No More Learning

They had the Rhine and the gods of Germany before their eyes, and in
the might of these they must go to battle, remembering their wives and
parents and their fatherland. This day would either gild the glory of
their ancestors or earn the execration of posterity. ' They applauded
his words according to their custom by dancing and clashing their
arms, and then opened the battle with showers of stones and leaden
balls and other missiles, trying to lure on our men, who had not yet
entered the marsh.

Their missiles exhausted, the enemy warmed to their work and made 18
an angry charge. Thanks to their great height and their very long
spears they could thrust from some distance at our men, who were
floundering and slipping about in the marsh. While this went on, a
column[530] of Batavi swam across from the dam which, as we described
above,[531] had been built out into the Rhine. This started a panic
and the line of our auxiliaries began to be driven back. Then the
legions took up the fight and equalized matters by staying the enemy's
wild charge. Meanwhile a Batavian deserter approached Cerialis,
avowing that he could take the enemy in the rear if the cavalry were
sent round the edge of the swamp: the ground was solid there, and the
Cugerni, whose task it was to keep watch, were off their guard. Two
squadrons of horse were sent with the deserter, and succeeded in
outflanking the unsuspecting enemy. The legions in front, when the din
told them what had happened, redoubled their efforts. The Germans were
beaten and fled to the Rhine. This day might have brought the war to
an end, had the Roman fleet[532] arrived in time. As it was, even the
cavalry were prevented from pursuit by a sudden downpour of rain
shortly before nightfall.

On the next day the Fourteenth legion were sent to join Annius 19
Gallus[533] in Upper Germany, and their place in Cerialis' army was
filled by the Tenth from Spain. Civilis was reinforced by the
Chauci. [534] Feeling that he was not strong enough to hold the
Batavian capital,[535] he took whatever was portable with him, burnt
everything else, and retired into the island. He knew that the Romans
had not enough ships to build a bridge, and that they had no other
means of getting across. He also destroyed the mole built by Drusus
Germanicus. [536] As the bed of the Rhine here falls towards Gaul, his
removal of all obstacles gave it free course; the river was
practically diverted, and the channel between the Germans and the
island became so small and dry as to form no barrier between them.
Tutor and Classicus also crossed the Rhine,[537] together with a
hundred and thirteen town-councillors from Trier, among whom was
Alpinius Montanus, who, as we have already seen,[538] had been sent by
Antonius Primus into Gaul. He was accompanied by his brother. By
arousing sympathy and by offering presents, the others, too, were all
busy raising reinforcements among these eagerly adventurous tribes.

The war was far from being over. Dividing his forces, Civilis 20
suddenly made a simultaneous attack on all four Roman garrisons--the
Tenth at Arenacum, the Second at Batavodurum, and the auxiliary horse
and foot at Grinnes and at Vada. [539] Civilis himself, Verax his
nephew, Classicus and Tutor each led one of the attacking parties.
They could not hope all to be successful, but reckoned that, if they
made several ventures, fortune would probably favour one or the other.
Besides, Cerialis, they supposed, was off his guard; on receiving news
from several places at once he would hurry from one garrison to
another, and might be cut off on his way. The party told off against
the Tenth considered it no light task to storm a legion, so they fell
on the soldiers, who had come outside to cut timber, and killed the
camp-prefect, five senior centurions, and a handful of the men. The
rest defended themselves in the trenches. Meanwhile another party of
Germans endeavoured to break the bridge[540] which had been begun at
Batavodurum, but nightfall put an end to the battle before it was won.

The attack on Grinnes and Vada proved more formidable. Civilis led 21
the assault on Vada, Classicus on Grinnes. Nothing could stop them.
The bravest of the defenders had fallen, among them, commanding a
cavalry squadron, Briganticus, whom we have seen already, as a
faithful ally of Rome and a bitter enemy of his uncle Civilis. [541]
However, when Cerialis came to the rescue with a picked troop of
horse, the tables were turned, and the Germans were driven headlong
into the river. While Civilis was trying to stop the rout he was
recognized, and finding himself a target, he left his horse and swam
across the river. Verax escaped in the same way, while some boats put
in to fetch Tutor and Classicus.

