6) is
addressed
to him.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - b
D.
472.
He was of foreign descent that the jealousy between the two commanders
and of quite obscure parentage ; indeed, it seems would lead to still greater calamities, and he con-
that his parents sold him, or that he was made a sequently recalled Narses (539). This was the
prisoner of war when a mere boy, and his fate was first equivocal début of a general who afterwards
that of so many other boys captured in war: he put an end to the Gothic dominion in Italy.
was castrated. Of his earlier life nothing is known. During the following twelve years the name of
He came, however, to Constantinople and was em- Narses is scarcely mentioned in the annals of the
ployed in the imperial household. He was of empire, but he continued nevertheless to exercise a
material service to the emperor Justinian during predominant influence in the privy council of Jus-
the Níka riots (532), in which the name of Belisa- tinian. The world, however, was more accustomed
rius likewise became conspicuous. Narses was to look upon him as a statesman than as a general,
then cubicularius or chamberlain, as Theophanes and great was consequently the surprise when,
states, and it was perhaps the judicial use he made in 551, the emperor put him at the head of a for-
of the funds entrusted to him, by bribing over the midable expedition destined to retrieve the fortune
emperor's opponents, which caused him to be ap- of the Roman arms in Italy, where the Goths had
pointed treasurer to his master. In later years he had the upper hand ever since the recall of Belisarius
was employed in several embassies, and discharged in 548. The campaign of Narses in Italy 538, had
his duties to the complete satisfaction of his master, been no proof of his military skill, and the Roman
whose cunfidence he enjoyed in the highest degree. veterans revolted at fighting under a eunuch, whom
In 538 he was sent to Italy with reinforcements the very laws of the country seemed to exclude
for Belisarius, who was then in the field against from any command over men. Little affected by
the Goths; but it is more than probable that their demonstrations, and despising the ridicule
had secret instructions to thwart that great com- which the people tried to throw upon him, Narses,
mander, and prevent him from obtaining advan- availing himself of the unlimited confidence of Jus-
tages which might have rendered him dangerous to tinian, drained the imperial treasury, and vigorousiy
the suspicious Justinian. The contingent com- puslied on his preparations for the ensuing cam-
manded by Narses consisted of 5000 veterans and I paigu. In the spring of 552 every thing was ready,
4 D 2
## p. 1140 (#1156) ##########################################
1140
NARSES.
NARSES.
a
a
However, Ancona was the only port left to the Gothic army was utterly defeated, Teias and a
Romans in Italy between Ravenna and Otranto ; countless number were slain, and the rest capitu-
the Gothic fleet covered the sea ; and it was conse- lated, but were allowed to withdraw from
quently dangerous to trust the safety of 100,000 Italy: this condition was never well observed.
men, and the issue of the whole undertaking to the Narses now marched to the north, reducing one
chances of the weather or a naval battle. However, fortress after the other, and gaining the confidence
the Gothic fleet was beaten and destroyed off of the inhabitants through his firm yet generous
Sinigaglia Narses nevertheless resolved to march and faithful conduct. He thought he had subdued
round the Adriatic. This road presented no less Italy when he was undeceived by the appearance
formidable difficulties: the whole low country tra- of a host of 75,000 Alemanni and Franks, who
versed by the Po, the Adige, &c. , and their count- came down the Alps under the command of the two
less branches, was an impassable swamp ; the gallant dukes of the Alemanni, Leutharis and
bridges over the Po and the Adige had been broken Buccellinus. The Roman vanguard, commanded
down by the enemy; and the only remaining pas- by Fulcaris, a brave but rash Herulian, was cut to
sage over the latter river, at Verona, was guarded pieces in the amphitheatre of Parma, and, in spito
by the gallant Teias with a strong body of veteran of the efforts of Narses, the barbarians rushed down
Goths. Narses consequently chose a middle course. into Southern Italy. Leutharis ravaged Apulia
He coasted the Dalmatian shore of the Adriatic as and Calabria, and Buccellinus plundered Campania
fiir as the northern corner of that sea, whence his Lucania, and Bruttium ; but they were more for-
army continued by land, while the fleet took a midable as marauders than as soldiers ; they could
parallel course along the shore, and wherever a overrun the country, but they oppressed it too
river or a canal chocked the progress by land, the much to be able to maintain themselves in it, and
ships conveyed timber and other materials to the they consequently thought of returning to the Alps.
spot for the speedy construction of bridges. Thus Their ranks were thinned through losses and dig
be reached Ravenna, Tejas being all the while quite eases, to which Leutharis fell a rictim with his
unable to molest him. He remained nine days in whole band, and while Buccellinus was staying
that city. Thence he marched upon Rimini, and near Capua, Narses came on with his veterans
the Gothic garrison having dared to insult him, he and slew him and his followers in a fierce battle at
drove them back within their walls, and slew their Casilinum, on the Vulturus. Agathias says, that
commander Usdrilas. Without losing time in be out of 30,000 men only 5000 escaped in this bat-
bieging Rimini he proceeded on the Flaminian way tle. The power of the Goths was now irretrievably
to Rome, where king Totilas awaited him with his ruined, and Italy was once more a province of the
main army. They met in the plain of Lentaglio, Roman empire, which Justinian finally pacified
between Tagina (Taginae, Tadinae) and the tombs and organised by his famous “ Pragmatica. ” Narses
of the Gauls: the left of the Romans was under was appointed governor of Italy, and took up bis
the immediate command of Narses and Joannes, residence at Ravenna.
