No More Learning

Two more were sent for from Waterford. Batteries were
constructed of small field pieces, which, though they might have been
useless against one of the fortresses of Hainault or Brabant, made some
impression on the feeble defences of Limerick. Several outworks were
carried by storm; and a breach in the rampart of the city began to
appear.

During these operations, the English army was astonished and amused by
an incident, which produced indeed no very important consequences, but
which illustrates in the most striking manner the real nature of Irish
Jacobitism. In the first rank of those great Celtic houses, which, down
to the close of the reign of Elizabeth, bore rule in Ulster, were the
O'Donnels. The head of that house had yielded to the skill and energy of
Mountjoy, had kissed the hand of James the First, and had consented
to exchange the rude independence of a petty prince for an eminently
honourable place among British subjects. During a short time the
vanquished chief held the rank of an Earl, and was the landlord of an
immense domain of which he had once been the sovereign. But soon he
began to suspect the government of plotting against him, and, in revenge
or in selfdefence, plotted against the government. His schemes failed;
he fled to the continent; his title and his estates were forfeited; and
an Anglosaxon colony was planted in the territory which he had governed.
He meanwhile took refuge at the court of Spain. Between that court and
the aboriginal Irish there had, during the long contest between Philip
and Elizabeth, been a close connection. The exiled chieftain was
welcomed at Madrid as a good Catholic flying from heretical persecutors.
His illustrious descent and princely dignity, which to the English
were subjects of ridicule, secured to him the respect of the Castilian
grandees. His honours were inherited by a succession of banished men who
lived and died far from the land where the memory of their family was
fondly cherished by a rude peasantry, and was kept fresh by the songs
of minstrels and the tales of begging friars. At length, in the
eighty-third year of the exile of this ancient dynasty, it was
known over all Europe that the Irish were again in arms for their
independence. Baldearg O'Donnel, who called himself the O'Donnel, a
title far prouder, in the estimation of his race, than any marquisate or
dukedom, had been bred in Spain, and was in the service of the Spanish
government. He requested the permission of that government to repair to
Ireland. But the House of Austria was now closely leagued with England;
and the permission was refused. The O'Donnel made his escape, and by a
circuitous route, in the course of which he visited Turkey, arrived at
Kinsale a few days after James had sailed thence for France. The effect
produced on the native population by the arrival of this solitary
wanderer was marvellous. Since Ulster had been reconquered by the
Englishry, great multitudes of the Irish inhabitants of that province
had migrated southward, and were now leading a vagrant life in Connaught
and Munster. These men, accustomed from their infancy to hear of the
good old times, when the O'Donnel, solemnly inaugurated on the rock of
Kilmacrenan by the successor of Saint Columb, governed the mountains
of Donegal in defiance of the strangers of the pale, flocked to the
standard of the restored exile. He was soon at the head of seven or
eight thousand Rapparees, or, to use the name peculiar to Ulster,
Creaghts; and his followers adhered to him with a loyalty very different
from the languid sentiment which the Saxon James had been able to
inspire. Priests and even Bishops swelled the train of the adventurer.
He was so much elated by his reception that he sent agents to France,
who assured the ministers of Lewis that the O'Donnel would, if furnished
with arms and ammunition, bring into the field thirty thousand Celts
from Ulster, and that the Celts of Ulster would be found far superior in
every military quality to those of Leinster, Munster and Connaught. No
expression used by Baldearg indicated that he considered himself as
a subject. His notion evidently was that the House of O'Donnel was as
truly and as indefeasibly royal as the House of Stuart; and not a few
of his countrymen were of the same mind. He made a pompous entrance into
Limerick; and his appearance there raised the hopes of the garrison to
a strange pitch. Numerous prophecies were recollected or invented. An
O'Donnel with a red mark was to be the deliverer of his country; and
Baldearg meant a red mark. An O'Donnel was to gain a great battle over
the English near Limerick; and at Limerick the O'Donnel and the English
were now brought face to face, [752]

While these predictions were eagerly repeated by the defenders of the
city, evil presages, grounded not on barbarous oracles, but on grave
military reasons, began to disturb William and his most experienced
officers. The blow struck by Sarsfield had told; the artillery had been
long in doing its work; that work was even now very imperfectly done;
the stock of powder had begun to run low; the autumnal rain had begun
to fall. The soldiers in the trenches were up to their knees in mire. No
precaution was neglected; but, though drains were dug to carry off the
water, and though pewter basins of usquebaugh and brandy blazed all
night in the tents, cases of fever had already occurred, and it might
well be apprehended that, if the army remained but a few days longer on
that swampy soil, there would be a pestilence more terrible than that
which had raged twelve months before under the walls of Dundalk, [753]
A council of war was held. It was determined to make one great effort,
and, if that effort failed, to raise the seige.

On the twenty-seventh of August, at three in the afternoon, the signal
was given. Five hundred grenadiers rushed from the English trenches
to the counterscarp, fired their pieces, and threw their grenades. The
Irish fled into the town, and were followed by the assailants, who,
in the excitement of victory, did not wait for orders. Then began a
terrible street fight. The Irish, as soon as they had recovered
from their surprise, stood resolutely to their arms; and the English
grenadiers, overwhelmed by numbers, were, with great loss, driven back
to the counterscarp. There the struggle was long and desperate. When
indeed was the Roman Catholic Celt to fight if he did not fight on that
day? The very women of Limerick mingled, in the combat, stood firmly
under the hottest fire, and flung stones and broken bottles at the
enemy. In the moment when the conflict was fiercest a mine exploded,
and hurled a fine German battalion into the air. During four hours the
carnage and uproar continued. The thick cloud which rose from the breach
streamed out on the wind for many miles, and disappeared behind the
hills of Clare. Late in the evening the besiegers retired slowly and
sullenly to their camp. Their hope was that a second attack would be
made on the morrow; and the soldiers vowed to have the town or die.
But the powder was now almost exhausted; the rain fell in torrents; the
gloomy masses of cloud which came up from the south west threatened a
havoc more terrible than that of the sword; and there was reason to fear
that the roads, which were already deep in mud, would soon be in such a
state that no wheeled carriage could be dragged through them. The King
determined to raise the siege, and to move his troops to a healthier
region. He had in truth staid long enough; for it was with great
difficulty that his guns and waggons were tugged away by long teams of
oxen, [754]

