No More Learning

Lucian, satirist and artist, by Francis G. Allinson.
Allinson, Francis Greenleaf, 1856-1931.
Boston, Mass. , Marshall Jones company [c1926]
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EDITORS
George Depew Hadzsits, Ph. D.
University of Pennsylvania
David Moore Robinson, Ph. D. , LL. D< The Johns Hopkins University
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE "OUR DEBT TO GREECE AND ROME FUND," WHOSE
GENEROSITY HAS MADE POSSIBLE THE LIBRARY
flDur 3Drtt to (Smte ann l&ome
Philadelphia
Dr. Astlev P. C. Ashhurst
William L. Austin John C. Bell
Henry H. Bonnell Jasper Yeates Brinton George Burnham, Jr.
John Cadwalader
Miss Clara Comegys Miss Mary E. Converse Arthur G. Dickson William M. Elkins
H. H. Furness, Jr. William P. Gest
John Gribbel
Samuel F. Houston Charles Edward Ingersoll John Story Jenks
Alba B. Johnson Miss Nina Lea
Doylestown, Pennsylvania "A Lover of Greece and
Rome"
Horatio G. Lloyd George McFadden Mrs. John Markoe Jules E. Mastbaum
New York John Jay Chapman
J. Vaughan Merrick Effingham B. Morris
Mrs. D. W. Morrow Senatori Societatis Philoso-
phiae, *BK, gratiasmaximas
agimus
Elihu Root
Mortimer L. Schtff William Sloane
George W. Wickersham And one contributor, who
has asked to have his name
withheld:
Maecenas atavis edite regibus, O et praesidium et dulce decus meum.
Washington
The Greek Embassy at
Washington, for the Greek Government.
William R. Murphy John S. Newbold
S. Davis Page (memorial) Owen J. Roberts
Joseph G. Rosengarten William C. Sproul
John B. Stetson, Jr. Dr. J. William White
(memorial)
George D. Widener Mrs. James D. Wdjsor Owen Wister
The Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of Liberal Studies.
Willard V. King Thomas W. Lamont Dwight W. Morrow
Boston
Oric Bates (memorial) Frederick P. Fish
William Amory Gardner Joseph Clark Hoppin
Chicago Herbert W. Wolff
Cincinnati Charles Phelps Taft
Cleveland Samuel Mather
Detroit John W. Anderson
Dexter M. Ferry, Jr.
Tier Rycb mitt.
Per ScbiffmM.
See Notes 65-67.
LUCIAN SATIRIST AND ARTIST
BY
FRANCIS G. ALLINSON, Litt. D.
PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE AND HISTORY Brown University
MARSHALL JONES COMPANY BOSTON • MASSACHUSETTS
COPYRIGHT • 1926 ■BY MARSHALL JONES COMPANY All rights reserved
Printed March, 1926
THE PLIMPTON PRESS•NORWOOD•MASSACHUSETTS PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
In zJtfemoriam
BASILI LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE
CONTENTS
CHAPTER . . . PAGE
Contributors to the Fund
ii I. Credentials for the Twentieth
Century
II. Age of the Antonines III. Life of Lucian
IV. Extant Writings: Form and Content
3 14 24
37
47
65 65 89 94
100
V. Philosophy and Ethics VI. The Supernatural
1. The Gods
2. Applied Superstition
3. Christianity
. . . .
VII. Other Dramatic Polemics: Narrations
VIII. Lucian's Creditors and Debtors 121 1. Sources: Literature and Art . . 121 2. Lucian's Legatees. Reminiscence,
Imitation, Parallels i. In Art
In Literature
Notes Bibliography
[vii]
130 130 133
191 203
Dialogues:
ii.
ILLUSTRATIONS
Holbein's Dance of Death . . Frontispiece
The Snake-God
Glykon . . facing page 108
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
LUCIAN SATIRIST AND ARTIST
I. CREDENTIALS FOR THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
UCIAN'S right to a conspicuous place in Greek literature might seem open to L 7 challenge. Born into the barbarian world
under Roman sway, of foreign and humble parentage, in the second Christian century, he seems, in race, place and time, sufficiently re mote from even the tradition of the great At tic writers. But, as a subject of the Roman Empire, his civic passport was visaed in ad vance from Syria to Gaul, and his genius, keen if not profound, was destined to naturalize him intellectually as an Athenian.
The canon of classical Greek was, appar ently, long since closed but he reopened it by his dramatic contributions to the Satiric Dia logue. He claimed, and not without reason, Aristophanes and Plato as his god-fathers. A Syrian by birth he was only a self-made Greek,
[3]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND
and yet he came to write the best Greek prose known since the days of Plato and Demos thenes. His Attic style, although veneered upon the " Common " Greek of his day, has rela tively few flaws. He was a satirist, at times a sophist,1 but also an artist.
It is difficult to assign rank and grades of precedence except for the royal line of the greater literary Olympians. Even on the Olympus of mythology, as leaks out through Lucian's Caucus of the Gods and The Tragi cal Zeus, the father of the gods found himself, on occasion, at a loss in attempting to seat in proper order, along with the duly matriculated Twelve divinities, the half-gods and gods of doubtful pedigree, like the bastards Dionysus and Heracles; the " druggist " Asclepius; or the Egyptian Anubis with his golden snout. Lucian was not one of the Twelve Olympians! He was more of a Heracles using on the Hy dras of his century, in lieu of a club, the sti letto of satire and, without the compulsion im posed on the demi-god, addressing himself gaily to the cleansing of Augean Stables of charla tanry and accumulating superstitions.