the nephew of Vitalienus, and the right was com- During many subsequent years the name of
manded by Valerianus, John Phagas, and Dagis- Narses is not once mentioned ; but we cannot
theus. The Romans carried the day: 6000 Goths but presume that in regulating the domestic
fell on the field, and king Totilas was slain in his affairs of Italy he acted in a way that did credit
flight: his armour was sent to Constantinople to his genius, although we know that his con-
(July 552). Teias was now chosen king of the duct was far from being free from avarice. In
Goths. Narses reaped the fruits of his victory by 563 he had an opportunity of proving that he was
receiving the keys of the strongest fortresses of the still the old general. Vidinus, cornes, caused
Goths in that portion of Italy. Rome was forced fierce revolt in Verona and Brescia, and was sup
to surrender by Dagistheus, a distinguished general, ported by some Franks and a band of Alemanni
whose name and that of his colleague Bessus are under Amingus, who made sad havoc in Uppes
strangely connected with the chances of warfare ; Italy, till Narses fell upon them and crushed them
for it was Bessus who commanded in Rome when
at once, whereupon Verona and Brescia sub
it was reduced by the Goths in 546, a misfortune mitted. Sindual, a chief of the Herules, who had
which he afterwards retrieved by reducing Petra, served Narses faithfully during many years, imi-
the bulwark of the empire towards the Caucasus, tated the example of Vidinus and shared his fate ;
over which Dagistheus was appointed commander ; but while Narses spared the life of the comes he
and Dagistheus having been compelled to surrender ordered Sindual to be hanged, so incensed was he
Petra again to the Persians, took in his turn his at his want of loyalty. These victories caused
revenge by reducing Rome. In the course of the great joy in Constantinople ; but the death of Jus
Gothic war Rome had been five times taken and tinian, which took place in the same year, and the
retaken: in 536 by Belisarius, in 546 by Totilas, accession of Justin, were heavy checks upon the
in 547 again by Belisarius, in 549 again by Toti- influence of Narses at the imperial court, and finally
las, and in 552 by Narses. Narses despatched contributed to his ruin.
Valerian to the Po for the purpose of preventing The death of Justinian and the extreme age of
the fugitive Goths from rallying round the head- Narses caused two movements of great importance.
quarters of Teias at Pavia and Verona; but Teias The administration of the great exarch of Italy
eluded his vigilance, and, aided by a body of was vigorous but oppressive ; and although the
Frunks whose alliance he had bought, suddenly Gothic war had impoverished that unhappy coun-
broke forth from behind his lines, and appeared in try to an enormous degree, he extracted the last
Southern Italy to avenge the death of Totilas. coin from its inhabitants. Had he continued to
But, instead of avenging it, he shared his fate on send a proportionate share of it into the imperial
the banks of the Sarnus (Draco), a little river treasury, he might have continued his extortions
which flows into the bay of Naples (March, 553). without feeling the consequences; but it appears that
In a bloody battle, which lasted two days, the lie was less liberal to Justin than to Justinian, and
## p. 1141 (#1157) ##########################################
NARSES.
1141
NASIDIENUS
;
a
the wealth and oriental luxuries with which he he was the only man who could check the barba-
surrounded himself in his palace at Ravenna ex- rians ; and bad death not prevented him he would
cited the indignation of the Romans. During the certainly have triumphed over his enemies, and
life of Justinian, however, they did not complain, taken ample revenge for the insults he had suffered.
knowing that every attempt to shake Justinian's Such stratagems have often been invented by ad-
confidence in his great minister would have been venturers aspiring to power, as well as by men
in vain ; but no sooner was he dead than a depu- high in office, aiming at still greater power. It is
tation of Romans waited upon his successor, ex- said that Narses attained the age of ninety-five.
posing the extortions of Narses, and declaring that Gibbon doubts it, and perhaps not without reason.
they would prefer the rude yet frank despotism of 1s it probable," says he, that all his exploits
the Goths to the system of craft and avarice carried were perforined at four core ? " It is certainly not
on by their present governor. Their complaints probable ; but when Blucher performed his great
were not only listened to with attention, but were exploits he was past seventy, and he was as fresh
taken up by Justin as a pretext for getting rid of in the field as a young man.
a inan who was not his creature, and Narses was Narses was one of those rare men who are des-
consequently dismissed, and Longinus appointed in tined by Providence to rise above all others, and,
his stead. He might have borne his disgrace with according to circumstances or the particular shape
magnanimity but for the insulting message of of their genius, to become either the benefactors or
the empresa Sophia, who bade him leave the the scourges of mankind. Of low and perhaps
profession of arms to men, and resume his former barbarian parentage, slave, eunuch, with the body
occupations among the eunuchs, and spin wool with of a boy and the voice of a woman, he made him-
the maidens of the palace. Stung to the quick by self equal to the greatest, and was inferior to none,
this woman-like yet ungenerous taunt, Narses an- for his soul was that of a hero; his mind, bold and
swered that “ he would spin her such a thread as inflexible in its resolutions, was yet of that elastic
she would not unravel during her life. ” (“ Narses kind that adapts itself to circumstances; and
dicitur haec responsa dedisse: Talem se eidem through the labyrinth of schemes and intrigues his
telam orditurum qualem ipsa, dum viveret, depo- talents guided him with the same security that
nere non posset,” Paul. Diacon. de Gest. Long. ii. leads the plain warrior on the broad way of heroic
6. ) Narses retired quietly from office and took up action. Equal to Belisarius as a general, he was
bis residence at Naples. An opportunity for gra- his superior as a statesman ; but his virtues were
tifying his revenge was at hand. The Longobards less pure than those of the unfortunate hero ; and
were meditating an invasion of Italy, a scheme of in a moral point of view he stands far below his
which Justin was well aware when he dismissed rival. (Procop. Bell. Goth. ii. 13, &c. , iii. iv. ;
Narses, who was, however, the only man able to Paul. Diacon. de Gest. Long. ii. 1–5; Marcellin.
prevent such a calamity. “ Full of rage,” says Chron. ; Agathias, lib. i. ii. ; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 63,
Paulus Diaconus (loc. ), “ Narses sent messengers &c. ; Cedren. p. 387 ; Malela, p. 83; Theoph. p.