Even now the Roman fleet had not joined the army. They had, indeed,
received orders, but fear held them back, and the rowers were employed
on various duties elsewhere. It must be admitted, also, that Cerialis
did not give them time enough to carry out his orders. He was a man of
sudden resolves and brilliant successes. Even when his strategy had
failed, good luck always came to his rescue. Thus neither he nor his
army cared much about discipline. A few days later, again, he narrowly
escaped being taken prisoner and did not escape disgrace. He had 22
gone to Novaesium and Bonn to inspect the winter quarters that were
being built for his legions, and was returning with the fleet. [542]
The Germans noticed that his escort[543] straggled, and that watch was
carelessly kept at night. So they planned a surprise. Choosing a night
black with clouds they slipped down stream and made their way
unmolested into the camp. [544] For the first onslaught they called
cunning to their aid. They cut the tent-ropes and slaughtered the
soldiers as they struggled under their own canvas. Another party fell
on the ships, threw hawsers aboard, and towed them off. Having
surprised the camp in dead silence, when once the carnage began they
added to the panic by making the whole place ring with shouts.
Awakened by their wounds the Romans hunted for weapons and rushed
along the streets,[545] some few in uniform, most of them with their
clothes wrapped round their arms and a drawn sword in their hand. The
general, who was half-asleep and almost naked, was only saved by the
enemy's mistake. His flag-ship being easily distinguishable, they
carried it off, thinking he was there. But Cerialis had been spending
the night elsewhere; as most people believed, carrying on an intrigue
with a Ubian woman named Claudia Sacrata. The sentries sheltered their
guilt under the general's disgrace, pretending that they had orders to
keep quiet and not disturb him: so they had dispensed with the
bugle-call and the challenge on rounds, and dropped off to sleep
themselves. In full daylight the enemy sailed off with their captive
vessels and towed the flag-ship up the Lippe as an offering to
Veleda. [546]

Civilis was now seized with a desire to make a naval display. He 23
manned all the available biremes and all the ships with single banks
of oars, and added to this fleet an immense number of small craft.
These carry thirty or forty men apiece and are rigged like Illyrian
cruisers. [547] The small craft he had captured[548] were worked with
bright, parti-coloured plaids, which served as sails and made a fine
show. He chose for review the miniature sea of water where the Rhine
comes pouring down to the ocean through the mouth of the Maas. [549]
His reason for the demonstration--apart from Batavian vanity--was to
scare away the provision-convoys that were already on their way from
Gaul. Cerialis, who was less alarmed than astonished, at once formed
up a fleet. Though inferior in numbers, he had the advantage of larger
ships, experienced rowers, and clever pilots. The Romans had the
stream with them, the Germans the wind. So they sailed past each
other, and after trying a few shots with light missiles they parted.
Civilis without more ado retired across the Rhine. [550] Cerialis
vigorously laid waste the island of the Batavi, and employed the
common device of leaving Civilis's houses and fields untouched. [551]
They were now well into autumn. The heavy equinoctial rains had set
the river in flood and thus turned the marshy, low-lying island into a
sort of lake. Neither fleet nor provision-convoys had arrived, and
their camp on the flat plain began to be washed away by the force of
the current.

Civilis afterwards claimed that at this point the Germans could 24
have crushed the Roman legions and wanted to do so, but that he had
cunningly dissuaded them. Nor does this seem far from true, since his
surrender followed in a few days' time. Cerialis had been sending
secret messages, promising the Batavians peace and Civilis pardon,
urging Veleda and her relatives[552] to change the fortune of a war
that had only brought disaster after disaster, by doing a timely
service to Rome. [553] 'The Treviri,' he reminded them, 'had been
slaughtered; the allegiance of the Ubii recovered; the Batavians
robbed of their home. By supporting Civilis they had gained nothing
but bloodshed, banishment, and bereavement. He was a fugitive exile, a
burden to those who harboured him. Besides, they had earned blame
enough by crossing the Rhine so often: if they took any further
steps,--from the one side they might expect insult and injury, from
the other vengeance and the wrath of heaven. '

Thus Cerialis mingled threats and promises. The loyalty of the 25
tribes across the Rhine was shaken, and murmurs began to make
themselves heard among the Batavi. 'How much further is our ruin to
go? ' they asked. 'One tribe cannot free the whole world from the yoke.
What good have we done by slaughtering and burning Roman legions
except to bring out others, larger and stronger? If it was to help
Vespasian that we have fought so vigorously, Vespasian is master of
the world. If we are challenging Rome--what an infinitesimal fraction
of the human race we Batavians are! We must remember what burdens
Raetia and Noricum and all Rome's other allies bear. From us they levy
no tribute, only our manhood and our men. [554] That is next door to
freedom. And, after all, if we have to choose our masters, it is less
disgrace to put up with Roman emperors than with German priestesses. '
Thus the common people: the chieftains used more violent language. 'It
was Civilis' lunacy that had driven them to war. He wanted to remedy
his private troubles[555] by ruining his country. The Batavians had
incurred the wrath of heaven by blockading Roman legions, murdering
Roman officers, and plunging into a war which was useful for one of
them and deadly for the rest. Now they had reached the limit, unless
they came to their senses and openly showed their repentance by
punishing the culprit. '

