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of education and discipline to the legislature, with power to
supply vacancies occurring in the offices of presidents of
the colleges, or of the principals of the academies, through
the neglect of their trustees.
THE LIFE OF
of education and discipline to the legislature, with power to
supply vacancies occurring in the offices of presidents of
the colleges, or of the principals of the academies, through
the neglect of their trustees.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v2
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any farther into the dangerous practice of disqualifying
citizens by general descriptions. "
"Though," a member replied, " he held Colonel Hamil-
ton in high estimation, and had a very great respect for
his candour, abilities, and knowledge of mankind, yet he
believed him much mistaken. He laid it down as a maxim,
that the man who was once an enemy will always remain
so. It was prudent to guard against admitting these peo-
ple to a participation of the . rights of citizens. He would
not operate on those who had taken up arms unwillingly.
The exclusion was constitutional,'because the constitution
must warrant every thing necessary for its own support. "
He appealed to that section of it which prohibited attain-
ders, except for crimes committed during the war.
Hamilton denied the distinction, and explained the inten-
tion and meaning of this clause of the constitution. He
defined acts of attainder, "as laws confiscating for treason
and misprision of treason all the property and estate of
the attainted traitor, and forfeiting his life unless he ap-
peared to take his trial. " This was the construction of it
by the country from which we derive our knowledge of
jurisprudence, and he believed no example could be ad-
duced, wherein it had been extended or applied in any
other manner. He was positive it could not be exercised
to disfranchise a whole party; for this obvious reason, that
it would involve the innocent with the guilty. This clause
in the constitution was only intended to apply in particular
cases, where an exception to the established mode of com-
mon law became necessary by the persons absenting
themselves, and did not apply to the subject before the
house. Precedents of this kind laid the foundation for the
subversion of the liberties of the people. He hoped they
would not be established. " He again prevailed. *
* Nays 32 to 21.
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? HAMILTON.
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It has been stated that in the year seventeen hundred
and eighty-two, while Hamilton was continental receiver,
he had digested a system of taxation, the great object of
which was to exclude arbitrary valuations; that he also
had sought to engraft the same principle in the continental
revenue system, framed in the following year.
Having been placed on the committee of ways and
means, he now brought forward and enforced at much
length similar views. His great objects were to substitute
a mode by which every individual could himself estimate
what he had to pay, without being dependent on the ca-
prices, the affections, or the enmities of another; and to
approximate as near as possible to certainty and equality,
the two great objects to be aimed at in every system of
taxation.
One of the clauses of the bill raising taxes deviated from
a general and safe principle. It proposed a tax on certain
legal instruments, and was objected to because it was par-
tial in its operation affecting the members of the law.
Hamilton declared his opinion, "that it was not proper to
tax any particular class of men for the benefit of the state
at large; but in the present instance it was to answer a
very important purpose. It was putting in force that most
excellent part of the constitution, which declares that the
judges should be independent of the legislature. This, at
present, was not the case. He therefore supported the
paragraph, observing that the salaries of the judges should
be permanent; that they should neither fear the powers
nor court the favour of the legislature. He believed it
was right that this independence should arise from the tax
proposed. " He succeeded in sustaining this provision, but
the plan, after a very full consideration, was defeated by
a small majority.
A discussion arose upon the objections of the council of
revision to a bill for settling intestate estates, proving wills,
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and granting letters of administration. Jones advocated
the enactment of the law. Hamilton, after stating that he
should probably vote with him, remarked, " that he did not
view the matter in quite so clear a light as that gentleman
appeared to do. There appeared to him to be difficulties
in the case, which he would candidly lay before the house
to assist its judgment.
"The objection is, that a new court is erected, or an old
one invested with a new jurisdiction, in which it is not
bound to proceed according to the course of the common
law. The question is, what is meant in the constitution by
this phrase,' the common law V These words have, in a
legal view, two significations--one more extensive, the
other more strict. In their most extensive sense, they
comprehend the constitution of all those courts which were
established by immemorial custom; such as the court of
chancery, the ecclesiastical court, &c. ; though these courts
proceed according to a peculiar law.
"In their more strict sense, they are confined to the
course of proceedings in the courts of Westminster, in
England, or in the supreme court in this state. If the words
are understood in the first sense, the bill under consider-
ation is not unconstitutional. In the last it is unconstitu-
tional, for it gives to an old court a new jurisdiction, in
which it is to proceed according to the course of the com-
mon law in this last sense. And to give new jurisdiction
to old courts, not according to the course of the common
law, is, in my opinion, as much of an infringement, in sub-
stance, of this part of the constitution, as to erect new
courts with such jurisdiction. To say the reverse, would
be to evade the constitution.
"But, though I view it as a delicate and difficult question,
yet I am inclined to think that the more extensive sense
may be fully adopted, with this limitation--that such new
jurisdictions must proceed according to the course of those
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? HAMILTON.
425
courts, having, by the common law, cognizance of the sub-
ject matter. They ought, however, never to be extended
to objects which, at common law, belonged to the jurisdic-
tion of the courts at Westminster, and which in this state
are of the peculiar cognizance of the supreme court. At
common law, the ecclesiastical courts, not the courts of
Westminster, had cognizance of intestacies and testament-
ary cases. The bill proposes that the court of probates
shall have cognizance of the same causes and proceed in
the same manner as the ecclesiastical courts, except as to
inflicting ecclesiastical penalties. The distinction I have
taken will, I am inclined to think, bear us out in passing
the bill under consideration. But it is certainly a point
not without considerable difficulty. " The bill was passed.
If the precise and profound knowledge of the great prin-
ciples of jurisprudence here evinced, commands the respect
of that important class of men whose profession educates
and constitutes them the guardians of human rights, his
tolerant spirit more attracts the commendation of all those
who justly value freedom of conscience, without which the
law is chiefly known by her fetters and her scourge.
In the question, the solemn question, " Why should we
wound the tender conscience of any man? " the sternest
rebuke is given to him who would control religious opinion
by the secular arm, as if man had any power over the soul
of man. Nor is it less pleasing to remark the caution and
the heart with which he watched over the rights of the
numerous and less favoured body of men. In the statute
regulating elections, it is the poor and " the illiterate" elect-
or who is to be protected, as well as 'i his more instructed
fellow-citizen," in the right of suffrage, and in the right
of choosing as his representative whom he pleased; that
right to be enjoyed as the constitution gave it, not to be
infringed by any legislative act, but to be judged by the
law of the land " in its due process. "
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As a matter affecting the poor, he prepared a bill to
regulate the circulation of copper coin, founded on a re-,
port which showed a depreciated copper currency, and
framed a resolution directing the delegates in congress to
move for an alteration in the ordinance as to the mint, so
that the copper coin should not pass for more than the ac-
"tual value of the copper and the expense of coinage.
While discussing an act to exempt from imprisonment
the smaller classes of debtors, his only apprehension was,
that this exemption would prevent the poor from obtain-
ing assistance from the rich. "He would wish," he said,
"that every man in distress would meet relief--he would
enter into any measure that would effect this purpose.
But the clause as it stood, was not proper; it might be
right to say what shall be done in respect to future con-
tracts, but it would be wrong to meddle with the past. "
The law to diminish the expense of the collection of
small debts, and those in relation to the descent and dis-
tribution of property, are all in a similar equal spirit.