to the Longobards, and invited them to leave 201—206 (the index confounds the great Narses
the poor fields of Pannonia and take possession of with Narses the general of Maurice and Tiberius);
rich Italy. At the same time he sent them all Evagrius, iv. 24 ; Anastasius, Histor. p. 62,
kinds of fruits and other products of Italy, in order &c. ; Vita Joan. iii. p. 43 ; Agnellus, Liber Pon-
to make them greedy and hasten their arrival. " tific. )
(W. P. ]
King Alboin accordingly descended from the Alps NA'SAMON (Naokuwv), a son of Amphithemis
into Italy. No sooner, however, was Narses in- and Tritonis, the ancestral hero of the Nasamones
formed of it, than he repaired to Rome, and tried in the north of Africa, who are said to have derived
to soothe the emperor by a submissive letter. The their name from him. (Apollon. Rhod. iv.
invasion of Italy, however, of which he could not 1496. )
(L. S. )
but accuse himself as the cause, preyed upon his NA'SCIO, a Roman divinity, presiding over the
mind, and he died of grief (568). All this appears birth of children, and accordingly a goddess assist-
strange ; his conduct seems unaccountable ; and ing Lucina in her functions, and analogous to the
weighty doubts bave been raised by competent his- Greek Eileithyiae. She had a sanctuary in the
torians against the authenticity of the tale. But neighbourhood of Ardea. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. ïïi.
severe critics, Pagi, Muratori, Horatius Blancus, 18. )
(L. S. )
Petavius, &c. , as well as the more modern Le Beau NASE'NNIUS, C. , served as a centurion in
and Gibbon, are of opinion that there is no ground Crete, under Metellus Creticus, and, after the assas-
for disbelieving it. One might ask, why the em- sination of Julius Caesar, united himself to Cicero,
peror did not immediately resent his treachery? who gave him a letter of introduction to Brutus.
and how Narses, after playing such a dangerous (Cic. ad Brut. i. 8. )
game, could venture to repair to Rome, instead of NASI'CA, an agnomen in the family of the
joining the Longobards ? The fact of the Romans Scipios. [Scipio. ]
being disaffected to Justin and devotedly attached NASI'CA, CAE'SIUS, commanded a Roman
to Narses does not explain the mystery. The fol- legion under Didius Gallus in Britain. (Tac. Ann.
lowing hypothesis might perhaps throw some light xii. 40. ) [GALLUS, DIDIUs. ]
on the matter. The ambition of Narses was not NASIDIE'NUS, a wealthy (beatus) Roman,
only unlimited, but it was coupled with that irri- who gave a supper to Maecenas, which Horace
table and resentful temper which is peculiar to wo- ridicules so unmercifully in the eighth satire of his
men and eunuchs. His deposition was sufficient second book. It appears from v. 58, that Rufus
to ruuse the former, and the bitter taunt of the was the cognomen of Nasidienus. The scholiasts
empress Sophia could not but provoke the latter. tell us that Nasidienus was a Roman eques ; but it
He thus invited the Longobards, not in order that is probable that the name is fictitious, as it is
they might conquer Italy, but to compel Justin to not very likely that Horace would have satiriscd
put him once more at the head of the army, since in this way a man who was honoured by Maecenas
4 D 3
## p. 1142 (#1158) ##########################################
1142
NASO.
NATALIS.
prior to that of
Julianus wrote
Minitium or A
afe some citatie
Hun
COIN OF L. AXIUS NASO.
a
In one passage
Miutius is ci
as Zinnern so
Pomponius
Minicius as qe
XATTA or
Appul. Met is
a family of
which we find
orthography.
but appear to
Cicero speaks
Bolales, and
a Natta, whi
consulship of
de Dit. i. 12,
1. L. Pisa
the dictator L
praetor, BC
mnen, but it
(Lir, fii. 3,
with bis company. There is another Nasidienus
mentioned by Martial (vii. 54).
NASI'DIUS, Q. or L. “, was sent by Pompey,
in B. C. 49, with a fleet of sixteen ships to relieve
Massilia, when it was besieged by Caesar's troops,
under the command of D. Brutus. He was unable,
WXSI:)
however, to effect his object, was defeated by
Brutus, and fled to Africa, where it appears that he
had the command of the Pompeian fleet. (Cace. B. C.
ii. 3—7 ; Cic. ad Att. xi. 17; Auctor, Bell. Afr. NASO, JU’LIUS, an intimate friend of Pliny
64,98. ) After the conquest of Africa by Caesar, and Tacitus, both of whom interested themselves
Nasidius probably fled to Spain and followed the much in his success, when he became a candidate for
fortunes of the Pompeian party, but he is not men- the public offices of the state (Plin. Ep. vi. 6, 9).
tioned again for some time. Cicero, in his seventh One of Pliny's letters (iv.
6) is addressed to him.
Philippic (c. 9), speaks of an L. Visidius, a Roman NASO, L. OCTAVIUS, whose heres was L.
eques, who had assisted bim in suppressing the Flavius, praetor designatus in B. c. 59. (Cic. ud
conspiracy of Catiline, and who was at that time Q. Fr. i. 2. & 3. )
(B. C. 43) engaged in levying troops to oppose An- NASO, CN. OTACI’LIUS, is recommended by
tony at Mutina. For L. Visidius Orelli proposes Cicero to the notice and favour of Acilius, iu B. Co
to read L. Nasidius, which occurs in a few manu- 16. (Cic. ad Fum. xiii. 33. )
scripts, but Garatoni objects (ad loc. ) that it is NASO, OVI'DIUS. (Ovidius. ]
unlikely that Pompey would have given him the NASO, SE'XTIUS, one of the conspirators
command of a fleet, unless he had held some office against Caesar, B. C. 44. (Appian, B. C. ii. 113. )
in the state, and we know that the appellation of NASO, VALEʻRIUS, who had previously been
Roman eques was not applied to a person after he praetor, was sent to Smyrna in A. D. 26, to super-
had been quaestor. But whether this passnge refers intend the erection of a temple to Tiberius (Tac.