Civilis was well aware of their changed feelings and determined to 26
forestall them. He was tired of hardship, and he felt, besides, that
desire to live which so often weakens the resolution of the bravest
spirits. He demanded an interview. The bridge over the river
Nabalia[556] was broken down in the middle, and the two generals
advanced on to the broken ends. Civilis began as follows: 'If I were
defending myself before one of Vitellius' officers, I could expect
neither pardon for my conduct nor credence for my words. Between him
and me there has been nothing but hatred. He began the quarrel, I
fostered it. Towards Vespasian I have from the beginning shown
respect. When he was a private citizen, we were known as friends.
Antonius Primus was aware of this when he wrote urging me to take up
arms to prevent the legions from Germany and the Gallic levies from
crossing the Alps. [557] The instructions which Antonius gave in his
letter Hordeonius Flaccus ratified by word of mouth. I raised the
standard in Germania, as did Mucianus in Syria, Aponius in Moesia,
Flavianus in Pannonia. . . . '

[The rest is lost. ]

FOOTNOTES:

[518] iv. 78.

[519] Cp. iv. 28, 33, 35.

[520] Adiutrix.

[521] Before this Cerialis had five legions, I, IV, XVI, XXI,
and XXII, but of these only XXI was in full force, so these
new reinforcements may have doubled his army. The auxiliaries
had been called out by Hordeonius Flaccus (iv. 24).

[522] Perhaps 'in wedge-formation' (see note 283).

[523] Cp. iv. 26.

[524] Bructeri, Tencteri, &c. (cp. iv. 23).

[525] Cp. ii. 11.

[526] Cp. iii. 44.

[527] They had been newly enrolled (see iv. 68).

[528] i. e. the Roman army of occupation which had joined the
Gauls and come over again.

[529] Vetera.

[530] See note 522.

[531] Chap. 14.

[532] Stationed in the Rhine (see chap. 21).

[533] Cp. iv. 68.

[534] Cp. iv. 79.

[535] ? Cleves.

[536] This mole, begun by Drusus in A. D. 9, was built out from
the left bank of the Rhine near Cleves. It turned most of the
water into the Lek, thus making the island easily accessible
from the Roman side and barring access from the north. Civilis
now reversed this position. His friends were now on the north.
The swollen Waal would be an obstacle to the Romans.

[537] i. e. the Waal.

[538] See iii. 35.

[539] These places cannot be certainly identified. They must
have lain on the south of the Waal, probably east and west of
Nymwegen.

[540] Across the now swollen Waal.

[541] See iv. 70.

[542] Which he had found on his way.

[543] Marching along the bank.

[544] Pitched on the left bank somewhere between Novaesium and
Vetera. The German assailants were probably Tencteri.

[545] Dividing the different portions of the camp.

[546] Cp. iv. 61.

[547] Cp. ii. 16.

[548] See chap. 22 and iv. 16 and 79. But the ships captured
by Civilis were not small craft. Perhaps _luntres_ is here
repeated from the preceding sentence by mistake for _naves_ or
_puppes_.

[549] The de Noord channel carries the combined waters of the
Maas and the Waal into the Lek a few miles above Rotterdam.
From the point of this confluence to the sea the Lek takes the
name of Maas.

[550] Into the country of the Frisii up toward the Zuyder Zee.

[551] To make his party suspect that he was in league with the
Romans.

[552] Cp. iv. 65.

[553] i. e. by betraying Civilis to them.

[554] Tacitus remarks in the _Germania_ (chap.
29) that the
Batavi do not suffer the indignity of paying tribute, but,
'like armour and weapons are reserved for use in war. '

[555] Cp. iv. 13.

[556] Perhaps the Neue Yssel, near Arnhem.

[557] Cp. iv. 13, 32.




INDEX OF NAMES


[The references are to the chapters of the Latin text as given in the
margin. The Roman numerals denote the book. ]

Abraham, v 2 n. 467.

Actium, i 1.

Acts of the Apostles, v 9 n. 505.

