, or Luceres.
To him, as to Romulus and Numa, is ascribed a di-
vision of lands, by which portions were assigned to
the needy citizens, who, as yet, possessed no property
in the soil. It has been conjectured that the Luceres
bad hitherto held their lands, not in absolute property,
and not as common proprietors of the public domain,
but as vassals or tenants of the state, which would
bo represented in the person of the king. That the
distribution of Tullus Hostilius effected the third tribe
is rendered probable by its being connected with the
assignment of ground for building on the Cn? lian
Mount, and the enclosure of that part of the city with-
in one line of fortification with the older town, if
there is any weight in the arguments that are adduced
to show that the town on the Caelian was the settle-
ment of the Luceres. From the circumstance that
Hostilius himself dwelt there, and that he derived his
origin from the Latin town Medullia (. Dion. Hal. , 3,
I), it may be conjectured that he himself was consid-
ered to belong to the Luceres, as Romulus to the
Kamnes, and Numa to the Titienses. (Maiden's
History of Rome, p. 137, seq. )
TUNBS (Twi/f, ijroc), a city of Africa, southwest of
and near to Carthage, being, according to Polybius
(1% HI), only 120 stadia from the latter place. The
Peutinger table, however, gives the distance more
correctly at ten miles. It first rose into consequence
after the fall of Carthage. It is now Tunis. Diodo-
rus Siculus calls it " White Tunis," perhaps from the
;halky cliffs that lie around it when viewed from the
sea. (Manncrt, Geogr. , vol. 10, pt. 2, p. 262. )
TUNOBI, a German tribe, probably the same with
? ? . he Aduatici of Caesar, and the first that crossed lie
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? T VN
?
>yna, and at the foot of Mount Taurus. Slrabo says
it was built an what was called the causeway of Semir-
ings. (Strabo, 537. ) Cellariua is of opinion that
the town called Dana by Xenophon, in the Anabasis
(1, 2, 20), should be identified with Tyana (Geogr.
Aniiq. , vol. 2, p. 291), and this supposition has great
probability to recommend it. --The Greeks, always led
by a similarity of name to connect the origin of cities
? vith their fables, pretended that it owed its foundation
to Thoas, the king of the Tauric Chersonese, in Ins
pursuit thither of Pylades and Orestes. (Arrian,
Peripl. Evx. , p. 6. ) From him it was called Thoana,
and afterward Tuana. (Steph. Byz. , s. u. Tvava. )
Tyana was the native city of the impostor Apollonius.
At a later period it became the see of a Christian
bishop, and the metropolis of Cappadocia Secunda.
(Grtf- Naz. , Epist. , 33. --Id. , Oral. , 20, p. 355. )
This took place in the reign of Valens. Its capture
by the Saracens is recorded by Cedrcnus (p. 477).
The modern Kctch-histar, near the foot of the central
chain of Taurus and the Cilician Pass, is thought to
correspond to the ancient city. Captain Kinneir, in
one of his journeys, found considerable ruins here.
(Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. 2, p. 128, seqq. )
TYAniTis, a district in the southern part of Cappa-
docia, near the range of Taurus. Its capital was
Tyana, from which it derived its name. (Vid. Tyana. )
TYBRIS. Vid. Tiberis.
TYCHB, I. one of the Occanides. (Hesiod, Th. ,
i60. )--II. A part of the town of Syracuse. It con-
tained a temple of Fortune (Tv^), whence the name.
(Cie , Verr. , 4, 53. )
TYDEDS (two syllables), a son of CEneus, king of
Calydon. He fled from his country after the accidental
murder of one of his friends, and found a safe asylum in
the court of Adrastus, king of Argos, whose daugh-
ter, Deiphyle, he married. When Adrastus wished to
}lace his son-in-law Polynices on the throne of Thebes,
t'ydeus undertook to announce the war to Eteocles,
*ho usurped the crown. The reception he met with
jrovoked his resentment; he challenged Eteocles and
vis principal chieftains, and worsted them in conflict.
On leaving Thebes and entering upon his way home,
he fell into an ambuscade of fifty of the foe, purposely
planted to destroy him, and he slew all but one, who
was permitted to return to Thebes, to bear the tidings
if the fate of his companions. He was one of the
^even chiefs of the army of Adrastus, and during the
fheban war he signalized his valour in a marked de-
gree, and made great slaughter of the foe, till he was
it last mortally wounded by Melanippus. As he lay
expiring, Minerva hastened to him with a medicine
which she had obtained from Jupiter, and which would
make him immortal (Bacchyl. , ap. Sehol. ad Aris-
? aph. . An. , 1536); but Amphiaraus, who hated him as
a chief cause of the war, perceiving what the goddess
was about, cut off the head of Mclanippus, whom Ty-
deus, though wounded, had slain, and brought it to
him. The savage warrior opened it and devoured the
brain, and Minerva, in disgust, withheld her aid. His
remains were interred at Aiy ><. where a monument,
laid to be his, was still seen m the age of Pausanias.
(Ham. , II, 4, 365, seqq. --Apoltod. , 1, 8, 3. --JEsch. ,
Sept. C. Thcb. , 372, seqq. , ed. Scholef. --Pausan. ,
S, 18. )
TYDIDES, a patronymic of Diomedes, as son of Ty-
deus. (Virg. ,ASn. , 1, 101. --Horat. , Od. , 1, 15, 20 )
? ? 'I'vi. ns, an island in the Sinus Persicus, on the
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? T yH
TYRUS
3i<< legcndi about the Dioscuri '. n very early connexion
with I,ac. . iia. In all probability, his lameness was
only a satirical allusion u> his use of the elegiac meas-
? ire, or alternating hexameter and pentameter, the lat-
ter being shorter by a foot than the former. --Tyrtseus
came to the Lacedaemonians at a time when they were
not onlv brought into great straits from without by
the boldness of Aristomenes and the desperate cour-
age of the Messenians, b. it when tho state was also
rent with internal discord. In this condition of the
Spartan commonwealth Tyrtaeus composed the most
celebrated of his elegies, which, from its subject,
was called Eunomia, that is, "Justice" or "Good
Government" (also Politeia, or "the Constitution").
But the Eunomia was neither the only nor yet the first
elegy in which Tyrlseus stimulated the Lacedaemoni-
an. s to a bold defence against the Messenians. Ex-
hortations to bravery was the theme which this poet
look for many elegies, and wrote on it with unceasing
? pirit and ever new invention. Never was the duty
and the honour of bravery impressed on the youth of
a nation with so much beauty and force of language,
by such natural and touching motives. That these
poems breathed a truly Spartan spirit, and that the
Spartans knew how to value them, is proved by the
constant use made of them in the military expeditions.
