One would imagine that Philip had committed some terrible oat-
rages at Pberas; and yet he only restored the liberty of that city, by
expelling its tyrants; and as to the massacre of Elis, it is not to ba
imputed immediately to Philip.
rages at Pberas; and yet he only restored the liberty of that city, by
expelling its tyrants; and as to the massacre of Elis, it is not to ba
imputed immediately to Philip.
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
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? 160 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
form themselves into a faction (directed and sup>>
ported by Philip), and hurry away Euphraeus to
prison, as a disturber of the public peace. The peo-
ple of Oreum were witnesses of this ; but instead of
defending him, and bringing his enemies to condign
punishment, showed no resentment towards them;
but approved, and triumphed in his sufferings. And
now the faction, possessed of all the power they
wished for, laid their schemes for the ruin of the city,
and were carrying them into execution. Among
the people, if any man perceived this, he was silent;
struck with the remembrance of Euphraeus and his
sufferings. And to such dejection were they reduced,
that no one dared to express the least apprehension
of the approaching danger, until the enemy drew
up before their walls, and prepared for an assault.
Then some defended, others betrayed their state.
When the city had thus been shamefully and basely
lost, the faction began to exercise the most tyrannic
power; having either, by banishment or death,
removed all those who had asserted their own cause
and that of Euphraeus; and were still ready for any
noble enterprise. Euphraeus himself put an end to
his own life; and thus gave proof that, in his oppo-
sition to Philip, he had been actuated by a just and
pure regard to the interest of his country.
And now what could be the reason (you may pos-
sibly ask with surprise) that the people of Olynthus,
and those of Eretria, and those of Oreum, all at-
tended with greater pleasure to the advocates of
Philip than to then own friends 1 The same reason
which prevails here. Because they who are en
gaged on the part of truth and justice can never, even
if they were inclined, advance any thing to recom-
mend themselves to favour; their whole concern is
for the welfare of their state. The others need but
to sooth and flatter in order to second the designs
of Philip. The one press for supplies; the others
insist that they are not wanted: the one call theil
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
161
countrymen to battle, and alarm them with appre-
hensions of danger; the others are ever recom-
mending peace, until the toils come too near to be
escaped. And thus, on all occasions, one set of men
speak but to insinuate themselves into the affections
of their fellow-citizens; the other to preserve them
from ruin; till at last the interests of the state are
given up; not corruptly or ignorantly, but from a
desperate purpose of yielding to the fate of a con-
stitution thought to be irrecoverably lost. And, by
the powers of heaven! I dread that this may prove
your case, when you find that reflection cannot serve
you! And when I turn my eyes to the men who
have reduced you to this, it is not terror1 that I feel;
it is the utmost detestation. For whether they act
through design or ignorance, the distress to which
they are reducing us is manifest. But far be this
distress from us, Athenians! It were better to die
ten thousand deaths than to be guilty of a servile
complaisance to Philip, and to abandon any of your
faithful counsellors! The people of Oreum have
now met a noble return for their confidence in
Philip's creatures and their violence towards Eu-
phraeus. The Eretrians are nobly rewarded for
driving out our ambassadors, and committing their
affairs to Clitarchus. Captivity, and stripes, and
racks are their reward. Great was his indulgence to
the Olynthians, for choosing Lasthenes their general,
and banishing Apollonides. It were folly and base-
ness to be amused with such false hopes as theirs,
when neither our counsels direct us nor our inclina-
tions prompt us to the pursuit of our true interests,
1 It is not terror, . fcc. ]--The word in the original signifies the most
abject fear and dismay; and the whole passage seems to have a particu-
lar reference or allusion. Possibly some of Philip's partisans might
have accused Demosthenes of being thus affected at their sight; while
they magnified their own integrity and resolution, their true discern-
ment, and patriotic zeal for the interest of their country; and possibly
might have called out for severe punishment on the man who dared to
utter the most bitter invectives against a powerful prince in alliance
with Athens.