The history of the first siege of Limerick bears, in some respects,
a remarkable analogy to the history of the siege of Londonderry. The
southern city was, like the northern city, the last asylum of a Church
and of a nation. Both places were crowded by fugitives from all parts of
Ireland. Both places appeared to men who had made a regular study of the
art of war incapable of resisting an enemy. Both were, in the moment of
extreme danger, abandoned by those commanders who should have defended
them. Lauzun and Tyrconnel deserted Limerick as Cunningham and Lundy had
deserted Londonderry. In both cases, religious and patriotic enthusiasm
struggled unassisted against great odds; and, in both cases, religious
and patriotic enthusiasm did what veteran warriors had pronounced it
absurd to attempt.

It was with no pleasurable emotions that Lauzun and Tyrconnel learned at
Galway the fortunate issue of the conflict in which they had refused
to take a part. They were weary of Ireland; they were apprehensive
that their conduct might be unfavourably represented in France; they
therefore determined to be beforehand with their accusers, and took ship
together for the Continent.

Tyrconnel, before he departed, delegated his civil authority to one
council, and his military authority to another. The young Duke of
Berwick was declared Commander in Chief; but this dignity was merely
nominal. Sarsfield, undoubtedly the first of Irish soldiers, was placed
last in the list of the councillors to whom the conduct of the war was
entrusted; and some believed that he would not have been in the list at
all, had not the Viceroy feared that the omission of so popular a name
might produce a mutiny.

William meanwhile had reached Waterford, and had sailed thence for
England. Before he embarked, he entrusted the government of Ireland to
three Lords Justices. Henry Sydney, now Viscount Sydney, stood first
in the commission; and with him were joined Coningsby and Sir Charles
Porter. Porter had formerly held the Great Seal of the kingdom, had,
merely because he was a Protestant, been deprived of it by James, and
had now received it again from the hand of William.

On the sixth of September the King, after a voyage of twenty-four hours,
landed at Bristol. Thence he travelled to London, stopping by the road
at the mansions of some great lords, and it was remarked that all
those who were thus honoured were Tories. He was entertained one day
at Badminton by the Duke of Beaufort, who was supposed to have brought
himself with great difficulty to take the oaths, and on a subsequent
day at a large house near Marlborough which, in our own time, before the
great revolution produced by railways, was renowned as one of the best
inns in England, but which, in the seventeenth century, was a seat of
the Duke of Somerset. William was every where received with marks of
respect and joy. His campaign indeed had not ended quite so prosperously
as it had begun; but on the whole his success had been great beyond
expectation, and had fully vindicated the wisdom of his resolution to
command his army in person. The sack of Teignmouth too was fresh in
the minds of Englishmen, and had for a time reconciled all but the most
fanatical Jacobites to each other and to the throne. The magistracy
and clergy of the capital repaired to Kensington with thanks and
congratulations. The people rang bells and kindled bonfires. For the
Pope, whom good Protestants had been accustomed to immolate, the French
King was on this occasion substituted, probably by way of retaliation
for the insults which had been offered to the effigy of William by
the Parisian populace. A waxen figure, which was doubtless a hideous
caricature of the most graceful and majestic of princes, was dragged
about Westminster in a chariot. Above was inscribed, in large letters,
"Lewis the greatest tyrant of fourteen. " After the procession, the image
was committed to the flames, amidst loud huzzas, in the middle of Covent
Garden, [755]

When William arrived in London, the expedition destined for Cork, was
ready to sail from Portsmouth, and Marlborough had been some time on
board waiting for a fair wind. He was accompanied by Grafton. This young
man had been, immediately after the departure of James, and while the
throne was still vacant, named by William Colonel of the First Regiment
of Foot Guards. The Revolution had scarcely been consummated, when signs
of disaffection began to appear in that regiment, the most important,
both because of its peculiar duties and because of its numerical
strength, of all the regiments in the army. It was thought that the
Colonel had not put this bad spirit down with a sufficiently firm hand.
He was known not to be perfectly satisfied with the new arrangement; he
had voted for a Regency; and it was rumoured, perhaps without reason,
that he had dealings with Saint Germains. The honourable and lucrative
command to which he had just been appointed was taken from him, [756]
Though severely mortified, he behaved like a man of sense and spirit.
Bent on proving that he had been wrongfully suspected, and animated
by an honourable ambition to distinguish himself in his profession,
he obtained permission to serve as a volunteer under Marlborough in
Ireland.

At length, on the eighteenth of September, the wind changed. The fleet
stood out to sea, and on the twenty-first appeared before the harbour
of Cork. The troops landed, and were speedily joined by the Duke of
Wirtemberg, with several regiments, Dutch, Danish, and French, detached
from the army which had lately besieged Limerick. The Duke immediately
put forward a claim which, if the English general had not been a man of
excellent judgment and temper, might have been fatal to the expedition.
His Highness contended that, as a prince of a sovereign house, he was
entitled to command in chief. Marlborough calmly and politely showed
that the pretence was unreasonable. A dispute followed, in which it is
said that the German behaved with rudeness, and the Englishman with that
gentle firmness to which, more perhaps than even to his great abilities,
he owed his success in life. At length a Huguenot officer suggested a
compromise. Marlborough consented to waive part of his rights, and to
allow precedence to the Duke on the alternate days. The first morning
on which Marlborough had the command, he gave the word "Wirtemberg. " The
Duke's heart was won by this compliment and on the next day he gave the
word "Marlborough. "