Some analysis is attempted below of the dominant qualities of style and of the versatile
[4]
ARTIST
TWENTIETH CENTURY CREDENTIALS
humour, which, apart from the content of his writings, give Lucian his place in literature. For a sympathetic understanding of him, how ever, it is essential to consider briefly in ad vance what ethical purpose inheres in his satire and what corrections we must make in apprais ing his generalizations, his judgments and his prejudices.
Lucian's approaches to life are two-fold. Adopted into the Graeco-Roman world he gives with verve a rehabilitation of Greek antiquity or, on occasion, is wholly of his own time, de riding, attacking contemporary life. We must continually verify our perspective, from Homer to Demosthenes, from Menander to Marcus Aurelius. In so far as we are able to isolate the universal from the ephemeral we may profit by his samples of human problems and even by his failure to solve them. For him, as a comedian, all the world was undisguisedly a stage and all
men and gods a joint-stock company of players on it. He was not hampered by any petty uni ties of time or place. The " play " is the real thing. By his fantasy, his best gift, he galva nizes into life, with varying realism, the r61es of gods and men.
Satire is dangerous. It often distorts the [5]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
vision. The great satirists, however, not only add to the " gaiety of nations " but also, as a rule, clear the moral atmosphere. To those who doubt this Lucian will probably make less of an appeal.
In connection with his ethical aims it is to be remembered that Lucian was not a philosopher in any technical sense. He cannot be success fully identified, as a convinced believer, with any of the four orthodox creeds nor even with the Cynics or the Sceptics. He used several of them, when it suited his purpose, but abused them all. He was too negative, too intellectu ally impatient, or even superficial, to appraise the ultimate value in each of them. He was no Marcus Aurelius who, as man, kept unspotted the toga virilis of serene Stoicism which he had assumed already as a boy. Still less was he a contributor to constructive scientific knowl edge, like his great contemporary Galen. Lu cian was not constructive either in philosophy and ethics or in any field except literature. Even in his serious crusade upon shams and ignorance his satire was determined by the so phistic spirit of his age. And yet, although somewhat pock-marked for life by his early attack of " rhetoric," his rebirth as a literary
[6]
TWENTIETH CENTURY CREDENTIALS
artist differentiates him from the chronic soph ists and mere professional rhetoricians.
To turn from the negative to the positive side of his character, he was, or claimed to be, the Apostle of Free Speech, the Interpreter of Common Sense to the rational minority of his day. A professed conservator of ethical values, as he understood them, he was a sincere cru sader against shams, inherited or new — the pagan gods; the complex of contemporary phi losophies, including especially the cherished imperial Stoicism; pretenders in history, and other literary adventurers; hypocritical legacy- hunters, and other parasites; vulgar collectors of books and relics; and, above all, the super stitions, major and minor, of his time. But he could not, or would not, distinguish between the willful liar and the misguided fanatic. Oc casionally, in his sweeping satire, he makes no attempt to distinguish the blatant impostor
from the true representatives of a creed or principle. At times he is apparently carried
away by personal enmity. At other times he ostentatiously notes the contrast between the true and the false. All this makes it as neces sary as it is difficult to reckon in his personal equation. The effort is worth while. Although
[7]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
even the casual reader will find amusement on nearly every page of Lucian's best writings the student of human history may find much more. With the parallax once established, we may triangulate a cross section of one of the most vital centuries in the history of civilization.
A parallel drawn between the Age of the Antonines and the present Age of Science may seem irrelevant. Human reason, equipped with the dazzling gifts, beneficent and maleficent, of applied science, seems to rest secure above the flood. Pessimistic prophecies of a return of the Dark Ages seem sufficiently negligible. The flow of disciplined reason from Democritus and Aristotle to Darwin, from Hippocrates and Galen to Pasteur has been, for long intervals, retarded or turned backward, but not dried up. None the less the intelligentsia of today, as in the Age of the Antonines, finds itself unex pectedly isolated by a new flood of unreason. Spiritists and fundamentalists, communists and commercialists, quack " educators " and litter ateurs, even " casters of horoscopes " threaten the dear-bought progress of the disciplined mind in matters ethical, political, artistic and intellectual; some by undisguised obscurant ism, others, who confuse motion with " prog
[8]
TWENTIETH CENTURY
CREDENTIALS
ress," by laying their uncharted courses back from accredited discipline, back towards the caveman. For many, , or all, of these phe
nomena illuminating illustration may be drawn from Lucian's satires. Applied with due atten
tion to perspective, his mordant strictures prove a useful corrective in the bewildering complex of uncorrected ideas and desires that run riot in our suddenly dislocated civilization.
Finally, for this introductory statement, it seems desirable to summarize in advance a purely pragmatic appraisal of Lucian's con tributions to literature and life, as reflected in his vogue among his own contemporaries and in his influence, conspicuous though intermit tent, exerted upon subsequent generations.