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? 162 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and to suffer those who speak for our enemies to
persuade us that the state is too powerful to be
affected by any accident whatever. It is shameful to
cry out, when some event hath surprised us, " Hea-
vens ! who could have expected this 1 We should
have acted thus and thus, and avoided these and
these errors. " There are many things the Olyn-
thians can now mention which, if foreseen in time,
would have prevented their destruction. The people
of Oreum can mention many : those of Phocis
many: every state that hath been destroyed can
mention many such things. But what dot1! it avail
them now ? While the vessel is safe, whether it be
great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every person
should exert himself in his particular station, and
preserve it from being wrecked either by villany or
unskilfulness. But when the sea hath once broken
in all care is vain. And therefore, Athenians, while
we are yet safe, possessed of a powerful city, fa-
voured with many resources, our reputation illustri-
ous--what are we to do? (Perhaps some have sat
with impatience to ask. )--I shall now give my opin-
ion, and propose it in form; that, if approved, your
voices may confirm it.
Having, in the first place, provided for your de-
fence, fitted out your navy, raised your supplies, and
arrayed your forces (for, although all other people
should submit to slavery, you should still contend
for freedom); having made such a provision, I say,
and this in the sight of Greece, then we are to call
others to their duty; and, for this purpose, to send
ambassadors into all parts, to Peloponnesus, to
Rhodes, to Chios, and even to the king (for he is by
no means unconcerned in opposing the rapidity of
this man's progress). If ye prevail, ye will have
sharers in the dangers and expense which may arise'
at least you may gain some respite; and, as we are
engaged against a single person, and not to the
united powers of a commonwealth, this may be of
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
163
advantage ; as were those embassies of last year into
Peloponnesus, and those remonstrances which were
made in several places by me and Polydatus, that
true patriot, and Hegesippus, and Clitomaehus, and
Lycurgus, and the other ministers, which checked
his progress, prevented his attack of Ambracia, and
secured Peloponnesus from an invasion.
I do not mean that we should endeavour to raise
that spirit abroad which we ourselves are unwilling
to assume. It would be absurd to neglect our own
interests, and yet pretend a regard to the common
cause; or, while we are insensible to present dan-
gers, to think of alarming others with apprehensions
of futurity. No: let us provide the forces in the
Chersonesus with. money, and every tiling else that
they desire. Let us begin with vigour on our part;
then call on the other Greeks; convene, instruct,
exhort them. Thus it becomes a- state of such dig-
nity as ours. If you think the protection of Greece
may be intrusted to the Chalcidians and Megareans,
and so desert its cause, you do not think justly. It
will be well if they can protect themselves. No:
this is your province: this is that prerogative trans-
mitted from your ancestors, the reward of all their
many, and glorious, and great dangers. If every
man sits down in ease and indulgence, and studies
only to avoid trouble, he will certainly find no one
to supply his place ; and I am also apprehensive
that we may be forced into all that trouble to which
we are so averse. Were there persons to act in our
stead, our inactivity would have long since discov-
ered them; but there are really none.
You have now heard my sentiments. You have
heard the measures I propose, and by which I appre-
hend our affairs may be yet retrieved. If any man
can offer some more salutary course, let him rise
and declare his opinion. And, whatever be your
resolution, the gods grant that we may feel its good
or ? i
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? THE ELEVENTH ORATION AGAtNST PHILIP:
Commonly called the Fourth.
PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF KIC0MACHU8, THE YEAR AFTER
1HK FORMER ORATION.
INTRODUCTION.
Soon after the preceding oration the. Athenian succours arrived at
Eubcea. Demosthenes had proposed the decree for them; and the
command was given to Phocion, whom the Athenians gladly employed
on all extraordinary emergencies,. and who was always ready to servo
them, at the same time that he highly condemned their conduct.
Demosthenes attended Phocion, not in a military character, but to
endeavour to gain over the people of Eubcea to the Athenian interest;
in which he had some success; while the general, on his part, acted
with so much conduct and resolution, that the Macedonians were forced
to abandon the island; and the Eubceans entered into a treaty of alli-
ance with Athens.
- In the mean time Philip marched alopg the Hellespont, to support his
fleet then in view, and to prevent Diopithes from cutting ofT his pro-
visions. When he had crossed the isthmus of the Chersonesus he re-
turned, and by a forced march arrived with the choice of his army at
Cardia, where he surprised Diopithes, and defeated him in an action in
which that general fell. This he affected to consider, not as an open
breach of his treaty, but only as the consequence of the protection he
bad granted to the Cardians. and an act of particular revenge he had
determined to take on Diopithes.