But, whoever might give the word, genius asserted its indefeasible
superiority. Marlborough was on every day the real general. Cork was
vigorously attacked. Outwork after outwork was rapidly carried. In
forty-eight hours all was over. The traces of the short struggle may
still be seen. The old fort, where the Irish made the hardest fight,
lies in ruins. The Daria Cathedral, so ungracefully joined to the
ancient tower, stands on the site of a Gothic edifice which was
shattered by the English cannon. In the neighbouring churchyard is still
shown the spot where stood, during many ages, one of those round towers
which have perplexed antiquaries. This venerable monument shared the
fate of the neighbouring church. On another spot, which is now called
the Mall, and is lined by the stately houses of banking companies,
railway companies, and insurance companies, but which was then a bog
known by the name of the Rape Marsh, four English regiments, up to the
shoulders in water, advanced gallantly to the assault. Grafton, ever
foremost in danger, while struggling through the quagmire, was struck by
a shot from the ramparts, and was carried back dying. The place where he
fell, then about a hundred yards without the city, but now situated
in the very centre of business and population, is still called Grafton
Street. The assailants had made their way through the swamp, and the
close fighting was just about to begin, when a parley was beaten.
Articles of capitulation were speedily adjusted. The garrison, between
four and five thousand fighting men, became prisoners. Marlborough
promised to intercede with the King both for them and for the
inhabitants, and to prevent outrage and spoliation. His troops he
succeeded in restraining; but crowds of sailors and camp followers came
into the city through the breach; and the houses of many Roman Catholics
were sacked before order was restored.

No commander has ever understood better than Marlborough how to improve
a victory. A few hours after Cork had fallen, his cavalry were on the
road to Kinsale. A trumpeter was sent to summon the place. The Irish
threatened to hang him for bringing such a message, set fire to the
town, and retired into two forts called the Old and the New. The
English horse arrived just in time to extinguish the flames. Marlborough
speedily followed with his infantry. The Old Fort was scaled; and four
hundred and fifty men who defended it were all killed or taken. The New
Fort it was necessary to attack in a more methodical way. Batteries
were planted; trenches were opened; mines were sprung; in a few days
the besiegers were masters of the counterscarp; and all was ready for
storming, when the governor offered to capitulate. The garrison, twelve
hundred strong, was suffered to retire to Limerick; but the conquerors
took possession of the stores, which were of considerable value. Of
all the Irish ports Kinsale was the best situated for intercourse with
France. Here, therefore, was a plenty unknown in any other part of
Munster. At Limerick bread and wine were luxuries which generals and
privy councillors were not always able to procure. But in the New Fort
of Kinsale Marlborough found a thousand barrels of wheat and eighty
pipes of claret.

His success had been complete and rapid; and indeed, had it not been
rapid, it would not have been complete. His campaign, short as it was,
had been long enough to allow time for the deadly work which, in that
age, the moist earth and air of Ireland seldom failed, in the autumnal
season, to perform on English soldiers. The malady which had thinned the
ranks of Schomberg's army at Dundalk, and which had compelled William
to make a hasty retreat from the estuary of the Shannon, had begun to
appear at Kinsale. Quick and vigorous as Marlborough's operations were,
he lost a much greater number of men by disease than by the fire of the
enemy. He presented himself at Kensington only five weeks after he had
sailed from Portsmouth, and was most graciously received. "No officer
living," said William, "who has seen so little service as my Lord
Marlborough, is so fit for great commands. " [757]

In Scotland, as in Ireland, the aspect of things had, during this
memorable summer, changed greatly for the better. That club of
discontented Whigs which had, in the preceding year, ruled the
Parliament, browbeaten the ministers, refused the supplies and stopped
the signet, had sunk under general contempt, and had at length ceased to
exist. There was harmony between the Sovereign and the Estates; and the
long contest between two forms of ecclesiastical government had been
terminated in the only way compatible with the peace and prosperity of
the country.

This happy turn in affairs is to be chiefly ascribed to the errors of
the perfidious, turbulent and revengeful Montgomery. Some weeks after
the close of that session during which he had exercised a boundless
authority over the Scottish Parliament, he went to London with his two
principal confederates, the Earl of Annandale and the Lord Ross. The
three had an audience of William, and presented to him a manifesto
setting forth what they demanded for the public. They would very soon
have changed their tone if he would have granted what they demanded for
themselves. But he resented their conduct deeply, and was determined not
to pay them for annoying him. The reception which he gave them convinced
them that they had no favour to expect. Montgomery's passions were
fierce; his wants were pressing; he was miserably poor; and, if he
could not speedily force himself into a lucrative office, he would be
in danger of rotting in a gaol. Since his services were not likely to
be bought by William, they must be offered to James. A broker was easily
found. Montgomery was an old acquaintance of Ferguson. The two traitors
soon understood each other. They were kindred spirits, differing widely
in intellectual power, but equally vain, restless, false and malevolent.
Montgomery was introduced to Neville Payne, one of the most adroit and
resolute agents of the exiled family, Payne had been long well known
about town as a dabbler in poetry and politics. He had been an intimate
friend of the indiscreet and unfortunate Coleman, and had been committed
to Newgate as an accomplice in the Popish plot. His moral character
had not stood high; but he soon had an opportunity of proving that he
possessed courage and fidelity worthy of a better cause than that of
James and of a better associate than Montgomery.