At the previous session, an act had been passed abolish-
ing entails, and dividing the inheritance in equal parts
among the lawful issue of the intestate. This principle
was now extended to personal property, with an equitable
reference to previous settlements or advances. Freehold-
ers were, by another act, empowered to alien at their
pleasure, and the feudal badges abolished; all charges in-
cident to wardships, liveries, values, and forfeitures of mar-
riages being taken away, and the tenures so held, turned
into free and common socage. Lands exempt in other
states were here made liable to be sold by executions for
debt, and the process in personal actions was simplified.
Having thus given the law a free course, he drafted an
act of bankruptcy.
Criminal jurisprudence was also an object of his atten-
tion. While he sought to secure the rights of society, a
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? HAMILTON.
427
spirit of lenity marked his course. He introduced an act
for the speedy trial of small offenders, and while condemning
the severity of some of the penal laws of England, he sus-
tained those which had in view the protection of the sub-
ject from arbitrary power. The law of treason was de-
fined, by declaring it to consist only in levying war against
the people of the state, or in adhering to their enemies,
giving them aid and comfort. It must be established "by
good proof of open deed," and no person could be indicted
for or convicted of it except on the oaths of " two lawful
witnesses," or upon confession "without violence, in open
court. "
The various other crimes in their successive gradations
were also defined, and their punishment prescribed. Amid
the disorders following a revolution, frequent violations of
personal liberty would take place. To remedy this great evil,
a bill was passed to prevent delays in obtaining the evasion
of the writ of habeas corpus, entitled " An act for the bet-
ter securing the liberty of the citizens of the state. "
Litigation had become rife, and there was a violent cla-
mour against the members of the bar, by the many against
whom the arm of justice was raised. A bill was brought
forward to reduce their compensation: with the respect
due to the profession of which he was a member, and with
a discriminating regard to the true interests of the public,
he resisted it as a mere lure for popularity, and demon-
strated the folly of reducing their compensation below a
reasonable standard. With the same regard to justice, he
earnestly opposed a proposition which had been made in
a former legislature, and was now renewed, for a discrimi-
nation between the different classes of the public creditors,
and urged a general and equal provision for them all.
"The state," he declared, " ought to give all the relief pos-
sible to every class of public claimants. There should be
no discrimination with respect to possessors of certificates.
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There was no propriety in a partial relief; justice should
alike be administered to all. " Thus, in a session of the
legislature the most distinguished in the annals of this state,
he is seen usefully employed in guarding against excess of
every kind, and in a revisal and cautious modification of
most of the great statutes fundamental to its polity.
Had a desire for personal distinction influenced him, in-
stead of this careful observance of ancient landmarks and
established precedents, the social system might have been
disturbed to gratify the ambition of being the author of a
code; but his was of another kind. *
At this time was also passed an act for the encourage-
ment of navigation by steam, and thus an incitement was
given to discoveries which form an era in the annals of
this country. This was also an epoch in another branch
of legislation, which must largely and happily control its
future destinies.
The proposed provisions in the law governing elections
for the protection of the rights of illiterate persons, show
the want of education at this time. The evil was one of
an extent and magnitude worthy the cares of a statesman
employed in laying the foundations of an empire.
When studying closely, as Hamilton had done, the intel-
lect of the ancient world, while the wonderful advances it
had made with its feeble aids attracted his admiration, the
pervading defect of its polity could not have escaped his
observation. Its institutions were for the fewj the pro-
gressive nature of society was overlooked, and hence their
frequent and sudden, violent and total subversion. A sys-
tem of general education was unknown, and consequently
when the civilized world was overrun, forming no part
* It would be a great injustice to omit the name of Samuel Jones as a chief
coadjutor in this important duty. To his profound learning, this state is
much indebted as a reviser of its laws.
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? HAMILTON.
429
of the state, learning was buried amid the ruins of empires,
or was compelled to take refuge in the cloister. Emerg-
ing from this asylum by slow degrees, it came into a rude
world, obscured by the dogmas of the contending sects,
which, admitting the theory, refused the right of free in-
quiry, and at the same time assumed the high office of
teaching nations.
The United States being settled at this time, felt these
influences, and the early colonies, in their religious preju-
dices and political speculations, exhibit conspicuously the
coexistence of the most adverse principles; in questions
of faith, a narrow tyranny ; in questions of government, the
largest liberty. With the distinguished exception of parts
of New-England, the only education proceeded from reli-
gious endowments; a happy provision for a people too
poor and sparse to educate themselves. But these endow-
ments were inadequate to the purpose.
Hamilton resolved to supply this deficiency; guarding
against sectarian or other influences foreign to it, he de-
termined to build up a great system of public instruction
upon comprehensive principles; to make it so essential a
part of the public policy, that it would endure through
every change of government; to render it by habit a want
of society, a necessary part of its aliment that must and
will be satisfied.
His first great object was to place a book in the hand
of every American child. As, in his enlarged views, each
branch of knowledge had its place and value in reference
to the various natural indications of the mind, the next
was to provide for each individual, and each degree and
variety of talent, a progressive culture. Thus, from the
broad basis of common education was to rise in due gra-
dation a system of order and of beauty, to be cemented
with, to pervade, to sustain, to overarch, and to embellish
the whole moral and political frame of society.
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Only one literary foundation of magnitude existed in
the colony of New-York, known as King's College; an
endowment by the church of England in the year seven-
teen hundred and fifty-four, on condition of conformity
with its tenets. This college was dispersed at the begin-
ning of the revolution. Its professors fled, its library
was plundered, and the edifice, which had been occupied
by the British soldiery, alone remained. In the interior
of the state the few schools which had been sustained by
private resources were abandoned; a fact of moment to
show the character of the generation which grew up du-
ring this civil war. Soon after the peace, the attention
of the legislature was directed to this subject, and in May,
seventeen hundred and eighty-four. an act was passed to
create a university, of which the great officers of the
state, with twenty-four others to be appointed by the gov-
ernor and council of appointment, and one to represent
the clergy, were constituted the regents, upon whom was
conferred the government and visitation of the colleges
and schools that should be established. This act also
provided, in addition to the regents appointed by the state,
that every religious society might institute a professorship,
and that every founder of a college or school might elect
a representative, who, with the president of each institu-
tion, was to be a member of the board of regents, of which
all professors, tutors, and fellows, were also to be members
in virtue of their offices.
Thus, the control of education would soon have been
wrested from the state, and would have passed into the
hands of those either least apt to detect, or most interested
in concealing abuses, and who would not have kept pace
with the advances of society. This act also violated a
great principle of justice, despoiling King's College of its
property and vesting it in the university. At the next
meeting of the legislature an amendatory act was passed,
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? HAMILTON.
431
which extended the error of the original law by giving
to the clergy of each denomination the right of represen-
tation in the regency. It also constituted a new board of
regents, of which Hamilton was appointed a member.
No beneficial results were attained by this legislation;
the college languished, and the severe blow which it had
received by the violation of its charter left little prospect
of its renovation, while the precedent would deter other
similar efforts of munificence. It also essentially deviated
from Hamilton's views, which contemplated a state estab-
lishment for public instruction, excluding all clerical and
individual influence.
Soon after the excitement which had arisen at the
opening of the session was quieted, he introduced "an
act to institute a university, and for other purposes. "
This act repealed the previous laws, and established a
university by the style of the " Regents of the University
of the State of New-York;" who were incorporated with
perpetual succession, with power to hold property yielding
a limited income. It provided, that there should be al-
ways twenty-one regents, "of which the governor and
lieutenant-governor of the state, for the time being, were
always, in virtue of their offices, to be two;" and it ap-
pointed the other regents by name, who, with all future
regents, were to continue in place during the pleasure of
the legislature, which was to supply vacancies. Thus, it
was hoped that the supervision of education would not be
perverted to party purposes.