Just how much or how little real effect his satires and polemics may have had upon con temporary thought and action is matter for conjecture, supplemented by some inferences from his own statements. He represents him self at the age of forty as prosperous and hon oured. He undoubtedly drew large audiences. But there is no inevitable sequel, for ill or for good, to the words of a speaker or writer. Lu- cian contributed, perhaps, to the overthrow of the Olympic hierarchy but pagan orthodoxy
[9]
may
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND
was already on the wane. He also mocked at the crude superstitions of his time, but in his Lie-Fancier, for example, the trusted physi cian, the gouty householder and the long- bearded philosophers, Peripatetic, Stoic and Platonic, continue undismayed their exchange of supernatural marvels.
In the two centuries, the third and the fourth of our era, which immediately followed the death of Lucian, he seems to have enjoyed only a precarious popularity. The pagans had little cause to love him, for he had done his best to shatter their idols; and the Christians, as they began to emerge from obscurity, while borrow ing on occasion his darts against paganism, must be cautious that these same arrows were not winged with their own feathers.
they could not be in sympathy with the essen tial outcome of his agnosticism. Only a few
free spirits outside of the struggle between paganism and Christianity were then " en etat d'entrer sans arriere-pensee dans ses senti ments. " 2
In the Middle Age, when an external Chris tianity was securely enthroned, Lucian again became available and superficially popular. The most scrupulous adherents of the church
[10]
ARTIST
Obviously,
TWENTIETH CENTURY CREDENTIALS
could anticipate inconvenient criticism by de nouncing him in advance as a blasphemer, liar and atheist and then proceed to enjoy him and, in a crippled fashion, to imitate him. Notwith standing his tincture of antichristian Epicure anism, his ethical views often marched with
Christian asceticism in emphasizing the vanity of riches and the brevity of mortal life. Added to this, Lucian's crushing ridicule of pagan
divinities was always a convenient asset to church partisans who managed to ignore the ultimate deduction which denatured the very spirit of divinity itself.
With the Revival of Learning, however, Lu- cian came into his own, both as a literary ar tist — his real mitier — and as a stimulating critic of human life. The eager minds of the Renaissance could assimilate the charm of his brilliant style and fantasies and apply to their own environment his crusading spirit. The crop of imitators grew apace. In pictorial art Lucian originated or transmitted from antiquity sug gestions for the great artists of Europe. His undisguised influence in literature is still more wide reaching, and his influence, now subtle, now open, upon thought and controversy, from Erasmus on, permeated the reawakened spirit
[»]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
of the age. He was a natural born ally for the Humanists against the Obscurantists.
By the middle of the sixteenth century, how ever, the literary satire inspired by Lucian de veloped a cross-current athwart the troubled waters of theological controversy. From the coarse-grained cartoons of Rabelais and the charming humour of Hans Sachs the stream flowed on, almost uninterrupted, into and through the seventeenth and eighteenth cen turies, tossing on its surface the Lucianic flotsam, easily identified and often actually stamped with his name. The favourites among Lucianic motifs in this period were the men dacious verities of the True Story and the memento mori of the Dialogues of the Dead.
Although Lucianic imitations and sugges tions were not lacking in the nineteenth cen tury, M. Croiset 3 records and explains a tem porary interruption of the closer community of thought that bound the men of the Renaissance to Lucian. " Le developpement de la science et des methodes scientifiques, qui est la fait carac- teristique du dix-neuvieme siecle, nous a peu a peu habitues a traiter serieusement la plupart des choses dont Lucien parlait avec legerete. Nous ne rions plus des aventures de Zeus, ni de
[12]
TWENTIETH CENTURY CREDENTIALS
la folie ascetique de Peregrinus. L'histoire est par nature tout l'oppose de la moquerie. Elle cherche la raison des choses, ce qui lui ote l'envie d'en rire. " This penetrating observa tion, made by the accomplished French in terpreter of Lucian in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, might seem even more true of the first decades of the present century. Now, both to applied Science and to misapplied Religion is freely charged up the failure of civilization. Lack of confidence in each is jauntily expressed by journalistic straw-ballots. It " to be sure, no time to " laugh and grow fat but sense of humour saves many situ ation. Lucian's comic mask, one side serious, the other smiling sardonically, may prove val uable among the assorted " properties " of the twentieth-century stage.
[13]
is, a
a
II. AGE OF THE ANTONINES
lived through the greater part of
the second century after Christ.
It often distorts the [5]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
vision. The great satirists, however, not only add to the " gaiety of nations " but also, as a rule, clear the moral atmosphere. To those who doubt this Lucian will probably make less of an appeal.
In connection with his ethical aims it is to be remembered that Lucian was not a philosopher in any technical sense. He cannot be success fully identified, as a convinced believer, with any of the four orthodox creeds nor even with the Cynics or the Sceptics. He used several of them, when it suited his purpose, but abused them all. He was too negative, too intellectu ally impatient, or even superficial, to appraise the ultimate value in each of them. He was no Marcus Aurelius who, as man, kept unspotted the toga virilis of serene Stoicism which he had assumed already as a boy. Still less was he a contributor to constructive scientific knowl edge, like his great contemporary Galen. Lu cian was not constructive either in philosophy and ethics or in any field except literature. Even in his serious crusade upon shams and ignorance his satire was determined by the so phistic spirit of his age. And yet, although somewhat pock-marked for life by his early attack of " rhetoric," his rebirth as a literary
[6]
TWENTIETH CENTURY CREDENTIALS
artist differentiates him from the chronic soph ists and mere professional rhetoricians.