The negotiation speedily ended in a treaty of alliance, Payne
confidently promised Montgomery, not merely pardon, but riches,
power and dignity. Montgomery as confidently undertook to induce the
Parliament of Scotland to recall the rightful King. Ross and Annandale
readily agreed to whatever their able and active colleague proposed. An
adventurer, who was sometimes called Simpson and sometimes Jones, who
was perfectly willing to serve or to betray any government for hire,
and who received wages at once from Portland and from Neville Payne,
undertook to carry the offers of the Club to James. Montgomery and his
two noble accomplices returned to Edinburgh, and there proceeded to
form a coalition with their old enemies, the defenders of prelacy and of
arbitrary power, [758]

The Scottish opposition, strangely made up of two factions, one zealous
for bishops, the other zealous for synods, one hostile to all liberty,
the other impatient of all government, flattered itself during a short
time with hopes that the civil war would break out in the Highlands with
redoubled fury. But those hopes were disappointed. In the spring of
1690 an officer named Buchan arrived in Lochaber from Ireland. He bore a
commission which appointed him general in chief of all the forces which
were in arms for King James throughout the kingdom of Scotland. Cannon,
who had, since the death of Dundee, held the first post and had proved
himself unfit for it, became second in command. Little however was
gained by the change. It was no easy matter to induce the Gaelic
princes to renew the war. Indeed, but for the influence and eloquence of
Lochiel, not a sword would have been drawn for the House of Stuart.
He, with some difficulty, persuaded the chieftains, who had, in the
preceding year, fought at Killiecrankie, to come to a resolution that,
before the end of the summer, they would muster all their followers and
march into the Lowlands. In the mean time twelve hundred mountaineers of
different tribes were placed under the orders of Buchan, who undertook,
with this force, to keep the English garrisons in constant alarm by
feints and incursions, till the season for more important operations
should arrive. He accordingly marched into Strathspey. But all his plans
were speedily disconcerted by the boldness and dexterity of Sir Thomas
Livingstone, who held Inverness for King William. Livingstone, guided
and assisted by the Grants, who were firmly attached to the new
government, came, with a strong body of cavalry and dragoons, by forced
marches and through arduous defiles, to the place where the Jacobites
had taken up their quarters. He reached the camp fires at dead of night.
The first alarm was given by the rush of the horses over the terrified
sentinels into the midst Of the crowd of Celts who lay sleeping in their
plaids. Buchan escaped bareheaded and without his sword. Cannon ran away
in his shirt. The conquerors lost not a man. Four hundred Highlanders
were killed or taken. The rest fled to their hills and mists, [759]

This event put an end to all thoughts of civil war. The gathering which
had been planned for the summer never took place. Lochiel, even if he
had been willing, was not able to sustain any longer the falling cause.
He had been laid on his bed by a mishap which would alone suffice to
show how little could be effected by a confederacy of the petty kings
of the mountains. At a consultation of the Jacobite leaders, a gentleman
from the Lowlands spoke with severity of those sycophants who had
changed their religion to curry favour with King James. Glengarry was
one of those people who think it dignified to suppose that every body
is always insulting them. He took it into his head that some allusion
to himself was meant. "I am as good a Protestant as you. " he cried, and
added a word not to be patiently borne by a man of spirit. In a moment
both swords were out. Lochiel thrust himself between the combatants,
and, while forcing them asunder, received a wound which was at first
believed to be mortal, [760]

So effectually had the spirit of the disaffected clans been cowed that
Mackay marched unresisted from Perth into Lochaber, fixed his head
quarters at Inverlochy, and proceeded to execute his favourite design
of erecting at that place a fortress which might overawe the mutinous
Camerons and Macdonalds. In a few days the walls were raised; the
ditches were sunk; the pallisades were fixed; demiculverins from a ship
of war were ranged along the parapets, and the general departed, leaving
an officer named Hill in command of a sufficient garrison. Within the
defences there was no want of oatmeal, red herrings, and beef; and
there was rather a superabundance of brandy. The new stronghold, which,
hastily and rudely as it had been constructed, seemed doubtless to the
people of the neighbourhood the most stupendous work that power and
science united had ever produced, was named Fort William in honour of
the King, [761]

By this time the Scottish Parliament had reassembled at Edinburgh.
William had found it no easy matter to decide what course should be
taken with that capricious and unruly body. The English Commons had
sometimes put him out of temper. Yet they had granted him millions,
and had never asked from him such concessions as had been imperiously
demanded by the Scottish legislature, which could give him little and
had given him nothing. The English statesmen with whom he had to deal
did not generally stand or serve to stand high in his esteem. Yet few
of them were so utterly false and shameless as the leading Scottish
politicians. Hamilton was, in morality and honour, rather above than
below his fellows; and even Hamilton was fickle, false and greedy.
"I wish to heaven," William was once provoked into exclaiming, "that
Scotland were a thousand miles off, and that the Duke of Hamilton were
King of it. Then I should be rid of them both. "

After much deliberation William determined to send Melville down to
Edinburgh as Lord High Commissioner. Melville was not a great
statesman; he was not a great orator; he did not look or move like the
representative of royalty; his character was not of more than standard
purity; and the standard of purity among Scottish senators was not
high; but he was by no means deficient in prudence or temper; and he
succeeded, on the whole, better than a man of much higher qualities
might have done.

During the first days of the Session, the friends of the government
desponded, and the chiefs of the opposition were sanguine.
Montgomery's
head, though by no means a weak one, had been turned by the triumphs of
the preceding year. He believed that his intrigues and his rhetoric had
completely subjugated the Estates. It seemed to him impossible that,
having exercised a boundless empire in the Parliament House when the
Jacobites were absent, he should be defeated when they were present, and
ready to support whatever he proposed. He had not indeed found it
easy to prevail on them to attend: for they could not take their seats
without taking the oaths. A few of them had some slight scruple of
conscience about foreswearing themselves; and many, who did not know
what a scruple of conscience meant, were apprehensive that they might
offend the rightful King by vowing fealty to the actual King. Some
Lords, however, who were supposed to be in the confidence of James,
asserted that, to their knowledge, he wished his friends to perjure
themselves; and this assertion induced most of the Jacobites, with
Balcarras at their head, to be guilty of perfidy aggravated by impiety,
[762]

It soon appeared, however, that Montgomery's faction, even with this
reinforcement, was no longer a majority of the legislature. For every
supporter that he had gained he had lost two. He had committed an
error which has more than once, in British history, been fatal to great
parliamentary leaders. He had imagined that, as soon as he chose to
coalesce with those to whom he had recently been opposed, all his
followers would imitate his example. He soon found that it was much
easier to inflame animosities than to appease them. The great body Of
Whigs and Presbyterians shrank from the fellowship of the Jacobites.
Some waverers were purchased by the government; nor was the purchase
expensive, for a sum which would hardly be missed in the English
Treasury was immense in the estimation of the needy barons of the North,
[763] Thus the scale was turned; and, in the Scottish Parliaments
of that age, the turn of the scale was every thing; the tendency
of majorities was always to increase, the tendency of minorities to
diminish.