The regents were to be convened by the governor, in
the first instance, and were to elect a chancellor and vice-
chancellor, to hold their offices during their pleasure.
The regents were constituted the visiters of all the col-
leges and academies of the state, with the duty of visiting
every college once in each year. They were enjoined to
meet annually at the seat of government, to report the state
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of education and discipline to the legislature, with power to
supply vacancies occurring in the offices of presidents of
the colleges, or of the principals of the academies, through
the neglect of their trustees. They were also to confer de-
grees, to apply their funds at their discretion, "in a man-
ner most conducive to the promotion of useful knowledge
within the state," and to authorize the founding of colleges
and academies by individuals, the trustees of which, whose
number was defined, after a declaration under the common
seal of the regents to that effect, became incorporated
with perpetual succession, but always subject to their visi-
tation.
The annual revenue of the academies was also limited.
The scholars educated in those, whose plan of education
should be approved by the regents, were entitled, upon
examination, to be admitted into either college.
Provisions were made for the government of these
academies by their trustees, and for their elevation to the
rank of a college when deemed expedient by the regents.
No president or professor was to be ineligible by reason
of his religious tenets--all test-oaths were prohibited. No
professor or tutor could be a trustee of any of these es-
tablishments, nor could any presiding officer have a vote
as to his salary, nor were any of the officers or founders
of these institutions eligible as regents of the university.
These were the general provisions of this important act.
It also repaired the wrong to King's College, ratifying its
charter under the previously selected name of Columbia
College, expressly abrogating all provisions in it requiring
test-oaths or declarations of religious conformity, limiting
the number of the trustees, when reduced by death or re-
signation, to twenty-four persons, who were vested with
the original property of the college. By this system, all
the seminaries of instruction became a part of the univer-
sity, and were subject to its visitation. Every institution
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? HAMILTON.
4L'8
had a government of its own, and a strong inducement to
improvement was held out to each academy, by the prom-
ise of advancement to the rank of a college.
The privilege to the scholars of academies of admission
into the colleges, would secure a uniformity of discipline and
of education, and, that which Hamilton deemed of the great-
est importance under a popular government, every founda-
tion of learning was secured from legislative interference
by a perpetual charter.
Justly as New-York may boast her provision for the ed-
ucation of her citizens, yet from a want of perseverance
and comprehensive energy in its administration, this im-
portant act has not yet produced all the beneficial results
anticipated by its author.
It is only by a comparison of his system with those of
the autocratic monarchies of Europe, and of their success
in extending and raising the popular intelligence, that a
just estimate can be formed of its merits.
Thus viewed, it will be deemed not a little remarkable
that Hamilton should have anticipated, by a bold effort of
his genius, a plan of public instruction that will bear com-
parison with those which in Europe have been the results
of long usage, and of successive acts of legislation, at last
moulded into a form that would seem not to be suscepti-
ble of improvement. *
While his mind had been in part occupied with these
various subjects of interest, his thoughts were chiefly di-
rected to the great object which had induced him to accept
a seat in the assembly. Would New-York still obsti-
nately withhold from congress the power of raising a na-
tional revenue, was the question he resolved to determine.
* It is stated that the imperial decree of March, 1808, must, from its anal.
ogy with this law, have been " seen and copied " by the statesmen of France.
--Am. Qr. Rev. v. 6, p. 145.
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Every effort having been made to impress on the mem-
bers of the legislature the necessity of granting the impost
upon terms which would be accepted by the other states,
a final action on this measure took place on the fifteenth
of February.
After adverting to the discrepancy of the votes which
had been given on the different clauses of this bill, Hamil-
ton observed:--
"It is a common practice upon the discussion of an im-
portant subject, to endeavour to conciliate the good-will of
the audience to the speaker, by professions of disinterested-
ness and zeal for the public good. The example, however
frequent, I shall no farther imitate than by making one or
two general observations. If, in the public stations I have
filled, I have acquitted myself with zeal, fidelity, and disin-
terestedness; if, in the private walks of life, my conduct
has been unstained by any dishonourable act; if it has
been uniformly consistent with the rules of integrity, I
have a right to the confidence of those to whom I address
myself. They cannot refuse it to me without injustice--I
am persuaded they will not refuse it to me.
"If, on the other hand, my public conduct has been in
any instance marked with perfidy, duplicity, or with sinister
views of any kind; if any imputations founded in fact can
be adduced to the prejudice of my private character, I have
no claim to the confidence of the community, nor should I
expect it.
"Even these observations I should have spared myself,
did I not know that, in the rage of party, gross calumnies
have been propagated. Some I have traced and detected;
there may still be others in secret circulation, with which
I am unacquainted. Against the influence of such arts I
can have no other shield than the general tenor of my past
conduct. If that will protect me, I may safely confide in
the candour of the committee. To that standard I cheer-
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? HAMILTON.
435
fully submit. But, indeed, of what importance is it who is
the speaker? His reasons only concern the committee.
If these are good, they owe it to themselves and to their
constituents to allow them their full weight. "
He then proceeded to examine the objections which had
been raised to the delegation of legislative power to con-
gress. This examination led to a close and cogent argu-
ment, embracing a consideration of the relations of the
states to the confederacy; showing that the idea of a
union of the colonies had pervaded all the public acts of
the country; that it was continued and confirmed in the
declaration of independence; and that the confederation,
by the express terms of the compact, preserved and con-
tinued the power of perpetuating that union. In the course
of these remarks, the powers of the confederation were
briefly analyzed, and its supremacy asserted; and it was
shown that the objections to the proposed grant of the im-
post would, if sustained, have proved that the powers al-
ready vested in it were illegal and unconstitutional; would
render a confederation of the states in any form impracti-
cable, and would defeat all the provisions of the constitu-
tion of the state which related to the United States. "If,"
he observed," the arguments I have used under this head are
not well founded, let gentlemen come forward and show
their fallacy. Let the subject have a fair and full explana-
tion, and let truth, on whatever side it may be, prevail. "
He in the next place answered the objection, that this
grant of the impost to congress would endanger their lib-
erties; and, in order to overcome prejudice, he gave a nar-
rative of the origin and progress of the measure. "Whence,"
he asked at its close," can this danger to liberty arise? The
members of congress are annually chosen by the several
legislatures; they are removable at any moment at the
pleasure of those legislatures. They come together with
different habits, prejudices, and interests. They are, in fact,
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? 436 THE I. IFEOF
continually changing. How is it possible for a body so
composed to be formidable to the liberties of the states,
several of which are large empires in themselves?
"The subversion of the liberty of these states could not
be the business of a day. It would at least require time,
premeditation, and concert. Can it be supposed that the
members of a body so constituted, would be unanimous in
a scheme of usurpation? If they were not, would it not
be discovered and disclosed? If we even could suppose
this unanimity among one set of men, can we believe that
all the new members, who are yearly sent from one state
or another, would instantly enter into the same views?
Would there not be found one honest man, to warn his
country of the danger?