Philip then joined his army, and encamped before Perinthus, a place
considerable by its commerce and situation, ever firm to the Athenians,
and consequently dreadful and dangerous to Philip. The Perinthians
defended themselves with a courage almost incredible, and which, it ap-
peared, could not be abated by danger or fatigue. PhH'p, on his part,
pressed them by all the methods of assault; and, after many vigorous
efforts on each side, when the city was just on the point of being taken
by assault, or of being obliged to surrender at discretion, fortune; pro
vided for it an unexpected succour.
The fame of Philip's army having alarmed the court of Persia, Ochus
sent his letters mandatory to the governors of the maritime provinces,
directing them to supply Perinthus with all things in their power; in
consequence of which they filled it with troops and provisions. While
the Byzantines, justly conceiving their own turn would be next, sent
Into the city the flower Of their, youth, with all other nec*ssaries for an
obstinate defence.
The Perinjhians, thus remforced, resumed their former ardour; and
as all they suffered was on account of Athens, they despatched ambas-
sadors thither to demand the speedy and effectual assistance of that
state. On this occasion Demosthenes pronounced the following oration.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 1
As I ara persuaded, Athenians, that you are no\v
convened about affairs of greatest moment, such as
affect the very being of the state, I shall endeavour
to speak to them in the manner most agreeable to
your interests.
There are faults of no late origin, and gradually
increased to no inconsiderable number, which have
conspired to involve, us in the present difficulties.
But, of all these, what at this time most distresses us
is this: that your minds are quite alienated from pub-
lic affairs; that your attention is engaged just while
you are assembled, and some new event related: then
each man departs; and, far from being influenced by
what he hath heard, he does not even remember it.
The insolence and outrage with which Philip treats
all mankind are really. so great as you hear them
represented. That it is not possible to set bounds to
these by the force of speeches and debates no one
can be ignorant; for, if other arguments cannot con-
vince, let this be weighed: whenever we have had
occasion to plead in defence of our rights, we have
I We shall find in this oration many things which occur in those that
are precedent; and as it is on the same subject, already exhausted by so
many orations, it was in some sort necessary for the orator to make use
of repetitions: and it should seem, that in such a case repetition is by no
means a fault, particularly as we may consider this as a recapitulation
of all the others; and may, in effect, call it the Peroration op the
Philippics ; in which the orator resumes the arguments he had already
made use of; but. In resuming them, gives them, new force, as well by
die manner in which they are disposed, as by the many additions with
ftihicn they are heightened. --TowrreU.
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? 166 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
never failed of success; we have never incurred the
censure of injustice : but all places and all persons
must acknowledge that our arguments are irresisti-
ble. Is he then distressed by this? and are our
affairs advanced 1 By no means. For, as he pro-
ceeds to take up arms, leads out his troops, and is
ready to hazard his whole empire in pursuit of his
designs, while we sit here pleading, or attending to
those who plead the justness of our cause, the con-
sequence (and I think the natural consequence) is
this: actions prove superior to words: and men's
regards are engaged, not by those arguments which
we ever have advanced, or may now advance, how
just soever-; but by the measures we pursue: and
these are by no means fitted to protect any of the
injured states: to say more of them is unnecessary.
As, then, all Greece is now divided into two parties;
the one composed of those who desire neither to ex-
ercise nor to be subject to arbitraiy power, but to
enjoy the benefits of liberty, laws, and independence;
the other, of those who, while they aim at an abso-
lute command of their fellow-citizens, are themselves
the vassals of another person, by whose means they
hope to obtain their purposes; his partisans, the
affecters of tyranny and despotism, are superior
every where. So that, of all the popular constitu-
tions, 1 know not whether one be left firmly estab-
lished except our own. And they who in the several
states have been raised by him to the administration
of affairs have their superiority secured by all the
means which can advance a cause. The first and
principal is this. When they would bribe those who
are capable of selling their integrity, they have a
person ever ready to supply them. In the next place
(and it is of no less moment), at whatever season
they desire it, there are forces at hand to overwhelm
their opposers: while we, Athenians, are not only
deficient in these particulars, but una"ble even to
awaken from our indolence, like men reduced by
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
167
some potion1 to a lethargic state. In consequence
of this (for I hold it necessary to speak the truth),
we are fallen into such contempt and infamy, that,
of the people immediately threatened with danger,
some contend with us for the honour of commanding,
some about the place of conference,2 while others
determine rather to trust to their own strength than
to accept of your assistance.