The first question on which a vote was taken related to the election for
a borough. The ministers carried their point by six voices, [764] In an
instant every thing was changed; the spell was broken; the Club, from
being a bugbear, became a laughingstock; the timid and the venal passed
over in crowds from the weaker to the stronger side. It was in vain that
the opposition attempted to revive the disputes of the preceding year.
The King had wisely authorised Melville to give up the Committee of
Articles. The Estates, on the other hand, showed no disposition to pass
another Act of Incapacitation, to censure the government for opening the
Courts of justice, or to question the right of the Sovereign to name
the judges. An extraordinary supply was voted, small, according to the
notions of English financiers, but large for the means of Scotland. The
sum granted was a hundred and sixty-two thousand pounds sterling, to be
raised in the course of four years, [765]

The Jacobites, who found that they had forsworn themselves to no
purpose, sate, bowed down by shame and writhing with vexation, while
Montgomery, who had deceived himself and them, and who, in his rage, had
utterly lost, not indeed his parts and his fluency, but all decorum and
selfcommand, scolded like a waterman on the Thames, and was answered
with equal asperity and even more than equal ability by Sir John
Dalrymple, [766]

The most important acts of this Session were those which fixed the
ecclesiastical constitution of Scotland. By the Claim of Right it
had been declared that the authority of Bishops was an insupportable
grievance; and William, by accepting the Crown, had bound himself not
to uphold an institution condemned by the very instrument on which his
title to the Crown depended. But the Claim of Right had not defined the
form of Church government which was to be substituted for episcopacy;
and, during the stormy Session held in the summer of 1689, the violence
of the Club had made legislation impossible. During many months
therefore every thing had been in confusion. One polity had been pulled
down; and no other polity had been set up. In the Western Lowlands, the
beneficed clergy had been so effectually rabbled, that scarcely one of
them had remained at his post. In Berwickshire, the three Lothians and
Stirlingshire, most of the curates had been removed by the Privy Council
for not obeying that vote of the Convention which had directed all
ministers of parishes, on pain of deprivation, to proclaim William and
Mary King and Queen of Scotland. Thus, throughout a great part of
the realm, there was no public worship except what was performed by
Presbyterian divines, who sometimes officiated in tents, and sometimes,
without any legal right, took possession of the churches. But there were
large districts, especially on the north of the Tay, where the people
had no strong feeling against episcopacy; and there were many priests
who were not disposed to lose their manses, and stipends for the sake of
King James. Hundreds of the old curates, therefore, having been neither
hunted by the populace nor deposed by the Council, still performed their
spiritual functions. Every minister was, during this time of transition,
free to conduct the service and to administer the sacraments as he
thought fit. There was no controlling authority. The legislature had
taken away the jurisdiction of Bishops, and had not established the
jurisdiction of Synods, [767]

To put an end to this anarchy was one of the first duties of the
Parliament. Melville had, with the powerful assistance of Carstairs,
obtained, in spite of the remonstrances of English Tories, authority to
assent to such ecclesiastical arrangements as might satisfy the Scottish
nation. One of the first laws which the Lord Commissioner touched with
the sceptre repealed the Act of Supremacy. He next gave the royal assent
to a law enacting that those Presbyterian divines who had been pastors
of parishes in the days of the Covenant, and had, after the Restoration,
been ejected for refusing to acknowledge episcopal authority, should be
restored. The number of those Pastors had originally been about three
hundred and fifty: but not more than sixty were still living, [768]

The Estates then proceeded to fix the national creed. The Confession of
Faith drawn up by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, the Longer
and Shorter Catechism, and the Directory, were considered by every good
Presbyterian as the standards of orthodoxy; and it was hoped that the
legislature would recognise them as such, [769] This hope, however, was
in part disappointed. The Confession was read at length, amidst much
yawning, and adopted without alteration. But, when it was proposed that
the Catechisms and the Directory should be taken into consideration, the
ill humour of the audience broke forth into murmurs. For that love of
long sermons which was strong in the Scottish commonalty was not shared
by the Scottish aristocracy. The Parliament had already been listening
during three hours to dry theology, and was not inclined to hear any
thing more about original sin and election. The Duke of Hamilton said
that the Estates had already done all that was essential. They had given
their sanction to a digest of the great principles of Christianity.
The rest might well be left to the Church. The weary majority eagerly
assented, in spite of the muttering of some zealous Presbyterian
ministers who had been admitted to hear the debate, and who could
sometimes hardly restrain themselves from taking part in it, [770]

The memorable law which fixed the ecclesiastical constitution of
Scotland was brought in by the Earl of Sutherland. By this law the
synodical polity was reestablished. The rule of the Church was entrusted
to the sixty ejected ministers who had just been restored, and to such
other persons, whether ministers or elders, as the Sixty should think
fit to admit to a participation of power. The Sixty and their nominees
were authorised to visit all the parishes in the kingdom, and to turn
out all ministers who were deficient in abilities, scandalous in morals,
or unsound in faith. Those parishes which had, during the interregnum,
been deserted by their pastors, or, in plain words, those parishes of
which the pastors had been rabbled, were declared vacant, [771]

To the clause which reestablished synodical government no serious
opposition appears to have been made. But three days were spent in
discussing the question whether the Sovereign should have power to
convoke and to dissolve ecclesiastical assemblies; and the point was
at last left in dangerous ambiguity. Some other clauses were long and
vehemently debated. It was said that the immense power given to the
Sixty was incompatible with the fundamental principle of the polity
which the Estates were about to set up. That principle was that all
presbyters were equal, and that there ought to be no order of ministers
of religion superior to the order of presbyters. What did it matter
whether the Sixty were called prelates or not, if they were to lord it
with more than prelatical authority over God's heritage? To the argument
that the proposed arrangement was, in the very peculiar circumstances
of the Church, the most convenient that could be made, the objectors
replied that such reasoning might suit the mouth of an Erastian, but
that all orthodox Presbyterians held the parity of ministers to be
ordained by Christ, and that, where Christ had spoken, Christians were
not at liberty to consider what was convenient, [772]