"Suppose the worst: suppose the combination entered
into and continued;--the execution would at least announce
the design, and the means of defence would be easy. Con-
sider the separate power of several of these states, and the
situation of them all! Consider the extent. populousness,
and resources of Massachusetts, Virginia, Pennsylvania, I
might add, of New-York, Connecticut, and other states!
Where could congress find means sufficient to subvert the
government and liberties of either of these states? Or rather,
where find means sufficient to effect the conquest of all? If
an attempt was made upon one, the others, from a sense of
common danger, would make common cause, and they
-could immediately unite and provide for their joint defence.
"There is one consideration of immense force in this
question, not sufficiently attended to. It is this--that each
state possesses in itself the full power of government, and
can at once, in a regular and constitutional way, take
measures for the preservation of its rights. In a single
kingdom or state, if the rulers attempt to establish a tyr-
anny, the people can pnly defend themselves by a tumultu-
ary insurrection. They must run to arms without concert
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? HAMILTON.
437
or plan, while the usurpers, clothed with the forms of legal
authority, can employ the force of the state to suppress
them in embryo, and before they can have time or oppor-
tunity to give system to their opposition. With us the
case is widely different. Each state has a government
completely organized in itself, and can at once enter into
a regular plan of defence, with the force of the community
at its command. It can immediately form connections
with its neighbours, or even with foreign powers, if neces- /
sary.
"In a contest of this kind, the body of the people will
always be on the side of the state governments. This will
not only result from their love of liberty and regard to
their own safety, but from other strong principles of hu-
man nature. " Among these were mentioned the operation
of the state governments upon the immediate personal con-
cerns to which the sensibility of individuals is awake--the
distribution of private justice, and the weight of official
influence. 'The causes,' he said, 'which secure the at-
tachment of the people to their local governments present
us with another important truth--the natural imbecility
of federal governments, and the danger that they will
never be able to exercise power enough to manage the
federal affairs of the union. Though the states will have
a common interest, yet they will also have a particular
interest; for example, as a part of the union, it will be the
interest of every state that the general government should
be supplied with the revenues necessary for the national
purposes; but it will be the particular interest of each
state to pay as little itself, and to let its neighbours pay as
much as possible. Particular interests have always more
influence upon men, than general. The several states,
therefore, consulting their immediate advantage, may be
considered as so many eccentric powers tending in a con-
trary direction to the government of the union, and as
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? 438
THE LIFE OF
they will generally carry the people along with them, our
confederacy will be in continual danger of dissolution.
"This is the real rock upon which the happiness of this
country is likely to split. This is the point to which our
fears and cares should be directed. To guard against this,
and not to terrify ourselves with imaginary dangers from
the spectre of power in congress, will be our true wisdom. "
He then proceeded to examine and to vindicate the
provisions of the bill making the proposed grant--pointed
out the habitual delinquencies to the repeated requisitions
--the small amount of the general revenue collected--the
hostility of the adjacent states--the increased burden im-
posed on New-York by the inequality of the existing sys-
tem--the beneficial consequences of a national revenue--
the necessity of it for the payment of the foreign debt.
Having dwelt upon these topics, which compelled a large
survey of the state of the country, he closed with the fol-
lowing remarks: "Can our national character be preserved
without paying our debts? Can the union subsist without
revenue 1 Have you realized the consequences which
would attend its dissolution? If these states are not united
under a federal government, they will infallibly have wars
with each other, and their divisions will subject them to
all the mischiefs of foreign influence and intrigue. The
human passions will never want objects of hostility. The
western territory is an obvious and fruitful source of con-
test. Let us also cast our eye upon the map of this state,
intersected from one extremity to the other by a large
navigable river. In the event of a rupture with them,
what is to hinder our metropolis from becoming a prey to
our neighbours? Is it even supposable that they would
suffer it to remain the nursery of wealth to a distinct com-
munity? These subjects are delicate, but it is necessary
to contemplate them, to teach us to form a true estimate
of our situation. Wars with each other beget standing
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? HAMILTON.
139
armies--a source of more real danger to our liberties than
all the power that could be conferred upon the representa-
tives of the union; and wars with each other would lead
to opposite alliances with foreign powers, and plunge us
into all the labyrinths of European politics.
"The Romans, in their progress to universal dominion,
when they conceived the project of subduing the refrac-
tory spirit of the Grecian republics which composed the
famous Achaean league, began by sowing dissensions
among them, and instilling jealousies of each other and of
the common head; and finished by making them a pro-
vince of the Roman empire. The application is easy. If
there are any foreign enemies, if there are any domestic
foes to this country, all their arts, all their artifices will be
employed to effect a dissolution of the union. This can-
not be better done than by sowing jealousies of the federal
head, and cultivating in each state an undue attachment to
its own power. "
The statements given by persons yet living, and in
the gazettes of that day, show the impression produced
upon the public opinion on this occasion. The speech
was received and perused with very great interest. "I
well remember," Chancellor Kent observes, "how much
it was admired for the comprehensive views which it
took of the state of the nation--the warm appeals which
it made to the public patriotism--the imminent perils which
it pointed out, and the absolute necessity which it showed
of some such financial measure to rescue the nation from
utter ruin and disgrace. "
The importance of the question, and the expectation of
an animated discussion, had called together most of the
distinguished men of the state, who awaited with anxiety
the decision of the house. On taking the final vote, there
appeared in favour of the impost, twenty-one, against it,
thirty-six members.
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THE LI F F. OF
To this address there was no reply. The opposition
neither attempted to justify their votes on this momentous
question by argument, nor to invalidate the cogent elo-
quence of Hamilton. It was put down by a silent vote,
which led to the remark, "that the impost was strangled
by a hand of mutes. "*
One other subject remained, of great importance and
perplexity in any issue of events,' whether New-York
were to become an independent commonwealth, which she
could not have long remained, or whether the union should
be preserved. It was the long-agitated question of the
New-Hampshire grants, or state of Vermont as it was then
called, although not recognised by the confederation.
The letter of Hamilton to Governor Clinton, on his re-
tirement from congress in seventeen hundred and eighty-
three, stated the little probability of an adjustment of that
question by any other means than by a federal court. The
inhabitants of the district of country in dispute, had since
that period been increasing in numbers, and it had at last
become obvious, that the only possible mode by which
New-York could maintain her jurisdiction, must be by a
resort to force.
The continuance of the controversy had embittered the
* Chancellor Livingston wrote to Hamilton on the 5tU of March, 1787:
"I received your information relative to the law for dividing the district. 1
am much obliged by your attention to that subject. While I condole with
you on the loss of the impost, I congratulate you on the laurels you acquired
in fighting its battles. I shall endeavour to make myself here useful by ef-
fecting some changes in the representation. I expect this will produce some
attack on me, or my salary. All I expect from my friends, will be, that they
do not suffer such exertions to be made as will be dishonourable to me. * A
liberal and honourable appointment, such as would enable me to live as I
would wish constantly in New-York, I cannot expect from the prevailing
party. "
* The attack was niiule. but wns defeated by"hia friends. " Hamilton moved the highest
mm. He soon after this framed a law. which passed. for the adjustment of tho title of the
Oneida purchase, oflccting a \cry large portion of the state.
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? HAMILTON.
441
angry feelings of the disputants. The ruling party in New-
York had committed themselves with her citizens on this
subject; and while their domestic interests, the exposure of
her frontier, the avoidance of a civil war, all combined to
render an acknowledgment of the independence of Ver-
mont unavoidable, not an individual, since Schuyler had
failed in his efforts in seventeen hundred and eighty, had
acquired sufficient influence in the legislature to carry with
him the public mind.