To turn from the negative to the positive side of his character, he was, or claimed to be, the Apostle of Free Speech, the Interpreter of Common Sense to the rational minority of his day. A professed conservator of ethical values, as he understood them, he was a sincere cru sader against shams, inherited or new — the pagan gods; the complex of contemporary phi losophies, including especially the cherished imperial Stoicism; pretenders in history, and other literary adventurers; hypocritical legacy- hunters, and other parasites; vulgar collectors of books and relics; and, above all, the super stitions, major and minor, of his time. But he could not, or would not, distinguish between the willful liar and the misguided fanatic. Oc casionally, in his sweeping satire, he makes no attempt to distinguish the blatant impostor
from the true representatives of a creed or principle. At times he is apparently carried
away by personal enmity. At other times he ostentatiously notes the contrast between the true and the false. All this makes it as neces sary as it is difficult to reckon in his personal equation. The effort is worth while. Although
[7]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
even the casual reader will find amusement on nearly every page of Lucian's best writings the student of human history may find much more. With the parallax once established, we may triangulate a cross section of one of the most vital centuries in the history of civilization.
A parallel drawn between the Age of the Antonines and the present Age of Science may seem irrelevant. Human reason, equipped with the dazzling gifts, beneficent and maleficent, of applied science, seems to rest secure above the flood. Pessimistic prophecies of a return of the Dark Ages seem sufficiently negligible. The flow of disciplined reason from Democritus and Aristotle to Darwin, from Hippocrates and Galen to Pasteur has been, for long intervals, retarded or turned backward, but not dried up. None the less the intelligentsia of today, as in the Age of the Antonines, finds itself unex pectedly isolated by a new flood of unreason. Spiritists and fundamentalists, communists and commercialists, quack " educators " and litter ateurs, even " casters of horoscopes " threaten the dear-bought progress of the disciplined mind in matters ethical, political, artistic and intellectual; some by undisguised obscurant ism, others, who confuse motion with " prog
[8]
TWENTIETH CENTURY
CREDENTIALS
ress," by laying their uncharted courses back from accredited discipline, back towards the caveman. For many, , or all, of these phe
nomena illuminating illustration may be drawn from Lucian's satires. Applied with due atten
tion to perspective, his mordant strictures prove a useful corrective in the bewildering complex of uncorrected ideas and desires that run riot in our suddenly dislocated civilization.
Finally, for this introductory statement, it seems desirable to summarize in advance a purely pragmatic appraisal of Lucian's con tributions to literature and life, as reflected in his vogue among his own contemporaries and in his influence, conspicuous though intermit tent, exerted upon subsequent generations.
Just how much or how little real effect his satires and polemics may have had upon con temporary thought and action is matter for conjecture, supplemented by some inferences from his own statements. He represents him self at the age of forty as prosperous and hon oured. He undoubtedly drew large audiences. But there is no inevitable sequel, for ill or for good, to the words of a speaker or writer. Lu- cian contributed, perhaps, to the overthrow of the Olympic hierarchy but pagan orthodoxy
[9]
may
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND
was already on the wane. He also mocked at the crude superstitions of his time, but in his Lie-Fancier, for example, the trusted physi cian, the gouty householder and the long- bearded philosophers, Peripatetic, Stoic and Platonic, continue undismayed their exchange of supernatural marvels.
In the two centuries, the third and the fourth of our era, which immediately followed the death of Lucian, he seems to have enjoyed only a precarious popularity. The pagans had little cause to love him, for he had done his best to shatter their idols; and the Christians, as they began to emerge from obscurity, while borrow ing on occasion his darts against paganism, must be cautious that these same arrows were not winged with their own feathers.
they could not be in sympathy with the essen tial outcome of his agnosticism. Only a few
free spirits outside of the struggle between paganism and Christianity were then " en etat d'entrer sans arriere-pensee dans ses senti ments. " 2
In the Middle Age, when an external Chris tianity was securely enthroned, Lucian again became available and superficially popular. The most scrupulous adherents of the church
[10]
ARTIST
Obviously,
TWENTIETH CENTURY CREDENTIALS
could anticipate inconvenient criticism by de nouncing him in advance as a blasphemer, liar and atheist and then proceed to enjoy him and, in a crippled fashion, to imitate him. Notwith standing his tincture of antichristian Epicure anism, his ethical views often marched with
Christian asceticism in emphasizing the vanity of riches and the brevity of mortal life. Added to this, Lucian's crushing ridicule of pagan
divinities was always a convenient asset to church partisans who managed to ignore the ultimate deduction which denatured the very spirit of divinity itself.
With the Revival of Learning, however, Lu- cian came into his own, both as a literary ar tist — his real mitier — and as a stimulating critic of human life. The eager minds of the Renaissance could assimilate the charm of his brilliant style and fantasies and apply to their own environment his crusading spirit. The crop of imitators grew apace. In pictorial art Lucian originated or transmitted from antiquity sug gestions for the great artists of Europe. His undisguised influence in literature is still more wide reaching, and his influence, now subtle, now open, upon thought and controversy, from Erasmus on, permeated the reawakened spirit
[»]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
of the age. He was a natural born ally for the Humanists against the Obscurantists.