With much greater warmth and much stronger reason the minority attacked
the clause which sanctioned the lawless acts of the Western fanatics.
Surely, it was said, a rabbled curate might well be left to the severe
scrutiny of the sixty Inquisitors. If he was deficient in parts or
learning, if he was loose in life, if he was heterodox in doctrine,
those stern judges would not fail to detect and to depose him. They
would probably think a game at bowls, a prayer borrowed from the English
Liturgy, or a sermon in which the slightest taint of Arminianism could
be discovered, a sufficient reason for pronouncing his benefice vacant.
Was it not monstrous, after constituting a tribunal from which he could
scarcely hope for bare justice, to condemn him without allowing him to
appear even before that tribunal, to condemn him without a trial, to
condemn him without an accusation? Did ever any grave senate, since the
beginning of the world, treat a man as a criminal merely because he
had been robbed, pelted, hustled, dragged through snow and mire, and
threatened with death if he returned to the house which was his by law?
The Duke of Hamilton, glad to have so good an Opportunity of attacking
the new Lord Commissioner, spoke with great vehemence against this
odious clause. We are told that no attempt was made to answer him; and,
though those who tell us so were zealous Episcopalians, we may easily
believe their report; for what answer was it possible to return?
Melville, on whom the chief responsibility lay, sate on the throne in
profound silence through the whole of this tempestuous debate. It
is probable that his conduct was determined by considerations which
prudence and shame prevented him from explaining. The state of the
southwestern shires was such that it would have been impossible to
put the rabbled minister in possession of their dwellings and churches
without employing a military force, without garrisoning every manse,
without placing guards round every pulpit, and without handing over some
ferocious enthusiasts to the Provost Marshal; and it would be no easy
task for the government to keep down by the sword at once the Jacobites
of the Highlands and the Covenanters of the Lowlands. The majority,
having made up their minds for reasons which could not well be produced,
became clamorous for the question. "No more debate," was the cry: "We
have heard enough: a vote! a vote! " The question was put according
to the Scottish form, "Approve or not approve the article? " Hamilton
insisted that the question, should be, "Approve or not approve the
rabbling? " After much altercation, he was overruled, and the clause
passed. Only fifteen or sixteen members voted with him. He warmly and
loudly exclaimed, amidst much angry interruption, that he was sorry to
see a Scottish Parliament disgrace itself by such iniquity. He then
left the house with several of his friends. It is impossible not to
sympathize with the indignation which he expressed. Yet we ought to
remember that it is the nature of injustice to generate injustice. There
are wrongs which it is almost impossible to repair without committing
other wrongs; and such a wrong had been done to the people of Scotland
in the preceding generation. It was because the Parliament of the
Restoration had legislated in insolent defiance of the sense of the
nation that the Parliament of the Revolution had to abase itself before
the mob.

When Hamilton and his adherents had retired, one of the preachers who
had been admitted to the hall called out to the members who were near
him; "Fie! Fie! Do not lose time. Make haste, and get all over before he
comes back. " This advice was taken. Four or five sturdy Prelatists staid
to give a last vote against Presbytery. Four or five equally sturdy
Covenanters staid to mark their dislike of what seemed to them a
compromise between the Lord and Baal. But the Act was passed by an
overwhelming majority, [773]

Two supplementary Acts speedily followed. One of them, now happily
repealed, required every officebearer in every University of Scotland to
sign the Confession of Faith and to give in his adhesion to the new form
of Church government, [774] The other settled the important and delicate
question of patronage. Knox had, in the First Book of Discipline,
asserted the right of every Christian congregation to choose its own
pastor. Melville had not, in the Second Book of Discipline, gone quite
so far; but he had declared that no pastor could lawfully be forced on
an unwilling congregation. Patronage had been abolished by a Covenanted
Parliament in 1649, and restored by a Royalist Parliament in 1661. What
ought to be done in 1690 it was no easy matter to decide. Scarcely any
question seems to have caused so much anxiety to William. He had, in his
private instructions, given the Lord Commissioner authority to assent to
the abolition of patronage, if nothing else would satisfy the Estates.
But this authority was most unwillingly given; and the King hoped that
it would not be used. "It is," he said, "the taking of men's property. "
Melville succeeded in effecting a compromise. Patronage was abolished;
but it was enacted that every patron should receive six hundred
marks Scots, equivalent to about thirty-five pounds sterling, as a
compensation for his rights. The sum seems ludicrously small. Yet,
when the nature of the property and the poverty of the country are
considered, it may be doubted whether a patron would have made much more
by going into the market. The largest sum that any member ventured to
propose was nine hundred marks, little more than fifty pounds sterling.
The right of proposing a minister was given to a parochial council
consisting of the Protestant landowners and the elders. The congregation
might object to the person proposed; and the Presbytery was to judge
of the objections. This arrangement did not give to the people all the
power to which even the Second Book of Discipline had declared that they
were entitled. But the odious name of patronage was taken away; it was
probably thought that the elders and landowners of a parish would seldom
persist in nominating a person to whom the majority of the congregation
had strong objections; and indeed it does not appear that, while the Act
of 1690 continued in force, the peace of the Church was ever broken by
disputes such as produced the schisms of 1732, of 1756, and of 1843,
[775]