to Nasidius or not, we do not hear of hiin again ann. ir. 56).
till B. c. 35, when he is mentioned as one of the NASO, Q. VOCONIUS, the judex quaestionis
principal officers of Sex. Pompey, who deserted to in the trial of Cluentius, B. c. 66. Since Cicero in
Antony upon the failing fortunes of the former. one passage calls him Q. Naso (pro Cluent. c. 53),
(Appian, B. C. v. 139. ) He continued faithful to and in another Q. Voconius (Ibid. c. 54), Garatoni
the fortunes of Antony in the civil war between and Klotz, in their notes upon Cicero's oration,
bim and Octavian, and commanded part of An- make two different persons out of Q. Voconius
tony's fleet, which was defeated by Agrippa off Naso, namely Q. Voconius, the judex quaestionis,
Patrae, in B. C. 31, previous to the decisive battle and Q. Naso, the praetor. But Madvig has shown
of Actium. (Dion Cass. I. 13. ) The coin annexed satisfactorily (de Ascon. p. 121), that Cicero refers
refers to Nasidius : it bears on the obverse the only to one person, the judex quaestionis, pointing
head of Pompey with a trident and NEPTVNI, and out moreover that the judices quaestionum were
on the reverse a ship with NASIDIVS.
appointed to preside in those cases which the
praetors, from their limited number, could not
attend to, and that accordingly a praetor and a
judex quaestionis would not be in the same court
This opinion of Madvig is also adopted by Zumpt
(ad Cic. Ver. p. 234). Cicero in his oration for
Flaccus, B. C. 59, speaks (c. 21) of Q. Naso, as
having been praetor, but the year of his praetorship
is unknown. (Orelli, Onom. Tull. p. 649. )
NATA'LIS, ANTOʻNIUS, a Roman eques,
was one of Piso's friends, and joined him in the
conspiracy against Nero, A. D. 66, but having
NASO, P. a man whom Cicero speaks of as become suspected, and being threatened with the
"omni carens cupiditate,” was praetor B. G. 44 (Cic. torture, he disclosed the names of the conspirators,
Philipp: iii. 10). He seems to be the same as and thus escaped punishment. (Tac. Ann. xv. 50),
Naso, the augur, whom Cicero mentioned in a letter 54–56, 71. )
in the preceding year (ad Att. xii. 17). The gen- NATA'LIS, CAECI'LIUS, the person who
tile name of Naso does not occur.
maintains the cause of paganism in the dialogue of
NASO, M. ACTOʻRIUS. [ACTORIUS. ] Minucius Felix, entitled Octavius. (Felix, Mi-
NASO, ANTONIUS, a tribune of the prae- NUCIUS. ) Various conjectures have been made as
torian troops, A. D. 69 (Tac. Hist. i. 20). He may to who this Natalis was ; but there are no sufficient
be the same person as the L. Antonius Naso, wbo, data for deciding the question. (Bähr, Christl.
as we learn from coins, was procurator of Bithynia Röm. Theologie, $ 19. )
in the reign of Vespasian. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 404. ) NATA'LIS, MINU'CIUS or MINI'CIUS.
NASO, L. AXIUS, only mentioned on coins, There is a rescript of Trajan to Minucius Natalis
a specimen of which is annexed. The obverse re-|(Dig. 2. tit. 12. s. 9), who was probably a procon-
presents a woman's head surmounted with a helmet, sul, and may be the jurist Natalis. In this passage
with Naso. S. C. ; the reverse, Diana in a chariot of the Digest his name is written Minitius Natalis.
drawn by stags, with one dog before her and two This person appears to have been also consul and
behind her, and the legend L. AXSIVS. L. F. augur. The letter of Pliny the Younger to his
friend Minucius may probably be addressed to
• He is called Lucius in Caesar, but Quintus in Minucius Fundanus. (Plin. Ep. vii. 12. )
Dion Cassius and on coins.
The time of the jurist Natalis is deterinined in
2. L. (Pir
the wife of t.
obtained a se
the influence
over his own
his connectic
epeties of C
Occasions. (C
$ 3. ) The
tioned in a F
269) who
genuineness
question by
as we read
Fulvia, it
above LN
and that he
Natta; be
chichte Ruins
.
1
ON babe
ONASIDIVS
der it very
COIN OF NASIDIUS.
to his marria
the name of
ther of the la
name of Na
gens The
married as
and we co
step-son of
Dom. 52. )
3. Pina
one of the
25. (Tac.
4. Natt
6. 124) for
member of
attacked by
The coin
but who be
represents
Victory in
a
• Henc
given as a
in the art
suppositios
mistake.
## p. 1143 (#1159) ##########################################
NATTA.
1143
NAUCRATES.
COIN OP PINARIUS NATTA.
prior to that of Salvius Julianus, by the fact that
Julianus wrote notes in six books Ad (apud, in)
Minitium or Ad Minicium, from which books there
are some citations in the Digest (6. tit. 1. 8. 61).
In one passage, the tenth book of the work, Ad
Minitium is cited (Dig. 19. tit. 1. 8. 11. § 15), but
as Zimmern suggests, x. is a blunder for v.
OM
Pomponius (Dig. 19. tit. 1. 6. 6. § 4) quotes
Minicius as quoting Sabinus.