By the middle of the sixteenth century, how ever, the literary satire inspired by Lucian de veloped a cross-current athwart the troubled waters of theological controversy. From the coarse-grained cartoons of Rabelais and the charming humour of Hans Sachs the stream flowed on, almost uninterrupted, into and through the seventeenth and eighteenth cen turies, tossing on its surface the Lucianic flotsam, easily identified and often actually stamped with his name. The favourites among Lucianic motifs in this period were the men dacious verities of the True Story and the memento mori of the Dialogues of the Dead.
Although Lucianic imitations and sugges tions were not lacking in the nineteenth cen tury, M. Croiset 3 records and explains a tem porary interruption of the closer community of thought that bound the men of the Renaissance to Lucian. " Le developpement de la science et des methodes scientifiques, qui est la fait carac- teristique du dix-neuvieme siecle, nous a peu a peu habitues a traiter serieusement la plupart des choses dont Lucien parlait avec legerete. Nous ne rions plus des aventures de Zeus, ni de
[12]
TWENTIETH CENTURY CREDENTIALS
la folie ascetique de Peregrinus. L'histoire est par nature tout l'oppose de la moquerie. Elle cherche la raison des choses, ce qui lui ote l'envie d'en rire. " This penetrating observa tion, made by the accomplished French in terpreter of Lucian in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, might seem even more true of the first decades of the present century. Now, both to applied Science and to misapplied Religion is freely charged up the failure of civilization. Lack of confidence in each is jauntily expressed by journalistic straw-ballots. It " to be sure, no time to " laugh and grow fat but sense of humour saves many situ ation. Lucian's comic mask, one side serious, the other smiling sardonically, may prove val uable among the assorted " properties " of the twentieth-century stage.
[13]
is, a
a
II. AGE OF THE ANTONINES
lived through the greater part of
the second century after Christ. This
includes the age of the benignant An- LUCIAN
tonines. The stately " grandeur that was Rome " is reflected by him on many a page. The Greek Renaissance under Roman sway,
with which the Emperor Hadrian had identified himself, is an item carried forward on the bal ance sheet of our combined " Debt to Greece and Rome. "
One reminder of this Graeco-Roman after math of art is the temple of Olympian Zeus which, though originally projected 600 years before Lucian's time, was begun anew on a vast scale in the second century B. C. and finally ded icated under Hadrian when Lucian was a boy in Samosata. The grandiose and beautiful col umns * still extant from this structure are a notable landmark in the Athens of today. When Lucian first arrived from the Orient he must have found the temple, in its fresh and stately splendour, the pride of the Athenians, and it helps us to an understanding of our
[14]
AGE OF THE ANTONINES
versatile Syrian to think of him as habitually walking through this majestic precinct — a contemporary epitome of the combined civili zations of Greece and Rome. Among these still imposing ruins the visitor sits today at sunset and looks up at the Acropolis between the same columns, crowned with their acanthus capitals, while the violet light descends on the encircling mountains and imperceptibly blends the Athens of Theseus with all its later history. As com pared with our outlook fewer centuries would subtend Lucian's vision but they would, after all, include the most vital epochs in Athenian history — the dim days of the ancient kings; the creative Hellenic period ; the rule of Mace- don; and the sway of Rome. And, more impres sive than the modern caravans of visitors —
students, tourists or diplomats — there would have been, in the near background of tradition or still actually passing, the long procession of pilgrims who had journeyed by Roman roads and swift galleys on business of statecraft, learning, pleasure or profit — merchants, cap tains and proconsuls; grammarians, poets and artists: Cicero and Brutus in their eager youth;
Horace conning, in the already partially dis torted pronunciation of the " Common " Greek,
[IS]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
the measures of Alcaeus and Sappho; Virgil, dreaming of some new grace for his Aeneid; Ovid like a revelling bee storing his own fra grant honey from Hymettus though destined, in the " trist " days to come, merely to sight the Acropolis from the Saronic Gulf as he sailed by despairingly to his distant exile; Pliny, the meticulous imperial official of Lucian's own day, pausing perhaps, en retour from Bithynia, to secure some Greek gem for insertion in the charming setting of his epistles; or — a vivid tradition at least to the Christians — Saint Paul as interpreter of " an Unknown God "; and, finally, the successive epiphanies of the imperial masters themselves, Augustus, Nero, Hadrian, Aurelius.
Lucian in Hadrian's Athens seems, in the foreshortened centuries, almost equidistant from the present day and from antiquity. He is essentially modern but through the highways and byways of what was antiquity to him, as
well as to us, he walked with the nonchalance of an acclimated foreigner.
If we try to visualize the Graeco-Roman background, intellectual and social, for the age of the Antonines we are impressed by the large- mindedness, based on the serene consciousness
[16]
AGE OF THE ANTONINES
of their own greatness, with which the Romans had from the first welcomed to their civiliza tion the alien cultural elements offered by the newly-acquired Greek province. " Already in the time of the young Cicero a foreign uni versity " training in the Greek schools of rhet oric and a mastery of the Greek language were normal additions to the equipment of young and ambitious Romans. Political life was sub ordinated to Rome but the Greek characteris tics were not obliterated. Juvenal's " Graecu- lus esuriens," as contemptuous a generalization as " dago," had been sufficiently forestalled by
Horace's diagnosis of the invincible vigour of " captured " Greece. And, when we come to Lucian himself, while he spares, in his Led Philosophers, no detail of the humiliations ac cruing to the hired Greekling, he is in reality endeavouring to spur men of his own profes sion to a nobler, independent life.