And why am I thus particular in recounting these
things? I call the gods to witness, that I would not
willingly incur your displeasure; but I would have
you know, and see. that in public as well as in private
affairs, continued indolence and supineness, though
not immediately felt in every single instance of
omission, yet in the end must affect the general wel-
fare. You see this in the instance of Senium and
Doriscum. When the peace was made we began
with neglecting these places. (Perhaps some of you
have never heard of them. ) And these places, thus
abandoned and despised, lost you Thrace and your
ally Cersobleptes. Again, when he saw that this did
not rouse you, and that you sent no assistance, he
razed Porthmus; and, to keep us in continual awe,
erected a tyranny in Euboea, over-against Attica.
This was disregarded; and his attempt on Megara
was well-nigh successful. Still you were insensible,
expressed no impatience, no inclination to oppose
him. He purchased Antronae; and soon after got
possession of Oieum. I pass over many things;
Pherae--the march to Ambraeia--the massacre of
1 Like men reduced by some potion, dec. ]--In the original, like men
who had drunk of mandragora, an herb ranked by naturalists among
those of the soporiferous kind. It seems to have been a proverbial phrase
to signify indolent and negligent persons. -- Tourreil.
2 For the honour of commanding, some about the place of conference. ]^-
In all the confederate ware of the Greeks, that state which was acknow-
ledged the most powerful had the honour of giving a commander-in-
chief, and of appointing the place of general congress for concerting the
operations. In the Persian war we find the Lacedaemonians and Athe-
nians sometimes contending for these points: which in effect was a
dispute which of these states was most respectable.
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? 168 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Elis,1 and thousands of the like actions: for it is not
my design to give a detail of Philip's acts of outrage
and injustice, but to convince you that the property
and liberty of mankind will never be secure from him
until he meets with some effectual opposition.
There are persons who, before they hear affairs
debated, stop us with this question, " What is to be
done V not that they may do it when informed (for
then they would be the best of citizens), but to pre-
vent the trouble of attending. It is my part, how-
ever, to declare what we are now to do.
First, then, Athenians, be firmly persuaded of this:
that Philip is committing hostilities against us, and
has really violated the peace: that he has the most
implacable enmity to this whole city; to the ground
on which this city stands; to the very gods of this
city: (may their vengeance fall on him! ) but against
our constitution is his force principally directed: the
destruction of this is, of all other things, the most
immediate object of his secret schemes and machina-
tions. And there is, in some sort, a necessity that
it should be so. Consider; he aims at universal
power; and you he regards as the only persons to
dispute his pretensions. He hath long injured you :
and of this he himself is fully conscious; for the
surest barriers of his other dominions are those
places which he hath taken from us: so that if he
l Pheras--the march to Ambracia--the, massacre of Elis. l--An orator
does not always pique himself on an exact adherence to history; bat
sometimes disguises facts, or aggravates them, when it serves his pur-
pose.