(G. L. )
NATTA or NĂCCA, “a fuller" (Festus, s. v. ; NAUBOLIDES (Naufotköns), a patronymic
Appul. Met. ix. p. 636, ed. Ouden. ), was the name of from Naubolus, and accordingly applied to his sons,
a family of the Pinaria gens. Natca, or Nata, Iphitus (Hom. Il.
and of quite obscure parentage ; indeed, it seems would lead to still greater calamities, and he con-
that his parents sold him, or that he was made a sequently recalled Narses (539). This was the
prisoner of war when a mere boy, and his fate was first equivocal début of a general who afterwards
that of so many other boys captured in war: he put an end to the Gothic dominion in Italy.
was castrated. Of his earlier life nothing is known. During the following twelve years the name of
He came, however, to Constantinople and was em- Narses is scarcely mentioned in the annals of the
ployed in the imperial household. He was of empire, but he continued nevertheless to exercise a
material service to the emperor Justinian during predominant influence in the privy council of Jus-
the Níka riots (532), in which the name of Belisa- tinian. The world, however, was more accustomed
rius likewise became conspicuous. Narses was to look upon him as a statesman than as a general,
then cubicularius or chamberlain, as Theophanes and great was consequently the surprise when,
states, and it was perhaps the judicial use he made in 551, the emperor put him at the head of a for-
of the funds entrusted to him, by bribing over the midable expedition destined to retrieve the fortune
emperor's opponents, which caused him to be ap- of the Roman arms in Italy, where the Goths had
pointed treasurer to his master. In later years he had the upper hand ever since the recall of Belisarius
was employed in several embassies, and discharged in 548. The campaign of Narses in Italy 538, had
his duties to the complete satisfaction of his master, been no proof of his military skill, and the Roman
whose cunfidence he enjoyed in the highest degree. veterans revolted at fighting under a eunuch, whom
In 538 he was sent to Italy with reinforcements the very laws of the country seemed to exclude
for Belisarius, who was then in the field against from any command over men. Little affected by
the Goths; but it is more than probable that their demonstrations, and despising the ridicule
had secret instructions to thwart that great com- which the people tried to throw upon him, Narses,
mander, and prevent him from obtaining advan- availing himself of the unlimited confidence of Jus-
tages which might have rendered him dangerous to tinian, drained the imperial treasury, and vigorousiy
the suspicious Justinian. The contingent com- puslied on his preparations for the ensuing cam-
manded by Narses consisted of 5000 veterans and I paigu. In the spring of 552 every thing was ready,
4 D 2
## p. 1140 (#1156) ##########################################
1140
NARSES.
NARSES.
a
a
However, Ancona was the only port left to the Gothic army was utterly defeated, Teias and a
Romans in Italy between Ravenna and Otranto ; countless number were slain, and the rest capitu-
the Gothic fleet covered the sea ; and it was conse- lated, but were allowed to withdraw from
quently dangerous to trust the safety of 100,000 Italy: this condition was never well observed.
men, and the issue of the whole undertaking to the Narses now marched to the north, reducing one
chances of the weather or a naval battle. However, fortress after the other, and gaining the confidence
the Gothic fleet was beaten and destroyed off of the inhabitants through his firm yet generous
Sinigaglia Narses nevertheless resolved to march and faithful conduct. He thought he had subdued
round the Adriatic. This road presented no less Italy when he was undeceived by the appearance
formidable difficulties: the whole low country tra- of a host of 75,000 Alemanni and Franks, who
versed by the Po, the Adige, &c. , and their count- came down the Alps under the command of the two
less branches, was an impassable swamp ; the gallant dukes of the Alemanni, Leutharis and
bridges over the Po and the Adige had been broken Buccellinus. The Roman vanguard, commanded
down by the enemy; and the only remaining pas- by Fulcaris, a brave but rash Herulian, was cut to
sage over the latter river, at Verona, was guarded pieces in the amphitheatre of Parma, and, in spito
by the gallant Teias with a strong body of veteran of the efforts of Narses, the barbarians rushed down
Goths. Narses consequently chose a middle course. into Southern Italy. Leutharis ravaged Apulia
He coasted the Dalmatian shore of the Adriatic as and Calabria, and Buccellinus plundered Campania
fiir as the northern corner of that sea, whence his Lucania, and Bruttium ; but they were more for-
army continued by land, while the fleet took a midable as marauders than as soldiers ; they could
parallel course along the shore, and wherever a overrun the country, but they oppressed it too
river or a canal chocked the progress by land, the much to be able to maintain themselves in it, and
ships conveyed timber and other materials to the they consequently thought of returning to the Alps.
spot for the speedy construction of bridges. Thus Their ranks were thinned through losses and dig
be reached Ravenna, Tejas being all the while quite eases, to which Leutharis fell a rictim with his
unable to molest him. He remained nine days in whole band, and while Buccellinus was staying
that city. Thence he marched upon Rimini, and near Capua, Narses came on with his veterans
the Gothic garrison having dared to insult him, he and slew him and his followers in a fierce battle at
drove them back within their walls, and slew their Casilinum, on the Vulturus. Agathias says, that
commander Usdrilas. Without losing time in be out of 30,000 men only 5000 escaped in this bat-
bieging Rimini he proceeded on the Flaminian way tle. The power of the Goths was now irretrievably
to Rome, where king Totilas awaited him with his ruined, and Italy was once more a province of the
main army. They met in the plain of Lentaglio, Roman empire, which Justinian finally pacified
between Tagina (Taginae, Tadinae) and the tombs and organised by his famous “ Pragmatica. ” Narses
of the Gauls: the left of the Romans was under was appointed governor of Italy, and took up bis
the immediate command of Narses and Joannes, residence at Ravenna.