The record of this age is not crowded with names distinguished in Greek literature. Lu cian himself, a foreigner, is the most conspicu ous. Plutarch, gentleman and scholar and a loyal Greek citizen, had died about the time of Lucian's birth. In the Age of the Antonines, a notable rendezvous for scholars and visitors to
[17]
LUCIAN, SATIRIST AND ARTIST
Athens was the hospitable villa of Herodes At- ticus at Cephisia, near Marathon. Herodes, eminent as writer and teacher of rhetoric in Rome and at Athens, was drawn into official life through imperial favour; was administrator in 12 s a. d. of the free towns in Asia Minor; and, in 143 a. d. , was raised to the consulship by Antoninus Pius. His great wealth, inherited from his father, enabled him, however, to free
himself from the trammels of office and to es tablish himself in luxury in his Attic country- place, devoting himself to his real ambition as an orator and, incidentally, from time to time, winning for himself public esteem, or graceless criticism, as the munificent donor of splendid structures at various sites. He is one of the few contemporaries actually singled out for praise by Lucian, who refers to the beneficent gift of the aqueduct that brought a pure water supply to the throngs of visitors at the Olympic Games.
Among distinguished guests at the Attic villa we can certainly think of Aristeides, famous as a rhetorician and a pupil of Herodes. Arrian, too, who makes his own " anabasis " from im perial business to the more difficult heights of literature, probably found a stimulus in the
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coterie at Cephisia. It is recorded that he was archon eponymous at Athens in the year 147/8. Pausanias, the painstaking " Baedeker," has much to say of the contemporary public mu nificence of Herodes and we need have little hesitation in thinking of him as a guest at Marathon. The loss of Appian's autobiography leaves us in the dark about a possible stay in Athens of this Greek historian of Rome, but in regard to two Latin contemporary writers, we know that they were much in Athens. Aulus Gellius, indeed, the grammarian and author of Attic Nights, enjoyed, as we are told, the friend ship and instruction of Herodes, though the arid contents of his book seem to reflect the parched days rather than the lovely nights of the Attic country-side. The well-groomed Apuleius might certainly have been a welcome guest at the well-appointed villa and if we can assume that our naturalized Syrian would also have been persona grata, in spite of his bitter crusade against imperial Stoicism, we might imagine the two riding their respective mounts, the Asinus and the Golden Ass, to stable them at this same hospitable manger at Cephisia. Be
that as it may, we should need to assume abundant tact on the part of the genial host to
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reconcile the orthodox piety of a Pausanias or the devoted loyalty of Gellius to his teacher Peregrinus Proteus with the impatient agnosti cism of Lucian or his bitter diagnosis of the charlatanry of the Cynic suicide.
Apart from literature in its narrower con notation, two men, conspicuous in the world's development of science, are contemporaries and we should like to bring them into actual juxtaposition with the others at the villa of Herodes. The great Ptolemy who lived and wrote in Alexandria, " the sister-university to Athens," could on occasion soar to his own stars in exquisite verse which is well worthy of its place among the choicest Greek epigrams. Whether Lucian could have known him either at Athens or later in Egypt is exceedingly doubtful but it is at least permissible, in this connection, to relieve Lucian of the authorship of the piece, Concerning Astrology, which has been included 5 among his writings. Lucian would not have been competent to write on astronomy but he would have been sure to rate astrology, in its narrowed, magical interpreta tion, amongst other unworthy superstitions. It flourished in the Orient and from the second century B. C. , when the Hellenic spirit was wan
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ing, spread like a cancer through the Graeco- Latin world. 6
The other great scientific
Galen, the legatee of Hippocrates and the fore runner of modern psychiatry, was Lucian's junior by a few years only. It is not improbable that they may have met in Athens on some occasion when Galen was journeying between Pergamum and Italy at the Emperor's behest. Lucian unfortunately, however, confines him self to contemptuous satire upon superstitious or incompetent medical contemporaries.
Marcus Aurelius himself touched at Athens in 176 a. d. on his way home from Egypt to Rome and if we may postpone the death of Atticus to the year 180, the very latest date allowed him, it would be in order to think of the Emperor as entertained at the villa of his
favoured friend and former teacher. At any rate, if we were at liberty to collect all these guests at one time in one place,7 we know that the imperial author of The Meditations would have been able to discuss in Greek either math ematics with Ptolemy, medicine with Galen, or literature and ethics with Lucian and the others.
This Age of the Antonines is replete with [21]
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interest. Material power centred at Rome and the attitude towards literature, philosophies and religions was very catholic — even super ciliously tolerant if we except the occasional severity to the Christians. Imperial University professorships were established, throughout the more civilized parts of the Empire, for repre sentatives not only of the Stoics but also for those of the three other officially recognized schools of philosophy — the Epicureans, the Academics and the Peripatetics, — while " Dis senters," like the Cynics and Sceptics, unpaid but unmolested, preached their doctrines out side the pale of the " established " systems.