Montgomery had done all in his power to prevent the Estates from
settling the ecclesiastical polity of the realm. He had incited the
zealous Covenanters to demand what he knew that the government would
never grant. He had protested against all Erastianism, against all
compromise. Dutch Presbyterianism, he said, would not do for Scotland.
She must have again the system of 1649. That system was deduced from the
Word of God: it was the most powerful check that had ever been devised
on the tyranny of wicked kings; and it ought to be restored without
addition or diminution. His Jacobite allies could not conceal their
disgust and mortification at hearing him hold such language, and were by
no means satisfied with the explanations which he gave them in private.
While they were wrangling with him on this subject, a messenger arrived
at Edinburgh with important despatches from James and from Mary of
Modena. These despatches had been written in the confident expectation
that the large promises of Montgomery would be fulfilled, and that the
Scottish Estates would, under his dexterous management, declare for the
rightful Sovereign against the Usurper. James was so grateful for the
unexpected support of his old enemies, that he entirely forgot the
services and disregarded the feelings of his old friends. The three
chiefs of the Club, rebels and Puritans as they were, had become his
favourites. Annandale was to be a Marquess, Governor of Edinburgh
Castle, and Lord High Commissioner. Montgomery was to be Earl of Ayr and
Secretary of State. Ross was to be an Earl and to command the guards. An
unprincipled lawyer named James Stewart, who had been deeply concerned
in Argyle's insurrection, who had changed sides and supported the
dispensing power, who had then changed sides a second time and concurred
in the Revolution, and who had now changed sides a third time and was
scheming to bring about a Restoration, was to be Lord Advocate. The
Privy Council, the Court of Session, the army, were to be filled with
Whigs. A Council of Five was appointed, which all loyal subjects were
to obey; and in this Council Annandale, Ross and Montgomery formed the
majority. Mary of Modena informed Montgomery that five thousand pounds
sterling had been remitted to his order, and that five thousand more
would soon follow. It was impossible that Balcarras and those who had
acted with him should not bitterly resent the manner in which they were
treated. Their names were not even mentioned. All that they had done and
suffered seemed to have faded from their master's mind. He had now given
them fair notice that, if they should, at the hazard of their lands and
lives, succeed in restoring him, all that he had to give would be given
to those who had deposed him. They too, when they read his letters,
knew, what he did not know when the letters were written, that he had
been duped by the confident boasts and promises of the apostate Whigs.
He imagined that the Club was omnipotent at Edinburgh; and, in truth,
the Club had become a mere byword of contempt. The Tory Jacobites easily
found pretexts for refusing to obey the Presbyterian Jacobites to whom
the banished King had delegated his authority. They complained that
Montgomery had not shown them all the despatches which he had received.
They affected to suspect that he had tampered with the seals. He called
God Almighty to witness that the suspicion was unfounded. But oaths were
very naturally regarded as insufficient guarantees by men who had just
been swearing allegiance to a King against whom they were conspiring.
There was a violent outbreak of passion on both sides; the coalition was
dissolved; the papers were flung into the fire; and, in a few days, the
infamous triumvirs who had been, in the short space of a year, violent
Williamites and violent Jacobites, became Williamites again, and
attempted to make their peace with the government by accusing each
other, [776]

Ross was the first who turned informer. After the fashion of the school
in which he had been bred, he committed this base action with all the
forms of sanctity. He pretended to be greatly troubled in mind, sent for
a celebrated Presbyterian minister named Dunlop, and bemoaned himself
piteously: "There is a load on my conscience; there is a secret which
I know that I ought to disclose; but I cannot bring myself to do it. "
Dunlop prayed long and fervently; Ross groaned and wept; at last it
seemed that heaven had been stormed by the violence of supplication; the
truth came out, and many lies with it. The divine and the penitent then
returned thanks together. Dunlop went with the news to Melville. Ross
set off for England to make his peace at court, and performed his
journey in safety, though some of his accomplices, who had heard of
his repentance, but had been little edified by it, had laid plans for
cutting his throat by the way. At London he protested, on his honour
and on the word of a gentleman, that he had been drawn in, that he had
always disliked the plot, and that Montgomery and Ferguson were the real
criminals, [777]

Dunlop was, in the mean time, magnifying, wherever he went, the divine
goodness which had, by so humble an instrument as himself, brought a
noble person back to the right path. Montgomery no sooner heard of this
wonderful work of grace than he too began to experience compunction. He
went to Melville, made a confession not exactly coinciding with Ross's,
and obtained a pass for England. William was then in Ireland; and Mary
was governing in his stead. At her feet Montgomery threw himself.
He tried to move her pity by speaking of his broken fortunes, and to
ingratiate himself with her by praising her sweet and affable manners.
He gave up to her the names of his fellow plotters. He vowed to dedicate
his whole life to her service, if she would obtain for him some place
which might enable him to subsist with decency. She was so much touched
by his supplications and flatteries that she recommended him to her
husband's favour; but the just distrust and abhorrence with which
William regarded Montgomery were not to be overcome, [778]

Before the traitor had been admitted to Mary's presence, he had obtained
a promise that he should be allowed to depart in safety. The promise was
kept. During some months, he lay hid in London, and contrived to carry
on a negotiation with the government. He offered to be a witness against
his accomplices on condition of having a good place. William would bid
no higher than a pardon. At length the communications were broken off.
Montgomery retired for a time to France. He soon returned to London, and
passed the miserable remnant of his life in forming plots which came to
nothing, and in writing libels which are distinguished by the grace
and vigour of their style from most of the productions of the Jacobite
press, [779]

Annandale, when he learned that his two accomplices had turned
approvers, retired to Bath, and pretended to drink the waters. Thence he
was soon brought up to London by a warrant. He acknowledged that he had
been seduced into treason; but he declared that he had only said Amen to
the plans of others, and that his childlike simplicity had been imposed
on by Montgomery, that worst, that falsest, that most unquiet of human
beings. The noble penitent then proceeded to make atonement for his own
crime by criminating other people, English and Scotch, Whig and Tory,
guilty and innocent. Some he accused on his own knowledge, and some
on mere hearsay. Among those whom he accused on his own knowledge was
Neville Payne, who had not, it should seem, been mentioned either by
Ross or by Montgomery, [780]