the nephew of Vitalienus, and the right was com- During many subsequent years the name of
manded by Valerianus, John Phagas, and Dagis- Narses is not once mentioned ; but we cannot
theus. The Romans carried the day: 6000 Goths but presume that in regulating the domestic
fell on the field, and king Totilas was slain in his affairs of Italy he acted in a way that did credit
flight: his armour was sent to Constantinople to his genius, although we know that his con-
(July 552). Teias was now chosen king of the duct was far from being free from avarice. In
Goths. Narses reaped the fruits of his victory by 563 he had an opportunity of proving that he was
receiving the keys of the strongest fortresses of the still the old general. Vidinus, cornes, caused
Goths in that portion of Italy. Rome was forced fierce revolt in Verona and Brescia, and was sup
to surrender by Dagistheus, a distinguished general, ported by some Franks and a band of Alemanni
whose name and that of his colleague Bessus are under Amingus, who made sad havoc in Uppes
strangely connected with the chances of warfare ; Italy, till Narses fell upon them and crushed them
for it was Bessus who commanded in Rome when
at once, whereupon Verona and Brescia sub
it was reduced by the Goths in 546, a misfortune mitted. Sindual, a chief of the Herules, who had
which he afterwards retrieved by reducing Petra, served Narses faithfully during many years, imi-
the bulwark of the empire towards the Caucasus, tated the example of Vidinus and shared his fate ;
over which Dagistheus was appointed commander ; but while Narses spared the life of the comes he
and Dagistheus having been compelled to surrender ordered Sindual to be hanged, so incensed was he
Petra again to the Persians, took in his turn his at his want of loyalty. These victories caused
revenge by reducing Rome. In the course of the great joy in Constantinople ; but the death of Jus
Gothic war Rome had been five times taken and tinian, which took place in the same year, and the
retaken: in 536 by Belisarius, in 546 by Totilas, accession of Justin, were heavy checks upon the
in 547 again by Belisarius, in 549 again by Toti- influence of Narses at the imperial court, and finally
las, and in 552 by Narses. Narses despatched contributed to his ruin.
Valerian to the Po for the purpose of preventing The death of Justinian and the extreme age of
the fugitive Goths from rallying round the head- Narses caused two movements of great importance.
quarters of Teias at Pavia and Verona; but Teias The administration of the great exarch of Italy
eluded his vigilance, and, aided by a body of was vigorous but oppressive ; and although the
Frunks whose alliance he had bought, suddenly Gothic war had impoverished that unhappy coun-
broke forth from behind his lines, and appeared in try to an enormous degree, he extracted the last
Southern Italy to avenge the death of Totilas. coin from its inhabitants. Had he continued to
But, instead of avenging it, he shared his fate on send a proportionate share of it into the imperial
the banks of the Sarnus (Draco), a little river treasury, he might have continued his extortions
which flows into the bay of Naples (March, 553). without feeling the consequences; but it appears that
In a bloody battle, which lasted two days, the lie was less liberal to Justin than to Justinian, and
## p. 1141 (#1157) ##########################################
NARSES.
1141
NASIDIENUS
;
a
the wealth and oriental luxuries with which he he was the only man who could check the barba-
surrounded himself in his palace at Ravenna ex- rians ; and bad death not prevented him he would
cited the indignation of the Romans. During the certainly have triumphed over his enemies, and
life of Justinian, however, they did not complain, taken ample revenge for the insults he had suffered.
knowing that every attempt to shake Justinian's Such stratagems have often been invented by ad-
confidence in his great minister would have been venturers aspiring to power, as well as by men
in vain ; but no sooner was he dead than a depu- high in office, aiming at still greater power. It is
tation of Romans waited upon his successor, ex- said that Narses attained the age of ninety-five.
posing the extortions of Narses, and declaring that Gibbon doubts it, and perhaps not without reason.
they would prefer the rude yet frank despotism of 1s it probable," says he, that all his exploits
the Goths to the system of craft and avarice carried were perforined at four core ? " It is certainly not
on by their present governor. Their complaints probable ; but when Blucher performed his great
were not only listened to with attention, but were exploits he was past seventy, and he was as fresh
taken up by Justin as a pretext for getting rid of in the field as a young man.
a inan who was not his creature, and Narses was Narses was one of those rare men who are des-
consequently dismissed, and Longinus appointed in tined by Providence to rise above all others, and,
his stead. He might have borne his disgrace with according to circumstances or the particular shape
magnanimity but for the insulting message of of their genius, to become either the benefactors or
the empresa Sophia, who bade him leave the the scourges of mankind. Of low and perhaps
profession of arms to men, and resume his former barbarian parentage, slave, eunuch, with the body
occupations among the eunuchs, and spin wool with of a boy and the voice of a woman, he made him-
the maidens of the palace. Stung to the quick by self equal to the greatest, and was inferior to none,
this woman-like yet ungenerous taunt, Narses an- for his soul was that of a hero; his mind, bold and
swered that “ he would spin her such a thread as inflexible in its resolutions, was yet of that elastic
she would not unravel during her life. ” (“ Narses kind that adapts itself to circumstances; and
dicitur haec responsa dedisse: Talem se eidem through the labyrinth of schemes and intrigues his
telam orditurum qualem ipsa, dum viveret, depo- talents guided him with the same security that
nere non posset,” Paul. Diacon. de Gest. Long. ii. leads the plain warrior on the broad way of heroic
6. ) Narses retired quietly from office and took up action. Equal to Belisarius as a general, he was
bis residence at Naples. An opportunity for gra- his superior as a statesman ; but his virtues were
tifying his revenge was at hand. The Longobards less pure than those of the unfortunate hero ; and
were meditating an invasion of Italy, a scheme of in a moral point of view he stands far below his
which Justin was well aware when he dismissed rival. (Procop. Bell. Goth. ii. 13, &c. , iii. iv. ;
Narses, who was, however, the only man able to Paul. Diacon. de Gest. Long. ii. 1–5; Marcellin.
prevent such a calamity. “ Full of rage,” says Chron. ; Agathias, lib. i. ii. ; Zonar. vol. ii. p. 63,
Paulus Diaconus (loc. ), “ Narses sent messengers &c. ; Cedren. p. 387 ; Malela, p. 83; Theoph. p.