Although the beneficent reign of Marcus Aurelius was to close amid the clash of arms and was darkened by misgivings, only too well grounded, in regard to his unworthy son and successor, such factors as make for an advanc ing civilization — literature, art, philosophy, mathematics and medicine — took on renewed life under the sunlight of imperial favour. As a mere boy Marcus Aurelius had put on the garb of a Stoic and throughout his life moulded his character by exemplifying the noble ele ments of self control and charity towards others — qualities not always equally predomi
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nant in this stern creed. The blot on his other wise noble administration of the Empire is his reversal of the tolerant policy of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius towards the Christians. This seems out of keeping with the humane liber ality of Aurelius, but it is likely that he di vined, in Christianity's uncompromising rejec tion of all other faiths, the underlying menace to the State religion in which he actively be lieved. The contemptuous tolerance of the Christians expressed by an agnostic like Lu- cian, in his Life's End of Peregrinus, might well have seemed inadequate to the Emperor's sense of serious obligation.
As for religion in general, the wide-spread atheism of the first Christian century issued in this century in sporadic attempts to resuscitate the ghosts of old creeds or was supplanted by more novel attractions.
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the details of Lucian's life we are
thrown back upon the casual or explicit
references to his career in his own writ FOR
ings. From his contemporaries or from later writers we obtain little or nothing8 that is tangible. We do not know the exact dates of his birth and death but we are in a position to make a fairly clear sketch of some of the ex ternal facts of his life and we are able with reasonable certainty to fill in still more of the inner development of his mind and character.
Lucian was born, probably about 120 to 125 a. d. ,9 in Samosata on the Euphrates. This pro vincial town, capital of Commagene, the ex treme northeast portion of Syria, was not with out importance as commanding the passage of the Euphrates River on one of the great trade routes to the Orient. The district, first sub jected to Roman control in 18 a. d. , had, after various vicissitudes, been made by Vespasian permanently a province of the Roman Empire. The population, however, was mainly Syrian,
and Lucian, with the semi-defiance usual with [24]
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" self-made " men, refers, now and again, to his Syrian birth and barbarian mother tongue. His Samosatan parents were poor but eager to place their son in a calling suitable for a free-born man. To decide on his career a family conclave was held. From Lucian's Dream, an address made to his own townspeople when, rich and famous, he returned home on a visit, we get a sufficiently vivid picture of the boy's Samosatan environment and native endowment — at least on his mother's side. His maternal grandfather had been a statuary, apparently a modest sculp tor and stone-cutter combined, and his mother's two brothers followed the same calling. After various propositions had been considered for form's sake, the father of the family was given an opportunity to express publicly his wife's decision and, turning to one of the maternal uncles, remarked that in his presence no other master or career for the boy could be selected. " So do you take him," the text goes on, " and teach him to be a good worker and joiner of stone and a sculptor; for he has in this, as you know, native ability and cleverness. He drew the inference from the way I used to play with the wax. For, whenever I was let out of school, I used to scrape the wax off my tablets and
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model cows, horses or even humans, by Zeus, —very life-like ones as father thought. " Al though the boy had been repeatedly flogged for this maladministration of his writing materials, his fond parents now deemed it prophetic of his predestined artistic success. His apprentice ship to his uncle lasted, however, less than a day. Using his chisel with more zeal than dis cretion the boy broke a marble slab, was well flogged for it by his uncle, ran home sobbing to his masterful mother and explained to her that his uncle had already become jealous of his budding talent. The outraged mother, with all the acumen of a modern parent, sided at once with her offspring against his preceptor, her own brother, and, fortunately for posterity, saved the boy for a wider career than that of a local stone-cutter. The incident, however, is indicative of part of Lucian's equipment. His motifs drawn from plastic and pictorial art have been often recorded. His comments on actual sculpture and paintings extant in his time are not without value and indicate, at
least, sincere sympathy with beauty of line and composition. It is tempting to imagine that his boyish efforts at modelling issued in the keen ness of perception and fidelity of outline char
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acteristic of the literary artist. It is tempting also, though perhaps too proleptic, to think of Hermes and Charon, or their Syrian congeners,
together with sundry deceased Samosatans whose tombstone portraits he had seen in his uncle's marble yard, as already shaping them selves in his boyish imagination into the ghostly dramatis personae of after years.
Whatever his mental furnishing, the youth was sent forth, or went forth, to seek his for tune abroad. We must assume that his ambi tion was already stirring to make of himself a public speaker, advocate and rhetorician. Rhetoric kept the toll-gate on the highroad to
fame in this second century. There were fa mous centres of rhetoric at Antioch; at Ephe- sus and Smyrna on the Ionian seaboard; and at Athens. But even Antioch was 160 miles from his native town. We do not know either his means of livelihood, or just how he obtained instruction, or his itinerary in these ten years of preparation. He left home poor in purse, hardly emancipated from his oriental garb, and still " barbarian " in speech, but he had some how in these years succeeded in transforming himself into an incipient rhetorician and, far more important for his future career, had ac
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quired so intimate a knowledge both of Greek classic literature and of the spoken vernacular that he would presently be able to surpass his Greek-born contemporaries in the current ef fort, successful with a few only, to recall to new life the Attic Greek.