THE LIFE OF
any farther into the dangerous practice of disqualifying
citizens by general descriptions. "
"Though," a member replied, " he held Colonel Hamil-
ton in high estimation, and had a very great respect for
his candour, abilities, and knowledge of mankind, yet he
believed him much mistaken. He laid it down as a maxim,
that the man who was once an enemy will always remain
so. It was prudent to guard against admitting these peo-
ple to a participation of the . rights of citizens. He would
not operate on those who had taken up arms unwillingly.
The exclusion was constitutional,'because the constitution
must warrant every thing necessary for its own support. "
He appealed to that section of it which prohibited attain-
ders, except for crimes committed during the war.
Hamilton denied the distinction, and explained the inten-
tion and meaning of this clause of the constitution. He
defined acts of attainder, "as laws confiscating for treason
and misprision of treason all the property and estate of
the attainted traitor, and forfeiting his life unless he ap-
peared to take his trial. " This was the construction of it
by the country from which we derive our knowledge of
jurisprudence, and he believed no example could be ad-
duced, wherein it had been extended or applied in any
other manner. He was positive it could not be exercised
to disfranchise a whole party; for this obvious reason, that
it would involve the innocent with the guilty. This clause
in the constitution was only intended to apply in particular
cases, where an exception to the established mode of com-
mon law became necessary by the persons absenting
themselves, and did not apply to the subject before the
house. Precedents of this kind laid the foundation for the
subversion of the liberties of the people. He hoped they
would not be established. " He again prevailed. *
* Nays 32 to 21.
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? HAMILTON.
423
It has been stated that in the year seventeen hundred
and eighty-two, while Hamilton was continental receiver,
he had digested a system of taxation, the great object of
which was to exclude arbitrary valuations; that he also
had sought to engraft the same principle in the continental
revenue system, framed in the following year.
Having been placed on the committee of ways and
means, he now brought forward and enforced at much
length similar views. His great objects were to substitute
a mode by which every individual could himself estimate
what he had to pay, without being dependent on the ca-
prices, the affections, or the enmities of another; and to
approximate as near as possible to certainty and equality,
the two great objects to be aimed at in every system of
taxation.
One of the clauses of the bill raising taxes deviated from
a general and safe principle. It proposed a tax on certain
legal instruments, and was objected to because it was par-
tial in its operation affecting the members of the law.
Hamilton declared his opinion, "that it was not proper to
tax any particular class of men for the benefit of the state
at large; but in the present instance it was to answer a
very important purpose. It was putting in force that most
excellent part of the constitution, which declares that the
judges should be independent of the legislature. This, at
present, was not the case. He therefore supported the
paragraph, observing that the salaries of the judges should
be permanent; that they should neither fear the powers
nor court the favour of the legislature. He believed it
was right that this independence should arise from the tax
proposed. " He succeeded in sustaining this provision, but
the plan, after a very full consideration, was defeated by
a small majority.
A discussion arose upon the objections of the council of
revision to a bill for settling intestate estates, proving wills,
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? 424
THE LIFE OF
and granting letters of administration. Jones advocated
the enactment of the law. Hamilton, after stating that he
should probably vote with him, remarked, " that he did not
view the matter in quite so clear a light as that gentleman
appeared to do. There appeared to him to be difficulties
in the case, which he would candidly lay before the house
to assist its judgment.
"The objection is, that a new court is erected, or an old
one invested with a new jurisdiction, in which it is not
bound to proceed according to the course of the common
law. The question is, what is meant in the constitution by
this phrase,' the common law V These words have, in a
legal view, two significations--one more extensive, the
other more strict. In their most extensive sense, they
comprehend the constitution of all those courts which were
established by immemorial custom; such as the court of
chancery, the ecclesiastical court, &c. ; though these courts
proceed according to a peculiar law.
"In their more strict sense, they are confined to the
course of proceedings in the courts of Westminster, in
England, or in the supreme court in this state. If the words
are understood in the first sense, the bill under consider-
ation is not unconstitutional. In the last it is unconstitu-
tional, for it gives to an old court a new jurisdiction, in
which it is to proceed according to the course of the com-
mon law in this last sense. And to give new jurisdiction
to old courts, not according to the course of the common
law, is, in my opinion, as much of an infringement, in sub-
stance, of this part of the constitution, as to erect new
courts with such jurisdiction. To say the reverse, would
be to evade the constitution.
"But, though I view it as a delicate and difficult question,
yet I am inclined to think that the more extensive sense
may be fully adopted, with this limitation--that such new
jurisdictions must proceed according to the course of those
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? HAMILTON.
425
courts, having, by the common law, cognizance of the sub-
ject matter. They ought, however, never to be extended
to objects which, at common law, belonged to the jurisdic-
tion of the courts at Westminster, and which in this state
are of the peculiar cognizance of the supreme court. At
common law, the ecclesiastical courts, not the courts of
Westminster, had cognizance of intestacies and testament-
ary cases. The bill proposes that the court of probates
shall have cognizance of the same causes and proceed in
the same manner as the ecclesiastical courts, except as to
inflicting ecclesiastical penalties. The distinction I have
taken will, I am inclined to think, bear us out in passing
the bill under consideration. But it is certainly a point
not without considerable difficulty. " The bill was passed.
If the precise and profound knowledge of the great prin-
ciples of jurisprudence here evinced, commands the respect
of that important class of men whose profession educates
and constitutes them the guardians of human rights, his
tolerant spirit more attracts the commendation of all those
who justly value freedom of conscience, without which the
law is chiefly known by her fetters and her scourge.
In the question, the solemn question, " Why should we
wound the tender conscience of any man? " the sternest
rebuke is given to him who would control religious opinion
by the secular arm, as if man had any power over the soul
of man. Nor is it less pleasing to remark the caution and
the heart with which he watched over the rights of the
numerous and less favoured body of men. In the statute
regulating elections, it is the poor and " the illiterate" elect-
or who is to be protected, as well as 'i his more instructed
fellow-citizen," in the right of suffrage, and in the right
of choosing as his representative whom he pleased; that
right to be enjoyed as the constitution gave it, not to be
infringed by any legislative act, but to be judged by the
law of the land " in its due process. "
54
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? 426
THE LIFE OF
As a matter affecting the poor, he prepared a bill to
regulate the circulation of copper coin, founded on a re-,
port which showed a depreciated copper currency, and
framed a resolution directing the delegates in congress to
move for an alteration in the ordinance as to the mint, so
that the copper coin should not pass for more than the ac-
"tual value of the copper and the expense of coinage.
While discussing an act to exempt from imprisonment
the smaller classes of debtors, his only apprehension was,
that this exemption would prevent the poor from obtain-
ing assistance from the rich. "He would wish," he said,
"that every man in distress would meet relief--he would
enter into any measure that would effect this purpose.
But the clause as it stood, was not proper; it might be
right to say what shall be done in respect to future con-
tracts, but it would be wrong to meddle with the past. "
The law to diminish the expense of the collection of
small debts, and those in relation to the descent and dis-
tribution of property, are all in a similar equal spirit.
At the previous session, an act had been passed abolish-
ing entails, and dividing the inheritance in equal parts
among the lawful issue of the intestate. This principle
was now extended to personal property, with an equitable
reference to previous settlements or advances. Freehold-
ers were, by another act, empowered to alien at their
pleasure, and the feudal badges abolished; all charges in-
cident to wardships, liveries, values, and forfeitures of mar-
riages being taken away, and the tenures so held, turned
into free and common socage. Lands exempt in other
states were here made liable to be sold by executions for
debt, and the process in personal actions was simplified.