to the Longobards, and invited them to leave 201—206 (the index confounds the great Narses
the poor fields of Pannonia and take possession of with Narses the general of Maurice and Tiberius);
rich Italy. At the same time he sent them all Evagrius, iv. 24 ; Anastasius, Histor. p. 62,
kinds of fruits and other products of Italy, in order &c. ; Vita Joan. iii. p. 43 ; Agnellus, Liber Pon-
to make them greedy and hasten their arrival. " tific. )
(W. P. ]
King Alboin accordingly descended from the Alps NA'SAMON (Naokuwv), a son of Amphithemis
into Italy. No sooner, however, was Narses in- and Tritonis, the ancestral hero of the Nasamones
formed of it, than he repaired to Rome, and tried in the north of Africa, who are said to have derived
to soothe the emperor by a submissive letter. The their name from him. (Apollon. Rhod. iv.
invasion of Italy, however, of which he could not 1496. )
(L. S. )
but accuse himself as the cause, preyed upon his NA'SCIO, a Roman divinity, presiding over the
mind, and he died of grief (568). All this appears birth of children, and accordingly a goddess assist-
strange ; his conduct seems unaccountable ; and ing Lucina in her functions, and analogous to the
weighty doubts bave been raised by competent his- Greek Eileithyiae. She had a sanctuary in the
torians against the authenticity of the tale. But neighbourhood of Ardea. (Cic. de Nat. Deor. ïïi.
severe critics, Pagi, Muratori, Horatius Blancus, 18. )
(L. S. )
Petavius, &c. , as well as the more modern Le Beau NASE'NNIUS, C. , served as a centurion in
and Gibbon, are of opinion that there is no ground Crete, under Metellus Creticus, and, after the assas-
for disbelieving it. One might ask, why the em- sination of Julius Caesar, united himself to Cicero,
peror did not immediately resent his treachery? who gave him a letter of introduction to Brutus.
and how Narses, after playing such a dangerous (Cic. ad Brut. i. 8. )
game, could venture to repair to Rome, instead of NASI'CA, an agnomen in the family of the
joining the Longobards ? The fact of the Romans Scipios. [Scipio. ]
being disaffected to Justin and devotedly attached NASI'CA, CAE'SIUS, commanded a Roman
to Narses does not explain the mystery. The fol- legion under Didius Gallus in Britain. (Tac. Ann.
lowing hypothesis might perhaps throw some light xii. 40. ) [GALLUS, DIDIUs. ]
on the matter. The ambition of Narses was not NASIDIE'NUS, a wealthy (beatus) Roman,
only unlimited, but it was coupled with that irri- who gave a supper to Maecenas, which Horace
table and resentful temper which is peculiar to wo- ridicules so unmercifully in the eighth satire of his
men and eunuchs. His deposition was sufficient second book. It appears from v. 58, that Rufus
to ruuse the former, and the bitter taunt of the was the cognomen of Nasidienus. The scholiasts
empress Sophia could not but provoke the latter. tell us that Nasidienus was a Roman eques ; but it
He thus invited the Longobards, not in order that is probable that the name is fictitious, as it is
they might conquer Italy, but to compel Justin to not very likely that Horace would have satiriscd
put him once more at the head of the army, since in this way a man who was honoured by Maecenas
4 D 3
## p. 1142 (#1158) ##########################################
1142
NASO.
NATALIS.
prior to that of
Julianus wrote
Minitium or A
afe some citatie
Hun
COIN OF L. AXIUS NASO.
a
In one passage
Miutius is ci
as Zinnern so
Pomponius
Minicius as qe
XATTA or
Appul. Met is
a family of
which we find
orthography.
but appear to
Cicero speaks
Bolales, and
a Natta, whi
consulship of
de Dit. i. 12,
1. L. Pisa
the dictator L
praetor, BC
mnen, but it
(Lir, fii. 3,
with bis company. There is another Nasidienus
mentioned by Martial (vii. 54).
NASI'DIUS, Q. or L. “, was sent by Pompey,
in B. C. 49, with a fleet of sixteen ships to relieve
Massilia, when it was besieged by Caesar's troops,
under the command of D. Brutus. He was unable,
WXSI:)
however, to effect his object, was defeated by
Brutus, and fled to Africa, where it appears that he
had the command of the Pompeian fleet. (Cace. B. C.
ii. 3—7 ; Cic. ad Att. xi. 17; Auctor, Bell. Afr. NASO, JU’LIUS, an intimate friend of Pliny
64,98. ) After the conquest of Africa by Caesar, and Tacitus, both of whom interested themselves
Nasidius probably fled to Spain and followed the much in his success, when he became a candidate for
fortunes of the Pompeian party, but he is not men- the public offices of the state (Plin. Ep. vi. 6, 9).
tioned again for some time. Cicero, in his seventh One of Pliny's letters (iv.
6) is addressed to him.
Philippic (c. 9), speaks of an L. Visidius, a Roman NASO, L. OCTAVIUS, whose heres was L.
eques, who had assisted bim in suppressing the Flavius, praetor designatus in B. c. 59. (Cic. ud
conspiracy of Catiline, and who was at that time Q. Fr. i. 2. & 3. )
(B. C. 43) engaged in levying troops to oppose An- NASO, CN. OTACI’LIUS, is recommended by
tony at Mutina. For L. Visidius Orelli proposes Cicero to the notice and favour of Acilius, iu B. Co
to read L. Nasidius, which occurs in a few manu- 16. (Cic. ad Fum. xiii. 33. )
scripts, but Garatoni objects (ad loc. ) that it is NASO, OVI'DIUS. (Ovidius. ]
unlikely that Pompey would have given him the NASO, SE'XTIUS, one of the conspirators
command of a fleet, unless he had held some office against Caesar, B. C. 44. (Appian, B. C. ii. 113. )
in the state, and we know that the appellation of NASO, VALEʻRIUS, who had previously been
Roman eques was not applied to a person after he praetor, was sent to Smyrna in A. D. 26, to super-
had been quaestor. But whether this passnge refers intend the erection of a temple to Tiberius (Tac.
