No More Learning

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? 366 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
All meetings agreed that Parliament lacked power to
impose taxes collectable in America, and denounced the
Boston Port Act. Twenty counties announced them-
selves in favor of the extreme measure of commercial
non-intercourse with Great Britain, in conjunction with
the other provinces, although eight of these preferred to
have non-exportation go into effect at a stated interval
after non-importation. Three other counties recommended
merely the adoption of an unqualified non-importation;1
and five others proposed a non-importation with certain
articles excepted, as in former associations. 2 The re-
maining three counties indicated their willingness to
accept any conclusions reached at the provincial conven-
tion. 3 A declaration in favor of the suspension of judicial
processes for the collection of debts during non-exporta-
tion was made by eight counties, on the ground that the
people, under such circumstances, had not the means of
paying. 4 Gloucester County resolved that, if Maryland
and North Carolina withheld the exportation of tobacco
to Great Britain, Virginia should adopt the same measure.
Ten counties scrupulously said that they would follow
the advice of the former burgesses and boycott goods
handled by the East India Company, with certain ex-
ceptions. Six counties denounced the importation of
slaves as an economic fallacy, saying, in the words of
Nansemond, "the African trade is injurious to this
Colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, pre-
vents manufacturers and other useful emigrants from
1 Buckingham. Caroline, Nansemond.
1 Chesterfield, Culpepper, Middlesex, Prince George's, York.
1 Accomack, Dinwiddie, Isle of Wight.
? Essex, Fairfax, Fauquier, Gloucester, Prince William, Stafford,
Richmond, Westmoreland.
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? CONTEST IN PLANTATION PROVINCES 367
Europe from settling among us, and occasions an annual
increase of the balance of trade against this Colony. "1
The resolutions of three counties contained a declaration
against the advancing of prices by merchants. Several
counties recommended the abandonment of extravagance
and display. Albemarle favored the repeal, not only of
the Boston Port Act, but also of all laws levying duties
in America, restricting American trade and restraining
colonial manufacturing. It was proposed by Fairfax
that, after an interprovincial association had been drawn
up, its enforcement should be left to committees in every
county on the continent, with instructions to publish all
violators as traitors. Norfolk County thought it neces-
sary to suggest, with a view perhaps of discrediting the
moral of the fable about the fox, that the Virginia com-
mittees be composed "of respectable men, fixed and
settled inhabitants of their respective counties. " Nine
counties announced the boycott as the proper penalty
for individuals who failed to adopt the agreed plan of
opposition; and seven counties urged a boycott of de-
linquent provinces.
The meeting of the provincial convention was pre-
ceded by several spirited appeals, the most important
being the series, published by the planter, Thomson
^lason. under the pseudonym, "British American," in
six issues of Rind's Virginia Gaaette, beginning June 16. 2
These articles were particularlv aimed to gtfpmlate to rad-
ical actipq those "countrymen whose own industry, or
the frugality of their ancestors, have blessed . . . [them]
1 Caroline, Culpepper, Nansemond, Prince George's, Princess Anne,
Surry. Slavery was condemned by Fairfax and Hanover as a moral
evil.
1 Reprinted in 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 418-419, 493-498, 519-522,
541-544, 620-624, 648-654. Vide also ibid. , p. 647.
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? 368 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
with immense wealth:" and to this end, great stress
was laid on the danger of submitting "to a double taxa-
tion and to two supreme Legislatures," in one of which
the legislative power was wielded by men who, "from
their situation, will reap the advantages but cannot share
in the inconveniences" of their oppressive laws. With
much ingenuity, the writer argued that Parliament lacked
power to legislate for the colonies, and then turned to
consider the possible methods of opposition. Rejecting
non-intercourse as a temporizing measure and imprac-
ticable, he urged that the delegates to the Continental
Congress be instructed to refuse flatly to obey all laws,
including the acts of navigation and trade, made by Par-
liament since the first settlements, and in defense of this
position, to resort to armed resistance and secession, if
necessary. After the convention had gotten under way,
another article appeared in favor of the policy of non-
intercouse, contending that "we need not on the present
occasion shed our blood to secure our rights . . . ""
This latter article and the series of county resolutions
preliminary to the convention struck the true keynote of
the convention's deliberations.