It would be interesting to know whether some master, like Polemon, recognizing his ability, admitted the impecunious youth to his high-priced lectures, accepting his promising talent in lieu of coin. If so, Lucian has left no record of his obligation. In view of his subse quent development it seems likely that he
picked up, here and there, such scraps as he could of technical knowledge but that his real disciplinary training was self-devised and eclec tic. He was, in short, fortunate enough to have escaped the deadening effects of the formal
pedagogy of the schools. His natural superfici ality, evident enough to the end of his career in his attitude, for example, towards the phil osophical systems, might, conceivably enough, have been more successfully concealed by per fecting himself in the conventional formulae of Rhetoric but he might also have been deflected from his true development as charming narra
tor and creator of Satiric Dialogues. [28]
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In the Fisher or The
phers, Lucian defends himself against the angry ghosts who have heard in the underworld in flaming reports of the insulting sale of philoso phers at auction. They have obtained a day's
furlough from Hades and are here to punish him. They have taken to themselves his bitter ridicule and condemnation of contemporary charlatans who disgrace their " cloth. " In the course of his defense Lucian says : "
Where or when have I ever insulted you? I who have lauded you personally beyond measure and have lived in communion with the literature
Resurgent Philoso
which you have left to posterity? Why, these very words that I am speaking, from what other source than from you did I receive them and, like a bee culling from flowers, transmit them to mankind? Nominally people envy me for my ' bouquet ' but in reality they admire
you and your meadow for putting forth bloom so varied and of such multiform colours. " It is evident enough that the Syrian youth, long be fore the date of this dialogue written in his best period, had familiarized himself with the Clas sic Greek, hampered, perhaps, only by the in accessibility of the rarer books. He became an artist in literature not because of, but in spite
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of, intermittent practice as a lawyer or his successful career as a rhetorician.
As to the latter phase of his development we gain the best idea from his own account in the Double Indictment. This is an autobiographi cal resume of what to Lucian himself seemed momentous in his own career. The metaphori cal liaison with " Lady Rhetoric," it may be remarked, has been seized upon by literally- minded commentators as reflecting a real wed lock with a wife rich enough to furnish him with equipment for his war upon shams. As a matter of fact his two meagre allusions to his father, family and little son do not in clude even " brief mention " of an actual wife, although her existence is a not unreasonable inference.
The Double Indictment takes its title from two law-suits brought against Lucian: one by Rhetoric, for desertion; the other by Dialogue, for maltreatment. We are told that he had previously made a lucky match with a rich lady named Rhetoric, who now complains that
whereas she had bought fine clothes to replace his oriental "caftan";10 had taught him fine Greek to replace his Syrian speech; had taught him, too, how to manage like a gentleman the
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folds of his robe and his flowing eloquence; had, finally, to please him, secured sailing reservations and had taken him abroad and travelled with him everywhere — to Italy, to Transalpine Gaul and back again — and had raised him to fame and fortune, yet he had in the end basely deserted her for a boon com panion, named Dialogue.
" Dialogue," in turn, lodges formal com plaint that this deceitful Syrian, freed by him
from the degrading union with Lady Rhetoric, had maltreated him shamefully. " He has dis figured me," Dialogue urges, " beyond recogni tion. Taking advantage of our intimacy and of my unwary complaisance, he has forced me to masquerade in such strange guise that I no longer recognize myself as fit for Plato's Aca deme. He has hidden my honest countenance behind a leering comic mask out of which, de spite myself, issued iambic jest and Cynic dog gerel so that I am rated as an unclassified mon strosity like to nothing on earth or in the air. I can neither pace in prose nor mount on metre. "
This flash-light picture, taken from within, is worth more than many external details, which we lack, to illuminate the real development of
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the man. He does make, however, many scat tered allusions to his career. His tour of the provinces, as a rhetorician, was very successful. He made a prolonged stay in Gaul, where he received large pay as one of the " high-priced Sophists. "
As to Lucian's linguistic equipment outside of Greek and Syrian, we have only negative data. He lays no claim to a knowledge of Celtic and, in fact, refers with satisfaction to a Gallic philosopher, " who spoke Greek accurately. " He is usually accredited with only a meagre knowledge of Latin and it would, in fact, be difficult to demonstrate, from his writings, a thorough-going familiarity with Latin literature. His various visits to Rome, however, may well have stimulated the versatile Syrian to perfect his acquaintance with the imperial language which he must have heard spoken in his boy hood, and a somewhat fluent, if superficial, knowledge of the vernacular is implied, though not proved, in his apology for an apparent break in conventional usage, made, when already of advanced age, in addressing the Emperor. Here he throws in the jaunty remark: " If I am at all expert in the speech of the Romans. " 11 The implied conclusion is: As I think I am. As he
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would hardly learn to speak fluently in a for eign tongue when he was already an aged gov ernment official we must conclude that he equipped himself with Latin by the time he was first lecturing in Gaul. The methods and limi tations of spoken communication through a
complex of languages such as existed under the Roman Empire or, for example, under the late Austro-Hungarian Empire, constitute a not un important factor in the mechanism of human history. The wide-spread use of the " Com mon " Greek was an asset taken over by the Romans from Alexander's legacy.