to Nasidius or not, we do not hear of hiin again ann. ir. 56).
till B. c. 35, when he is mentioned as one of the NASO, Q. VOCONIUS, the judex quaestionis
principal officers of Sex. Pompey, who deserted to in the trial of Cluentius, B. c. 66. Since Cicero in
Antony upon the failing fortunes of the former. one passage calls him Q. Naso (pro Cluent. c. 53),
(Appian, B. C. v. 139. ) He continued faithful to and in another Q. Voconius (Ibid. c. 54), Garatoni
the fortunes of Antony in the civil war between and Klotz, in their notes upon Cicero's oration,
bim and Octavian, and commanded part of An- make two different persons out of Q. Voconius
tony's fleet, which was defeated by Agrippa off Naso, namely Q. Voconius, the judex quaestionis,
Patrae, in B. C. 31, previous to the decisive battle and Q. Naso, the praetor. But Madvig has shown
of Actium. (Dion Cass. I. 13. ) The coin annexed satisfactorily (de Ascon. p. 121), that Cicero refers
refers to Nasidius : it bears on the obverse the only to one person, the judex quaestionis, pointing
head of Pompey with a trident and NEPTVNI, and out moreover that the judices quaestionum were
on the reverse a ship with NASIDIVS.
appointed to preside in those cases which the
praetors, from their limited number, could not
attend to, and that accordingly a praetor and a
judex quaestionis would not be in the same court
This opinion of Madvig is also adopted by Zumpt
(ad Cic. Ver. p. 234). Cicero in his oration for
Flaccus, B. C. 59, speaks (c. 21) of Q. Naso, as
having been praetor, but the year of his praetorship
is unknown. (Orelli, Onom. Tull. p. 649. )
NATA'LIS, ANTOʻNIUS, a Roman eques,
was one of Piso's friends, and joined him in the
conspiracy against Nero, A. D. 66, but having
NASO, P. a man whom Cicero speaks of as become suspected, and being threatened with the
"omni carens cupiditate,” was praetor B. G. 44 (Cic. torture, he disclosed the names of the conspirators,
Philipp: iii. 10). He seems to be the same as and thus escaped punishment. (Tac. Ann. xv. 50),
Naso, the augur, whom Cicero mentioned in a letter 54–56, 71. )
in the preceding year (ad Att. xii. 17). The gen- NATA'LIS, CAECI'LIUS, the person who
tile name of Naso does not occur.
maintains the cause of paganism in the dialogue of
NASO, M. ACTOʻRIUS. [ACTORIUS. ] Minucius Felix, entitled Octavius. (Felix, Mi-
NASO, ANTONIUS, a tribune of the prae- NUCIUS. ) Various conjectures have been made as
torian troops, A. D. 69 (Tac. Hist. i. 20). He may to who this Natalis was ; but there are no sufficient
be the same person as the L. Antonius Naso, wbo, data for deciding the question. (Bähr, Christl.
as we learn from coins, was procurator of Bithynia Röm. Theologie, $ 19. )
in the reign of Vespasian. (Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 404. ) NATA'LIS, MINU'CIUS or MINI'CIUS.
NASO, L. AXIUS, only mentioned on coins, There is a rescript of Trajan to Minucius Natalis
a specimen of which is annexed. The obverse re-|(Dig. 2. tit. 12. s. 9), who was probably a procon-
presents a woman's head surmounted with a helmet, sul, and may be the jurist Natalis. In this passage
with Naso. S. C. ; the reverse, Diana in a chariot of the Digest his name is written Minitius Natalis.
drawn by stags, with one dog before her and two This person appears to have been also consul and
behind her, and the legend L. AXSIVS. L. F. augur. The letter of Pliny the Younger to his
friend Minucius may probably be addressed to
• He is called Lucius in Caesar, but Quintus in Minucius Fundanus. (Plin. Ep. vii. 12. )
Dion Cassius and on coins.
The time of the jurist Natalis is deterinined in
2. L. (Pir
the wife of t.
obtained a se
the influence
over his own
his connectic
epeties of C
Occasions. (C
$ 3. ) The
tioned in a F
269) who
genuineness
question by
as we read
Fulvia, it
above LN
and that he
Natta; be
chichte Ruins
.
1
ON babe
ONASIDIVS
der it very
COIN OF NASIDIUS.
to his marria
the name of
ther of the la
name of Na
gens The
married as
and we co
step-son of
Dom. 52. )
3. Pina
one of the
25. (Tac.
4. Natt
6. 124) for
member of
attacked by
The coin
but who be
represents
Victory in
a
• Henc
given as a
in the art
suppositios
mistake.
## p. 1143 (#1159) ##########################################
NATTA.
1143
NAUCRATES.
COIN OP PINARIUS NATTA.
prior to that of Salvius Julianus, by the fact that
Julianus wrote notes in six books Ad (apud, in)
Minitium or Ad Minicium, from which books there
are some citations in the Digest (6. tit. 1. 8. 61).
In one passage, the tenth book of the work, Ad
Minitium is cited (Dig. 19. tit. 1. 8. 11. § 15), but
as Zimmern suggests, x. is a blunder for v.
OM
Pomponius (Dig. 19. tit. 1. 6. 6. § 4) quotes
Minicius as quoting Sabinus.
(G. L. )
NATTA or NĂCCA, “a fuller" (Festus, s. v. ; NAUBOLIDES (Naufotköns), a patronymic
Appul. Met. ix. p. 636, ed. Ouden. ), was the name of from Naubolus, and accordingly applied to his sons,
a family of the Pinaria gens. Natca, or Nata, Iphitus (Hom. Il.