Having thus given the law a free course, he drafted an
act of bankruptcy.
Criminal jurisprudence was also an object of his atten-
tion. While he sought to secure the rights of society, a
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? HAMILTON.
427
spirit of lenity marked his course. He introduced an act
for the speedy trial of small offenders, and while condemning
the severity of some of the penal laws of England, he sus-
tained those which had in view the protection of the sub-
ject from arbitrary power. The law of treason was de-
fined, by declaring it to consist only in levying war against
the people of the state, or in adhering to their enemies,
giving them aid and comfort. It must be established "by
good proof of open deed," and no person could be indicted
for or convicted of it except on the oaths of " two lawful
witnesses," or upon confession "without violence, in open
court. "
The various other crimes in their successive gradations
were also defined, and their punishment prescribed. Amid
the disorders following a revolution, frequent violations of
personal liberty would take place. To remedy this great evil,
a bill was passed to prevent delays in obtaining the evasion
of the writ of habeas corpus, entitled " An act for the bet-
ter securing the liberty of the citizens of the state. "
Litigation had become rife, and there was a violent cla-
mour against the members of the bar, by the many against
whom the arm of justice was raised. A bill was brought
forward to reduce their compensation: with the respect
due to the profession of which he was a member, and with
a discriminating regard to the true interests of the public,
he resisted it as a mere lure for popularity, and demon-
strated the folly of reducing their compensation below a
reasonable standard. With the same regard to justice, he
earnestly opposed a proposition which had been made in
a former legislature, and was now renewed, for a discrimi-
nation between the different classes of the public creditors,
and urged a general and equal provision for them all.
"The state," he declared, " ought to give all the relief pos-
sible to every class of public claimants. There should be
no discrimination with respect to possessors of certificates.
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? 428
THE LIFE OF
There was no propriety in a partial relief; justice should
alike be administered to all. " Thus, in a session of the
legislature the most distinguished in the annals of this state,
he is seen usefully employed in guarding against excess of
every kind, and in a revisal and cautious modification of
most of the great statutes fundamental to its polity.
Had a desire for personal distinction influenced him, in-
stead of this careful observance of ancient landmarks and
established precedents, the social system might have been
disturbed to gratify the ambition of being the author of a
code; but his was of another kind. *
At this time was also passed an act for the encourage-
ment of navigation by steam, and thus an incitement was
given to discoveries which form an era in the annals of
this country. This was also an epoch in another branch
of legislation, which must largely and happily control its
future destinies.
The proposed provisions in the law governing elections
for the protection of the rights of illiterate persons, show
the want of education at this time. The evil was one of
an extent and magnitude worthy the cares of a statesman
employed in laying the foundations of an empire.
When studying closely, as Hamilton had done, the intel-
lect of the ancient world, while the wonderful advances it
had made with its feeble aids attracted his admiration, the
pervading defect of its polity could not have escaped his
observation. Its institutions were for the fewj the pro-
gressive nature of society was overlooked, and hence their
frequent and sudden, violent and total subversion. A sys-
tem of general education was unknown, and consequently
when the civilized world was overrun, forming no part
* It would be a great injustice to omit the name of Samuel Jones as a chief
coadjutor in this important duty. To his profound learning, this state is
much indebted as a reviser of its laws.
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? HAMILTON.
429
of the state, learning was buried amid the ruins of empires,
or was compelled to take refuge in the cloister. Emerg-
ing from this asylum by slow degrees, it came into a rude
world, obscured by the dogmas of the contending sects,
which, admitting the theory, refused the right of free in-
quiry, and at the same time assumed the high office of
teaching nations.
The United States being settled at this time, felt these
influences, and the early colonies, in their religious preju-
dices and political speculations, exhibit conspicuously the
coexistence of the most adverse principles; in questions
of faith, a narrow tyranny ; in questions of government, the
largest liberty. With the distinguished exception of parts
of New-England, the only education proceeded from reli-
gious endowments; a happy provision for a people too
poor and sparse to educate themselves. But these endow-
ments were inadequate to the purpose.
Hamilton resolved to supply this deficiency; guarding
against sectarian or other influences foreign to it, he de-
termined to build up a great system of public instruction
upon comprehensive principles; to make it so essential a
part of the public policy, that it would endure through
every change of government; to render it by habit a want
of society, a necessary part of its aliment that must and
will be satisfied.
His first great object was to place a book in the hand
of every American child. As, in his enlarged views, each
branch of knowledge had its place and value in reference
to the various natural indications of the mind, the next
was to provide for each individual, and each degree and
variety of talent, a progressive culture. Thus, from the
broad basis of common education was to rise in due gra-
dation a system of order and of beauty, to be cemented
with, to pervade, to sustain, to overarch, and to embellish
the whole moral and political frame of society.
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? 430
THE LIFE OF
Only one literary foundation of magnitude existed in
the colony of New-York, known as King's College; an
endowment by the church of England in the year seven-
teen hundred and fifty-four, on condition of conformity
with its tenets. This college was dispersed at the begin-
ning of the revolution. Its professors fled, its library
was plundered, and the edifice, which had been occupied
by the British soldiery, alone remained. In the interior
of the state the few schools which had been sustained by
private resources were abandoned; a fact of moment to
show the character of the generation which grew up du-
ring this civil war. Soon after the peace, the attention
of the legislature was directed to this subject, and in May,
seventeen hundred and eighty-four. an act was passed to
create a university, of which the great officers of the
state, with twenty-four others to be appointed by the gov-
ernor and council of appointment, and one to represent
the clergy, were constituted the regents, upon whom was
conferred the government and visitation of the colleges
and schools that should be established. This act also
provided, in addition to the regents appointed by the state,
that every religious society might institute a professorship,
and that every founder of a college or school might elect
a representative, who, with the president of each institu-
tion, was to be a member of the board of regents, of which
all professors, tutors, and fellows, were also to be members
in virtue of their offices.
Thus, the control of education would soon have been
wrested from the state, and would have passed into the
hands of those either least apt to detect, or most interested
in concealing abuses, and who would not have kept pace
with the advances of society. This act also violated a
great principle of justice, despoiling King's College of its
property and vesting it in the university. At the next
meeting of the legislature an amendatory act was passed,
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? HAMILTON.
431
which extended the error of the original law by giving
to the clergy of each denomination the right of represen-
tation in the regency. It also constituted a new board of
regents, of which Hamilton was appointed a member.
No beneficial results were attained by this legislation;
the college languished, and the severe blow which it had
received by the violation of its charter left little prospect
of its renovation, while the precedent would deter other
similar efforts of munificence. It also essentially deviated
from Hamilton's views, which contemplated a state estab-
lishment for public instruction, excluding all clerical and
individual influence.
Soon after the excitement which had arisen at the
opening of the session was quieted, he introduced "an
act to institute a university, and for other purposes. "
This act repealed the previous laws, and established a
university by the style of the " Regents of the University
of the State of New-York;" who were incorporated with
perpetual succession, with power to hold property yielding
a limited income. It provided, that there should be al-
ways twenty-one regents, "of which the governor and
lieutenant-governor of the state, for the time being, were
always, in virtue of their offices, to be two;" and it ap-
pointed the other regents by name, who, with all future
regents, were to continue in place during the pleasure of
the legislature, which was to supply vacancies. Thus, it
was hoped that the supervision of education would not be
perverted to party purposes.