Adriatic, iii 2.

Adrumetum, iv 50.

Adua, ii 40 n. 298.

Aedui, i 51, 64; ii 61; iii 35; iv 17, 57.

Aegialus, i 37.

Aelianus, Plautius, iv 53.

Aenus (Inn), iii 5.

Aerias, ii 3.

Aesculapius, iv 84.

Africa, i 7, 11, 37, 49, 70, 73, 76, 78; ii 58, 97; iii 48; iv 38, 48-50.

Africanus, Paccius, iv 41.

Agrestis, Julius, iii 54.

Agricola, Tacitus' Life of, i 1 n. 6, 49 n. 84; iv 40 n. 341, 50 n. 369.

Agrippa (of Peraea), ii 5 n. 216, 81; iv 39; v 1.

Agrippa (Augustus' son-in-law), i 15.

Agrippa, Fonteius, iii 46.

Agrippa, Vipsanius, i 31 n. 56.

Agrippina, i 56 n. 106; iv 65 n. 409.

Albanians, i 6.

Albingaunum (Albenga), ii 15.

Albintimilium (Ventimiglia), ii 13.

Albinus, Lucceius, ii 58, 59.

Alexander, Tiberius, i 11; ii 74, 79.

Alexandria, i 31; ii 79; iii 48; iv 81-4; v 1.

Allia, ii 91.

Allobroges, i 65, 66.

Alpinus, Julius, i 68.

Alps, i 23, 66, 89; ii 11, 12, 17, 20, 32; iii 34, 35, 42, 53, 55, 70, 85;
v 26.

Altinum (Altino), iii 6.

Ammon, v 3, 4.

Anagnia (Anagni), iii 62.

Andresen, ii 4 n. 214; iv 15 n. 281.

Anicetus, iii 47, 48.

Antigonus, v 9 n. 499.

Antioch, ii 79, 80, 82.

Antiochus Epiphanes, v 8.

Antiochus (of Commagene), ii 5 n. 216, 81; iv 39; v 1.

Antipolis (Antibes), ii 15.

Antonia, The, v 11.

Antonii, iii 38.

Antoninus, Arrius, i 77.

Antonius Primus, ii 86; iii 2, 6, 7, 9-11, 13, 15-17, 19, 20, 23-32, 34,
49, 52-4, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 78-82; iv 2, 4, 11, 13, 24, 31, 32, 39,
68, 80; v 19, 26.

Antony, ii 6; iii 24, 66; v 9, 11.

Apennines, iii 42, 50, 52, 55, 56, 59.

Apis, v 4.

Apollinaris, Claudius, iii 57, 76, 77.

Apollo, i 27; iii 65; iv 83.

Aponianus, Dillius, iii 10, 11.

Aponius Saturninus, i 79; ii 85, 96; iii 5, 9-11; v 26.

Appian Road, iv 11.

Apronianus, Vipstanus, i 76.

Aquila, Vedius, ii 44; iii 7.

Aquileia, ii 32 n. 286, 46, 85; iii 6, 8.

Aquilius, iv 15.

Aquinum (Aquino), i 88; ii 63.

Aquinus, Cornelius, i 7.

Aquitania, i 76.

Arabia, v 6.

Arabs, v 1.

Arar (Saône), ii 59.

Archelaus, v 9 n. 503.

Arda, ii 40.

Arenacum, v 20.

Argius, i 49.

Aricia (La Riccia), iii 36; iv 2.

Ariminum (Rimini), iii 41, 42.

Ariovistus, iv 37.

Aristobulus, v 5 n. 486.

Arruntius, ii 65.

Arsaces, v 8.

Arsacids, i 40.

Arverni, iv 17.

Asciburgium (Asberg), iv 33.

Asia, i 10; ii 2, 6, 8, 9, 81, 83; iii 46; iv 17.

Asiaticus (Gallic chieftain), ii 94.

Asiaticus (Vitellius' freedman), ii 57, 95; iv 11.

Asiaticus, Valerius, i 59; iv 4.

Asprenas, Calpurnius, ii 9.

Assyrians, v 8.

Ateste (Este), iii 6.

Atria (Atri), iii 12.

Attianus, Nonius, iv 41.

Atticus, Julius, i 35.

Atticus, Quintius, iii 73-5.

Augustus, i 11, 15, 18, 50, 89, 90; ii 76; iii 66; iv 17, 28, 48, 57; v 9.

Aurius' Horse, iii 5.

Auspex, Julius, iv 69.