The Virginia convention began its work promptly on
August I and completed its deliberations on the sixth. 2
Of the debates that occurred we know nothing; but
delegates were chosen to the Continental Congress, and
the association adopted marked the crest of the radical
wave set in motion by the late acts of Parliament. In
view of the striking similarity between the Virginia As-
soqiation and the later Continental Association, there
can be no doubt that the former paper was the model
14 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 685 686.
''Ibid. , vol. i, pp. 686-690; also Md. Gas. , Aug. 18, 1774.
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? CONTEST IN PLANTATION PROVINCES 369
for the latter. The action of the delegates faithfully re-
flected the sentiments of their constituents. The dele-
gates boldly set the dates at which the various parts of
the association were to go into effect, subject to such
changes as might be assented to by the Virginia dele-
gates in the Continental Congress; and the association
was to be rel1giously adhered to "before God and the
world" until the redress of all grievances which might
be named by Congress. 1 The immediate non-importa-
tion and disuse_of_. tea "of any kind whatever" was agreed
upon," with the understanding that jf Boston were_ com-
pelled to reimburse the East India Comply. <^p \\nymtt
should be extended to all articles handlfd_bv the com-
pany till the_ money was returned. On November 1,
1774, an absolute boycott of all j^oods (except medi-
cmesj, imported thereafter, directly or indirectly, from
Great Britain was to become effective;8 and the agree-
ment was to extend likewise to negroes. imported irom
Africa, the WejrtJhHjiejj. ox,eJse,where. 4 If colonial griev-
ances were not redressed by August 10. I77S. an abso-
lute non-exportation was to be declared, of all articles
intended to be sent, directly or indirectly, to Great
Britain. 5 This postponement was granted in order to
enable as quick and full payment of debts to Britain as
possible and in order to get the profits on the present
tobacco crop. As non-exportation would be a blow to
tobacco culture, planters were advised thereafter to de-
1 Or until the association should be amended or abrogated by a later
provincial convention.
HY. Continental Association, Arts, i and iii. Appendix, present
volume.
5Cf. ibid. . Art. i.
<C/. ibid. . Art. ii.
*Cf. ilrid. , Art. iv.
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? 370 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
vote their fields to the growing of raw materials for
manufacturing; and a pledge was given to improve the
breed of sheep and to increase their number. 1 Mer-
chants were warned to maintain the prices usual during
the past year on pain of boycott. 2 In order to super-
vise the execution of the association and to correspond
with the general committee of correspondence at Wil-
liamsburg, it was recommended that a committee be
chosen in each county. 8 Merchants and traders were
required, on threat of boycott, to obtain certificates from
the committee that they had signed the association. If
any merchant or other person received forbidden im-
portations, the goods should be forthwith re-shipped or
stored under supervision of the committee ;4 otherwise
"the truth of the case" should be published in the ga-
zettes and all dealings severed with the offender. A
similar treatment should await the violator of non-
exportation. *
Wflrtfo^--^*-^^*^_^llowed in the, train of th^. -^irpin^
movement, and thus won the distinction of being the
second most radical province in the measures adopted.
Under stimulus of the succession of county meetings in
Virginia, a meeting of six counties in the district of
Wilmington was held on July 21 under the chairmanship
of William Hooper, a transplanted Bostonian who had
studied law under James Otis at the zenith of his rad-
icalism. A committee was appointed to send a circular
< Cf. Continental Association, Art. vii.
*Cf. ibid. , Art. ix.
*Cf. ibid. , Art. xi.
*Cf. ibid. . Art. x.