Payne, pursued by messengers and warrants, was so ill advised as to take
refuge in Scotland. Had he remained in England he would have been safe;
for, though the moral proofs of his guilt were complete, there was not
such legal evidence as would have satisfied a jury that he had committed
high treason; he could not be subjected to torture in order to force
him to furnish evidence against himself; nor could he be long confined
without being brought to trial. But the moment that he passed the border
he was at the mercy of the government of which he was the deadly foe.
The Claim of Right had recognised torture as, in cases like his, a
legitimate mode of obtaining information; and no Habeas Corpus Act
secured him against a long detention. The unhappy man was arrested,
carried to Edinburgh, and brought before the Privy Council. The general
notion was that he was a knave and a coward, and that the first sight
of the boots and thumbscrews would bring out all the guilty secrets
with which he had been entrusted. But Payne had a far braver spirit than
those highborn plotters with whom it was his misfortune to have been
connected. Twice he was subjected to frightful torments; but not a word
inculpating himself or any other person could be wrung out of him. Some
councillors left the board in horror. But the pious Crawford presided.
He was not much troubled with the weakness of compassion where an
Amalekite was concerned, and forced the executioner to hammer in wedge
after wedge between the knees of the prisoner till the pain was as
great as the human frame can sustain without dissolution. Payne was
then carried to the Castle of Edinburgh, where he long remained, utterly
forgotten, as he touchingly complained, by those for whose sake he had
endured more than the bitterness of death. Yet no ingratitude could damp
the ardour of his fanatical loyalty; and he continued, year after year,
in his cell, to plan insurrections and invasions, [781]

Before Payne's arrest the Estates had been adjourned after a Session
as important as any that had ever been held in Scotland. The nation
generally acquiesced in the new ecclesiastical constitution. The
indifferent, a large portion of every society, were glad that the
anarchy was over, and conformed to the Presbyterian Church as they had
conformed to the Episcopal Church. To the moderate Presbyterians the
settlement which had been made was on the whole satisfactory. Most of
the strict Presbyterians brought themselves to accept it under protest,
as a large instalment of what was due. They missed indeed what they
considered as the perfect beauty and symmetry of that Church which had,
forty years before, been the glory of Scotland. But, though the second
temple was not equal to the first, the chosen people might well rejoice
to think that they were, after a long captivity in Babylon, suffered to
rebuild, though imperfectly, the House of God on the old foundations;
nor could it misbecome them to feel for the latitudinarian William a
grateful affection such as the restored Jews had felt for the heathen
Cyrus.

There were however two parties which regarded the settlement of 1690
with implacable detestation. Those Scotchmen who were Episcopalians on
conviction and with fervour appear to have been few; but among them were
some persons superior, not perhaps in natural parts, but in learning,
in taste, and in the art of composition, to the theologians of the
sect which had now become dominant. It might not have been safe for the
ejected Curates and Professors to give vent in their own country to the
anger which they felt. But the English press was open to them; and they
were sure of the approbation of a large part of the English people.
During several years they continued to torment their enemies and to
amuse the public with a succession of ingenious and spirited pamphlets.
In some of these works the hardships suffered by the rabbled priests of
the western shires are set forth with a skill which irresistibly moves
pity and indignation. In others, the cruelty with which the Covenanters
had been treated during the reigns of the last two kings of the House
of Stuart is extenuated by every artifice of sophistry. There is much
joking on the bad Latin which some Presbyterian teachers had uttered
while seated in academic chairs lately occupied by great scholars. Much
was said about the ignorant contempt which the victorious barbarians
professed for science and literature. They were accused of
anathematizing the modern systems of natural philosophy as damnable
heresies, of condemning geometry as a souldestroying pursuit, of
discouraging even the study of those tongues in which the sacred books
were written. Learning, it was said, would soon be extinct in Scotland.
The Universities, under their new rulers, were languishing and must soon
perish. The booksellers had been half ruined: they found that the whole
profit of their business would not pay the rent of their shops, and were
preparing to emigrate to some country where letters were held in esteem
by those whose office was to instruct the public. Among the ministers
of religion no purchaser of books was left. The Episcopalian divine was
glad to sell for a morsel of bread whatever part of his library had
not been torn to pieces or burned by the Christmas mobs; and the only
library of a Presbyterian divine consisted of an explanation of the
Apocalypse and a commentary on the Song of Songs, [782] The pulpit
oratory of the triumphant party was an inexhaustible subject of mirth.
One little volume, entitled The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence Displayed,
had an immense success in the South among both High Churchmen and
scoffers, and is not yet quite forgotten. It was indeed a book well
fitted to lie on the hall table of a Squire whose religion consisted in
hating extemporaneous prayer and nasal psalmody. On a rainy day, when
it was impossible to hunt or shoot, neither the card table nor the
backgammon board would have been, in the intervals of the flagon and the
pasty, so agreeable a resource. Nowhere else, perhaps, can be found, in
so small a compass, so large a collection of ludicrous quotations and
anecdotes. Some grave men, however, who bore no love to the Calvinistic
doctrine or discipline, shook their heads over this lively jest book,
and hinted their opinion that the writer, while holding up to derision
the absurd rhetoric by which coarseminded and ignorant men tried to
illustrate dark questions of theology and to excite devotional feeling
among the populace, had sometimes forgotten the reverence due to sacred
things. The effect which tracts of this sort produced on the public mind
of England could not be fully discerned, while England and Scotland were
independent of each other, but manifested itself, very soon after the
union of the kingdoms, in a way which we still have reason, and which
our posterity will probably long have reason to lament.

The extreme Presbyterians were as much out of humour as the extreme
Prelatists, and were as little inclined as the extreme Prelatists to
take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary. Indeed, though the
Jacobite nonjuror and the Cameronian nonjuror were diametrically opposed
to each other in opinion, though they regarded each other with mortal
aversion, though neither of them would have had any scruple about
persecuting the other, they had much in common. They were perhaps the
two most remarkable specimens that the world could show of perverse
absurdity.