The regents were to be convened by the governor, in
the first instance, and were to elect a chancellor and vice-
chancellor, to hold their offices during their pleasure.
The regents were constituted the visiters of all the col-
leges and academies of the state, with the duty of visiting
every college once in each year. They were enjoined to
meet annually at the seat of government, to report the state
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432
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of education and discipline to the legislature, with power to
supply vacancies occurring in the offices of presidents of
the colleges, or of the principals of the academies, through
the neglect of their trustees. They were also to confer de-
grees, to apply their funds at their discretion, "in a man-
ner most conducive to the promotion of useful knowledge
within the state," and to authorize the founding of colleges
and academies by individuals, the trustees of which, whose
number was defined, after a declaration under the common
seal of the regents to that effect, became incorporated
with perpetual succession, but always subject to their visi-
tation.
The annual revenue of the academies was also limited.
The scholars educated in those, whose plan of education
should be approved by the regents, were entitled, upon
examination, to be admitted into either college.
Provisions were made for the government of these
academies by their trustees, and for their elevation to the
rank of a college when deemed expedient by the regents.
No president or professor was to be ineligible by reason
of his religious tenets--all test-oaths were prohibited. No
professor or tutor could be a trustee of any of these es-
tablishments, nor could any presiding officer have a vote
as to his salary, nor were any of the officers or founders
of these institutions eligible as regents of the university.
These were the general provisions of this important act.
It also repaired the wrong to King's College, ratifying its
charter under the previously selected name of Columbia
College, expressly abrogating all provisions in it requiring
test-oaths or declarations of religious conformity, limiting
the number of the trustees, when reduced by death or re-
signation, to twenty-four persons, who were vested with
the original property of the college. By this system, all
the seminaries of instruction became a part of the univer-
sity, and were subject to its visitation. Every institution
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? HAMILTON.
4L'8
had a government of its own, and a strong inducement to
improvement was held out to each academy, by the prom-
ise of advancement to the rank of a college.
The privilege to the scholars of academies of admission
into the colleges, would secure a uniformity of discipline and
of education, and, that which Hamilton deemed of the great-
est importance under a popular government, every founda-
tion of learning was secured from legislative interference
by a perpetual charter.
Justly as New-York may boast her provision for the ed-
ucation of her citizens, yet from a want of perseverance
and comprehensive energy in its administration, this im-
portant act has not yet produced all the beneficial results
anticipated by its author.
It is only by a comparison of his system with those of
the autocratic monarchies of Europe, and of their success
in extending and raising the popular intelligence, that a
just estimate can be formed of its merits.
Thus viewed, it will be deemed not a little remarkable
that Hamilton should have anticipated, by a bold effort of
his genius, a plan of public instruction that will bear com-
parison with those which in Europe have been the results
of long usage, and of successive acts of legislation, at last
moulded into a form that would seem not to be suscepti-
ble of improvement. *
While his mind had been in part occupied with these
various subjects of interest, his thoughts were chiefly di-
rected to the great object which had induced him to accept
a seat in the assembly. Would New-York still obsti-
nately withhold from congress the power of raising a na-
tional revenue, was the question he resolved to determine.
* It is stated that the imperial decree of March, 1808, must, from its anal.
ogy with this law, have been " seen and copied " by the statesmen of France.
--Am. Qr. Rev. v. 6, p. 145.
55
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? 434
THE LIFE OF
Every effort having been made to impress on the mem-
bers of the legislature the necessity of granting the impost
upon terms which would be accepted by the other states,
a final action on this measure took place on the fifteenth
of February.
After adverting to the discrepancy of the votes which
had been given on the different clauses of this bill, Hamil-
ton observed:--
"It is a common practice upon the discussion of an im-
portant subject, to endeavour to conciliate the good-will of
the audience to the speaker, by professions of disinterested-
ness and zeal for the public good. The example, however
frequent, I shall no farther imitate than by making one or
two general observations. If, in the public stations I have
filled, I have acquitted myself with zeal, fidelity, and disin-
terestedness; if, in the private walks of life, my conduct
has been unstained by any dishonourable act; if it has
been uniformly consistent with the rules of integrity, I
have a right to the confidence of those to whom I address
myself. They cannot refuse it to me without injustice--I
am persuaded they will not refuse it to me.
"If, on the other hand, my public conduct has been in
any instance marked with perfidy, duplicity, or with sinister
views of any kind; if any imputations founded in fact can
be adduced to the prejudice of my private character, I have
no claim to the confidence of the community, nor should I
expect it.
"Even these observations I should have spared myself,
did I not know that, in the rage of party, gross calumnies
have been propagated. Some I have traced and detected;
there may still be others in secret circulation, with which
I am unacquainted. Against the influence of such arts I
can have no other shield than the general tenor of my past
conduct. If that will protect me, I may safely confide in
the candour of the committee. To that standard I cheer-
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? HAMILTON.
435
fully submit. But, indeed, of what importance is it who is
the speaker? His reasons only concern the committee.
If these are good, they owe it to themselves and to their
constituents to allow them their full weight. "
He then proceeded to examine the objections which had
been raised to the delegation of legislative power to con-
gress. This examination led to a close and cogent argu-
ment, embracing a consideration of the relations of the
states to the confederacy; showing that the idea of a
union of the colonies had pervaded all the public acts of
the country; that it was continued and confirmed in the
declaration of independence; and that the confederation,
by the express terms of the compact, preserved and con-
tinued the power of perpetuating that union. In the course
of these remarks, the powers of the confederation were
briefly analyzed, and its supremacy asserted; and it was
shown that the objections to the proposed grant of the im-
post would, if sustained, have proved that the powers al-
ready vested in it were illegal and unconstitutional; would
render a confederation of the states in any form impracti-
cable, and would defeat all the provisions of the constitu-
tion of the state which related to the United States. "If,"
he observed," the arguments I have used under this head are
not well founded, let gentlemen come forward and show
their fallacy. Let the subject have a fair and full explana-
tion, and let truth, on whatever side it may be, prevail. "
He in the next place answered the objection, that this
grant of the impost to congress would endanger their lib-
erties; and, in order to overcome prejudice, he gave a nar-
rative of the origin and progress of the measure. "Whence,"
he asked at its close," can this danger to liberty arise? The
members of congress are annually chosen by the several
legislatures; they are removable at any moment at the
pleasure of those legislatures. They come together with
different habits, prejudices, and interests. They are, in fact,
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? 436 THE I. IFEOF
continually changing. How is it possible for a body so
composed to be formidable to the liberties of the states,
several of which are large empires in themselves?
"The subversion of the liberty of these states could not
be the business of a day. It would at least require time,
premeditation, and concert. Can it be supposed that the
members of a body so constituted, would be unanimous in
a scheme of usurpation? If they were not, would it not
be discovered and disclosed? If we even could suppose
this unanimity among one set of men, can we believe that
all the new members, who are yearly sent from one state
or another, would instantly enter into the same views?
Would there not be found one honest man, to warn his
country of the danger?
"Suppose the worst: suppose the combination entered
into and continued;--the execution would at least announce
the design, and the means of defence would be easy. Con-
sider the separate power of several of these states, and the
situation of them all! Consider the extent. populousness,
and resources of Massachusetts, Virginia, Pennsylvania, I
might add, of New-York, Connecticut, and other states!