*Cf. ibid. , Art. xi.
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? CONTEST IN PLANTATION PROVINCES
371
to all the counties, proposing a general meeting in the
latter part of August to adopt measures in concert with
the other provinces; and it was voted that a general
congress was the best way to effect a uniform plan for
all America. 1 Before the date of the provincial meeting,
most of the counties and two of the towns had responded
by adopting resolutions and choosing delegates. 2 The
resolutions still extant varied in tone. Only Anson
County went so far as to counsel the stoppage of all
trade with Great Britain (save in a few necessary articles),
Granville declaring that it was a " measure not to be en-
tered into with precipitation. " Rowan County and Hali-
fax expressed a preference for a modified non-importation;
Chowan favored economy and the promotion of manu-
factures; while Johnston simply indicated a willingness
to abide by the findings of the Continental Congress.
The necessity of suspending debt collections on some
equitable principle, in case of non-intercourse, was noted
by Anson; but Granville County and Halifax showed a
distinct repugnance to the policy which had attained
considerable local popularity in Virginia and Maryland,
and declared themselves explicitly in favor of keeping all
courts open. Anson and Rowan announced themselves
in favor of a boycott of such provinces as declined to
enter the general measures, the latter county also in-
veighing against the slave trade as an obstacle to a free
immigration and the development of manufacturing.
15. C. Gaz. , Sept. 12, 1774; also N. C. Col. Rea. , vol. ix, pp. 1016-
1017.
1Only six sets of resolutions have been examined; in chronological
order: Rowan, Johnston, Granville, Anson and Chowan counties, and
the town of Halifax. Ibid. , vol. ix, pp. 1024-1026, 1029-1038.
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? 372
THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
When Governor Martin got wind of these proceedings,
he issued a proclamation on August 13, forbidding such
"illegal Meetings" and particularly the provincial meet-
ing, which was soon to occur. 1 The pronunciamento had
the same effect as the executive interdicts, in other prov-
inces, of the right of the people to organize and act. The
provincial convention of August 25 assembled at Newbern
with a representation from thirty-two of the thirty-eight
counties and two of the six towns, while the governor and
his council sat futilely by. Governor Martin noted the
readiness with which the " int1^ppratp resolutions " of the
Virginia convention were "re-echoed. ;" J but it is possible
that a complete collection of county resolutions would show
that the Newbern meeting merely reflected the views of the
county gatherings.
8 The convention chose delegates to the
Continental Congress and adopted a modified form of the
Virginia Association. 4 In one respect the association ex-
ceeded the Virginia plan, for a threat of boycott was held
up over any province, or any town or individual within the
15. C. Gaz. , Sept. 12, 1774; also M C. Col. Rea. , vol. ix, pp. 1029-
1030.
14 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 761-762.
* However, it is impossible to know what weight to give, at this time,
to the old Regulator antipathy to the personnel of the tidewater radi-
cals. Vide Bassett, J. S. , "The Regulators of North Carolina," Am.
Hist. Ann. Kep. ,1894), pp. 209-210.
4 No " East India tea" was to be used after September 10. 1774. Be-
ginning with January 1, 1775, there should be a total stoppage of all
East Indian and all British importations, by way of Great Britain or the
West Indies, except medicines; after November I, 1774, no slaves should
be imported from any part of the world. Unless American grievances
were redressed before October I, 1775, a non-exportation to Great
Britain was to become effective. Merchants were warned to continue
their customary prices. Committees were to be chosen to supervise
the execution of the association and to correspond with the provincial
committee of correspondence. Pa. Gas. , Sept. 16, 1774; also N. C.
Col. Sees. , vol. ix, pp. 1041-1049.
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? CONTEST IN PLANTATION PROVINCES
373
province, which failed to adopt the plan formulated by the
Continental Congress.