Aventicum (Avenches), i 68.

Aventine, iii 70, 84.


Babylon, v 5 n. 485.

Bacchus, v 5.

Baetasii, iv 56, 66.

Baetica, i 53, 78; ii 97 n. 450.

Barea Soranus, iv 7, 10, 40.

Basilides (Egyptian noble), iv 82.

Basilides (Carmelite Priest), ii 78.

Basques, iv 33.

Bassus, Annius, iii 50.

Bassus, Lucilius, ii 100, 101; iii 12, 13, 36, 40; iv 3.

Batavians or Batavi, i 59, 64; ii 17, 22, 27, 28, 43, 66, 69, 97;
iv 12, 14-25, 28, 30, 32, 33, 56, 58, 61, 66, 73, 77-9, 85;
v 15-20, 23-5.

Bedriacum, ii 23, 39, 44, 45, 49, 50, 57, 66, 70, 86;
iii 15, 20, 25, 27, 31.

Belgae, iv 37, 70, 71, 76.

Belgic auxiliaries, iv 17, 20.

Belgica, i 12, 58, 59.

Belus, v 7.

Benignus, Orfidius, ii 43, 45.

Berenice, ii 2, 81.

Berytus (Beyrut), ii 81.

Bingium (Bingen), iv 70.

Blaesus, Junius, i 59; ii 59; iii 38, 39.

Blaesus, Pedius, i 77.

Boadicea, i 37 n. 63; ii 11 n. 228, 32 n. 283.

Bocchoris v 3.

Boii, ii 61.

Bolanus, Vettius, ii 65, 97.

Bonn, iv 19, 20, 25, 62, 70, 77; v 22.

Bononia (Bologna), ii 53, 67, 71.

Bovillae, iv 2, 46.

Brescia, iii 27.

Brigantes, iii 45.

Briganticus, Julius, ii 22; iv 70; v 21.

Britain, i 2, 6, 9, 52, 59, 61; ii 11, 27, 32, 37, 57, 65, 66, 86, 97,
100; iii 2, 22, 15, 35, 41, 44, 70; iv 12, 15, 25, 54, 68, 76, 79;
v 16.

British auxiliaries, i 43, 70.

Britons, iii 45; iv 74.

Brixellum (Brescello), ii 33, 39, 51, 54.

Brixian Gate, iii 27.

Bructeri, iv 21, 61, 77; v 16, 18.

Brundisium (Brindisi), ii 83.

Brutus, iv 8.

Burdo, Julius, i 58.

Byzantium, ii 83; iii 47.


Caecina, Alienus, i 52, 53, 61, 67, 68, 70, 89; ii 11, 17-27, 30, 31,
41, 43, 51, 55, 56, 59, 67, 70, 71, 77, 92, 93, 95, 99-101;
iii 8, 9, 13-15, 31, 32, 36, 37, 40; iv 31, 80.

Caecina, Licinius, ii 53.

Caecina Tuscus, iii 38.

Caelius, Roscius, i 60.

Caeracates, iv 70.

Caesar, Julius, i 42, 50, 67 n. 138, 86, 90; iii 37, 66, 68;
iv 55, 57, 73 n. 436.

Caesarea, ii 79.

Caesariensis (Mauretania), ii 58, 59.

Caetronius Pisanus, iv 50.

Calabria, ii 83.

Calenus, Julius, iii 35.

Caligula, i 16, 48, 89; ii 76; iii 68; iv 42, 48, 68; v 9.

Calvia Crispinilla, i 73.

Camerinus, Scribonianus, ii 72.

Camillus Scribonianus, i 89; ii 75.

Campania, i 2, 23; iii 58-60, 63, 66, 77; iv 3.

Campanus, iv 66.

Camurius, i 41.

Canninefates, iv 15, 16, 19, 32, 56, 79, 85.

Capito, Fonteius, i 7, 8, 37, 52, 58; iii 62; iv 13.

Capito, Vergilius, iii 77; iv 3.

Capitol, i 2, 33, 39, 40, 47, 71; ii 89; iii 69-72, 75, 78, 81;
iv 4, 9, 53, 54.

Capitoline Square, i 86.

Cappadocia, i 78; ii 6, 81.

Capua, iii 57; iv 3.

Caratacus, iii 45.

Carmel, Mt. , ii 78.

Carsulae (Casigliano), iii 60.

Carthage, i 76; iv 49, 50.

Cartimandua, iii 45.

Carus, Julius, i 42.