Where could congress find means sufficient to subvert the
government and liberties of either of these states? Or rather,
where find means sufficient to effect the conquest of all? If
an attempt was made upon one, the others, from a sense of
common danger, would make common cause, and they
-could immediately unite and provide for their joint defence.
"There is one consideration of immense force in this
question, not sufficiently attended to. It is this--that each
state possesses in itself the full power of government, and
can at once, in a regular and constitutional way, take
measures for the preservation of its rights. In a single
kingdom or state, if the rulers attempt to establish a tyr-
anny, the people can pnly defend themselves by a tumultu-
ary insurrection. They must run to arms without concert
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? HAMILTON.
437
or plan, while the usurpers, clothed with the forms of legal
authority, can employ the force of the state to suppress
them in embryo, and before they can have time or oppor-
tunity to give system to their opposition. With us the
case is widely different. Each state has a government
completely organized in itself, and can at once enter into
a regular plan of defence, with the force of the community
at its command. It can immediately form connections
with its neighbours, or even with foreign powers, if neces- /
sary.
"In a contest of this kind, the body of the people will
always be on the side of the state governments. This will
not only result from their love of liberty and regard to
their own safety, but from other strong principles of hu-
man nature. " Among these were mentioned the operation
of the state governments upon the immediate personal con-
cerns to which the sensibility of individuals is awake--the
distribution of private justice, and the weight of official
influence. 'The causes,' he said, 'which secure the at-
tachment of the people to their local governments present
us with another important truth--the natural imbecility
of federal governments, and the danger that they will
never be able to exercise power enough to manage the
federal affairs of the union. Though the states will have
a common interest, yet they will also have a particular
interest; for example, as a part of the union, it will be the
interest of every state that the general government should
be supplied with the revenues necessary for the national
purposes; but it will be the particular interest of each
state to pay as little itself, and to let its neighbours pay as
much as possible. Particular interests have always more
influence upon men, than general. The several states,
therefore, consulting their immediate advantage, may be
considered as so many eccentric powers tending in a con-
trary direction to the government of the union, and as
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? 438
THE LIFE OF
they will generally carry the people along with them, our
confederacy will be in continual danger of dissolution.
"This is the real rock upon which the happiness of this
country is likely to split. This is the point to which our
fears and cares should be directed. To guard against this,
and not to terrify ourselves with imaginary dangers from
the spectre of power in congress, will be our true wisdom. "
He then proceeded to examine and to vindicate the
provisions of the bill making the proposed grant--pointed
out the habitual delinquencies to the repeated requisitions
--the small amount of the general revenue collected--the
hostility of the adjacent states--the increased burden im-
posed on New-York by the inequality of the existing sys-
tem--the beneficial consequences of a national revenue--
the necessity of it for the payment of the foreign debt.
Having dwelt upon these topics, which compelled a large
survey of the state of the country, he closed with the fol-
lowing remarks: "Can our national character be preserved
without paying our debts? Can the union subsist without
revenue 1 Have you realized the consequences which
would attend its dissolution? If these states are not united
under a federal government, they will infallibly have wars
with each other, and their divisions will subject them to
all the mischiefs of foreign influence and intrigue. The
human passions will never want objects of hostility. The
western territory is an obvious and fruitful source of con-
test. Let us also cast our eye upon the map of this state,
intersected from one extremity to the other by a large
navigable river. In the event of a rupture with them,
what is to hinder our metropolis from becoming a prey to
our neighbours? Is it even supposable that they would
suffer it to remain the nursery of wealth to a distinct com-
munity? These subjects are delicate, but it is necessary
to contemplate them, to teach us to form a true estimate
of our situation. Wars with each other beget standing
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? HAMILTON.
139
armies--a source of more real danger to our liberties than
all the power that could be conferred upon the representa-
tives of the union; and wars with each other would lead
to opposite alliances with foreign powers, and plunge us
into all the labyrinths of European politics.
"The Romans, in their progress to universal dominion,
when they conceived the project of subduing the refrac-
tory spirit of the Grecian republics which composed the
famous Achaean league, began by sowing dissensions
among them, and instilling jealousies of each other and of
the common head; and finished by making them a pro-
vince of the Roman empire. The application is easy. If
there are any foreign enemies, if there are any domestic
foes to this country, all their arts, all their artifices will be
employed to effect a dissolution of the union. This can-
not be better done than by sowing jealousies of the federal
head, and cultivating in each state an undue attachment to
its own power. "
The statements given by persons yet living, and in
the gazettes of that day, show the impression produced
upon the public opinion on this occasion. The speech
was received and perused with very great interest. "I
well remember," Chancellor Kent observes, "how much
it was admired for the comprehensive views which it
took of the state of the nation--the warm appeals which
it made to the public patriotism--the imminent perils which
it pointed out, and the absolute necessity which it showed
of some such financial measure to rescue the nation from
utter ruin and disgrace. "
The importance of the question, and the expectation of
an animated discussion, had called together most of the
distinguished men of the state, who awaited with anxiety
the decision of the house. On taking the final vote, there
appeared in favour of the impost, twenty-one, against it,
thirty-six members.
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? 440
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To this address there was no reply. The opposition
neither attempted to justify their votes on this momentous
question by argument, nor to invalidate the cogent elo-
quence of Hamilton. It was put down by a silent vote,
which led to the remark, "that the impost was strangled
by a hand of mutes. "*
One other subject remained, of great importance and
perplexity in any issue of events,' whether New-York
were to become an independent commonwealth, which she
could not have long remained, or whether the union should
be preserved. It was the long-agitated question of the
New-Hampshire grants, or state of Vermont as it was then
called, although not recognised by the confederation.
The letter of Hamilton to Governor Clinton, on his re-
tirement from congress in seventeen hundred and eighty-
three, stated the little probability of an adjustment of that
question by any other means than by a federal court. The
inhabitants of the district of country in dispute, had since
that period been increasing in numbers, and it had at last
become obvious, that the only possible mode by which
New-York could maintain her jurisdiction, must be by a
resort to force.
The continuance of the controversy had embittered the
* Chancellor Livingston wrote to Hamilton on the 5tU of March, 1787:
"I received your information relative to the law for dividing the district. 1
am much obliged by your attention to that subject. While I condole with
you on the loss of the impost, I congratulate you on the laurels you acquired
in fighting its battles. I shall endeavour to make myself here useful by ef-
fecting some changes in the representation. I expect this will produce some
attack on me, or my salary. All I expect from my friends, will be, that they
do not suffer such exertions to be made as will be dishonourable to me. * A
liberal and honourable appointment, such as would enable me to live as I
would wish constantly in New-York, I cannot expect from the prevailing
party. "
* The attack was niiule. but wns defeated by"hia friends. " Hamilton moved the highest
mm. He soon after this framed a law. which passed. for the adjustment of tho title of the
Oneida purchase, oflccting a \cry large portion of the state.
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? HAMILTON.
441
angry feelings of the disputants. The ruling party in New-
York had committed themselves with her citizens on this
subject; and while their domestic interests, the exposure of
her frontier, the avoidance of a civil war, all combined to
render an acknowledgment of the independence of Ver-
mont unavoidable, not an individual, since Schuyler had
failed in his efforts in seventeen hundred and eighty, had
acquired sufficient influence in the legislature to carry with
him the public mind.