The first news of the Boston Port Act reached Charleston
on May 31 in a letter from the Philadelphia committee
transmitting the Boston circular letter. 1 Peter Timothy's
newspaper took the lead in declaring that America had
never faced a more critical time, that South Carolina, like
Boston, had obstructed the tea act, and that the time had
come to sacrifice private interest, to abolish all parties and
distinctions and combine in a general non-importation and,
if necessary, non-exportation. 2 But in spite of the best
efforts of Timothy and Chris Gadsden,3 private interest
continued to assert itself and economic groups and distinc-
tions became more clearly defined than on any earlier occa-
sion.
The opposition tg_a_Jp. taJja. 1,<tp<'r1sifm r>f frade centered
very largely in the rnejghiUltS find fact01"*^ ftO tbp nnp hand,
and the rice planters, on the Othgr The Norfolk story of
the Boston fox that had lost his tail gained currency with
1 5. C. Gas. , June 6, 1774; also 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, p. 370.
'S. C. Gas. , June 13, 1774; also 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 382-384.
1As has already been pointed out, Gadsden himself, though possessing
important mercantile interests as well as planting connections, acted
politically with an entire disregard of self-interest. This is shown
strikingly in a letter he wrote to Samuel Adams on June 5, 1774: "I
have been above Seven Years at hard Labour and the Utmost Risk of
my Constitution about One of the most extensive Quays in America
. . . at which thirty of the Largest Ships that can come over our Barr
can be Loading at the Same time . . . and have exceeding good and
Convenient Stores already Erected thereon Sufficient to Contain 16000
Teirces of Rice; in Short in this Affair, all my Fortune is embarked
. . no motives whatever will make me neglect or Slacken in the
Common Cause, as I hope I would sooner see every inch of my Quay
(my whole Fortune) totally destroyed Rather than be even Silent . . .
let the ministry change our Ports of Entrey to what distance from
Charleston and as Often as the Devil shall put it in their heads. " Bos.
Com. Cor. Papers, vol. ii, pp. 500-511.
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? 374
THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763. 1776
the trading body. 1 The merchants faced losses in case
either importation or exportation should be stopped; they
preferred the former measure to the latter, if necessity
pressed, but were determined to delay a decision on either
as long as possible. As for the rice planters, they were
opposed to a stoppage of exports, at least until November 1
when the rice from the present crop had been shipped off
and the time for a new planting had arrived. 2 The mer-
cantile and planting interests found it easy to develop a
public opinion in favor of a postponement of all positive
measures until a general congress, because the people in
general were inclined to look askance at a northern invita-
tion to enter a non-intercourse regulation when they re-
membered " the Overhastv breaking through and forsaking
the first Resolution f four years earlier] without previously
Consulting or so mqch JLS ^Acquainting
and when they observed that no commercial province had
entered the measure which the South Carolinians were
asked to adopt by Boston. *
On June 13 the General Committee at Charleston sum-
moned a "General Meeting of the inhabitants of this
Colony" for Wednesday, July 6, at Charleston, and dis-
patched circular letters to leading men throughout the prov-
ince urging them to send representatives. 4 Timothy's
1 " Non Quis sed Quid" in 5. C. Gas. , July 4, 1774.
1 Letter of Gadsden to Hancock and others, Bos. Com, Cor. Paflets,
vol. 11, pp, 517-518. The planters had another motive for temporizing
in that Parliament had under advisement a renewal of the act authoriz-
ing the shipment of rice from South Carolina to the West Indies and
the southern parts of Europe. The renewal was granted for seven years
on June 2 (14 George III, c. 67), but the fact was certainly not known
in South Carolina until some weeks later.
'Letters of Gadsden and Timothy to S. Adams, Bos. Com. Cor.
Papers, vol. ii, pp. 500-511, 529-532.
*4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, p. 408; also S. C. Gas. , June 13, 1774.
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? CONTEST IN PLANTATION PROVINCES
375
Gasette contained articles arguing for decisive measures at
the coming meeting. "A Carolinian" insisted on specific
instructions to the delegates to the Continental Congress
for a very general suspension of trade with Great Britain,
the West Indies and Africa, and exhorted that " one com-
mon Soul animate the Merchant, the Planter and the Trades-
man. " 1 "Non Quis sed Quid " gave his pen to the advo-
cacy of a modified non-importation, and told the planters
and merchants that this expedient would give them a chance
to extricate themselves from debt. 2 Meantime, the newly-
formed Chamber of Commerce had become the center of
discussion as to what should be the proper course for the
body of merchants to take. On July 6, before the meeting
assembled in the Exchange, the Chamber of Commerce de-
to anv ttle8tifnrp ? f non-importation or
non-exportation, and, in order to contribute to the defeat
of the same proposition in the Continental Congress, they
drew up a slate of candidates who held the same view and
pledged their support to them. 8
The Charleston meeting, comprising one hundred and
four members, was the largest public assemblage that had
ever been held in that town. From the standpoint of the
representative principle, it was defective in many respects,
for some counties elected ten delegates, others less, two
counties and one parish sent no representation, and the Gen-
eral Committee of forty-five represented Charleston. But
the leaders of all factions were well pleased with the mis-
15. C. Gas. , June 20, 27, 1774.
tlbid. , July 4, 1774; also 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 508-512.
8This account of the general meeting is based chiefly on: Drayton,
Memoirs, vol. I, pp. 112-132: official record in S. C. Gas. , July 11,
1774, also 4 Am. Arch. vol. i, pp, 525-527; three epistolary accounts,
ibid. , pp. 525. 531-534; Edward Rutledge's account, Izard, R. , Corres-
pondence, vol. i, pp. 2-j.
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? 376 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
cellaneous gathering, for it afforded an excellent opportun-
ity for political manipulation. Indeed, one of the very first
resolutions adopted provided that votes should be given by
each person present and not by parishes, and that " whoever
came there might give his vote. " After the adoption of
resolutions for asserting American rights, the debates of
the first two days turned upon a consideration of a prac-
tical application of the declaration of the meeting: "to
leave no justifiable means untried to procure a repeal" of
the oppressive acts of Parliament. The one party favored
the sending of delegates to Congress with unconditional in-
structions, and the adoption in the meantime of the Boston
proposal of a non-importation and non-exportation. The
other party favored restricted instructions and the post-
ponement of all measures until the Congress.
In favor of the Boston circular letter, the radical speakers
resorted to sensational delineations of the fate awaiting
South Carolina from British tyranny, and repeated the
telling arguments which had become hackneyed in similar
controversies in other provinces. By the opposing party, it
was maintained that non-intercourse would ruin thousands
in the province; that if South Carolina entered into it, there
was no assurance that other provinces would follow, and
indeed much evidence to the contrary. It was further
argued that the formulation of a uniform plan was the
proper function of a general congress, and that even that
body ought not adopt the measure until after petitions and
remonstrances had failed of effect. When the vote was
taken on the second day, it was found that the proposal for
an immediate non. -iqterco'"-'ir
The fight was warmly renewed, in altered form, over the
question of what instructions the delegates to the Congress
should be given, the radicals contending that the powers of
the delegates should be unrestricted. By a close vote it was
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? CONTEST IN PLANTATION PROVINCES
377
decided that the jefegates should be granted "full power
and authority^" tojagree to "legal measures " for obtaining
a redress of grievances, and the moderates found solace in
the clause declaring that the South Carolina delegates must
concur in any measure of the Congress before it became
binding on the province. ^^irtrrQ^nj-iv Iny flmrly lyjthjj1r
party that could control the personnel of th? _djdfigation.
It was provided that a vote for this purpose should be
taken that very day from two o'clock to six, and that every
free white in the whole province should be entitled to vote--
an arrangement that was a thin covering for a strategem
concocted in the Chamber of Commerce.