One would imagine that Philip had committed some terrible oat-
rages at Pberas; and yet he only restored the liberty of that city, by
expelling its tyrants; and as to the massacre of Elis, it is not to ba
imputed immediately to Philip. He had, indeed, as chief of the allies in
the sacred war, and head of the amphictyons, suggested the resolution
of proscribing the Phoctans and all the favourers of their impiety. Some
of these, who had fled into Crete with their general Phalecus, Joined
with a body of men who had been banished from Elis, made an inroad
into Peloponnesus, and attempted an attack on their countrymen, who,
with the assistance of the Arcadians, obliged this rebellious army to sur
render at discretion; and, in obedience to the decree of the amphiotyoQA
put it to the sword. --TourreU.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
should give up Amphipolis and Potidaea, he would
not think himself secure in Macedon. He is then
sensible that he entertains designs against you, and
that you perceive them; and as he thinks highly of
your wisdom, he judges that you hold him m the ab-
horrence he deserves. To these things (and these
of such importance) add, that he is perfectly con-
vinced that although he were master of all other
places, yet it is impossible for him to be secure while
your popular government subsists: but that, if any
pscident should happen to him (and every man is
' abject to many), all those who now submit to force
would seize the opportunity, and fly to you for pro-
tection ; for you are not naturally disposed to grasp
at power, or to usurp dominion; but to prevent
usurpation, to wrest their unjust acquisitions from
the hands of otheis, to curb the violence of ambition,
and to preserve the liberty of mankind, is your pecu-
liar excellence. And, therefore, it is with regret he
sees in that freedom you enjoy a spy on the incidents
of his fortune: nor is this his reasoning weak or
trivial. First, then, he is on this account to be re-
garded, as the implacable enemy of our free and
popular constitution. In the next place, we should
be fully persuaded that all those things which now
employ him, all that he is now projecting, he is pro-
jecting against this city. There can be none among
you weak enough to imagine that the desires of
Philip are centred in those paltry villages1 of Thrace;
(for what name else can we give to Drongilus, and
Cabyle, and Mastira, and all those places now said
to be in his possession ? ) that he endures the severity
of toils and seasons, and exposes himself to the
utmost dangers for these; and has no designs on the
ports, and the arsenals, and the navies, and the silver
mines, and other revenues, and the situation, and the
glory of Athens, (which never may the conquest of
I Those paltry villages, &c. l--See the notes of theoration on the State
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? 170 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
this city give to him or any other! ) but will suffei
us to enjoy these; while, for those trifling hoards of
grain he finds in the cells of Thrace he takes up his
winter-quarters in all the horrors of a dungeon. It
cannot be ! Even in his inarch thither he had these
in view: these are the chief objects of all his enter-
prises.
Thus must we all think of him. And let us not
oblige th-it man who hath ever been our most faith-
ful counsellor to propose the war in form: that
would be to seek a pretence to avoid it, not to pursue
the interest of our country. To yourselves I appeal:
if, after the first, or the second, or the third of Philip's
infractions of his treaty (for there was a long suc-
cession of them), any man had moved you to declare
hostilities against him, and he had given the same
assistance to the Cardians as now, when no such
motion came from any Athenian, would not that man
have been torn to pieces ? Would you not have cried
out with one voice that it was this which made him
ally to the Cardians ? Do not then seek for some
person whom you may hate for Philip's faults; whom
you may expose to the fury of his hirelings. >>When
your decree for war hath once passed, let there be
no dispute whether it ought or ought not to have
been undertaken. Observe his manner of attacking
you: imitate it in your opposition: supply those who
are now opposing him with money, and whatever
else they want: raise your supplies: prepare yout
forces, galleys, horse, transports, and all other neces-
saries of a war. At present, your conduct must
expose you to derision. Nay, I call the powers to
witness, that you are acting as if Philip's wishes
were to direct you. Opportunities escape you; your
treasures are wasted; you shift the weight of public
business on others; break into passion; criminate
each other. I shall now show whence these disor-
ders have proceeded, and point out the remedy.
You have never, Athenians, made the necessary
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 171
dispositions in your affairs, nor armed yourselves in
time; but have been ever led by events. Then,
when it proves too late to act, you lay down your
arms. If another incident alarms you, your prepara-
tions are resumed, and all is tumult and confusion.
But this is not the way. It is impossible ever to
secure the least success by occasional detachments.
No: you must raise a regular army, provide for its
subsistence, appoint state treasurers, and guard the
public money with the strictest attention; oblige
those treasurers to answer for the sums expended,
and your general for his conduct in the field; and let
this general have no pretence1 to sail to any other
place, or engage in any other enterprise but those
prescribed. Let these be your measures, these your
resolutions, and you will compel Philip to live in the
real observance of an equitable peace, and to confine
himself to his own territory; or you will engage him
on equal terms. And perhaps, Athenians, perhaps,
as you now ask, "What is Philip doing? whither is
he marching? " so there may come a time when he
will be solicitous to know whither our forces have
directed their march, and where they are to appear.
If it be objected that these measures will be
attended with great expense, and many toils and per
plexities, I confess it. (It is necessary, absolutely
necessary that a war should be attended with many
disagreeable circumstances. ) But let us consider
what consequences must attend the state if we refuse
to take this course, and it will appear that we shall
really be gainers by a seasonable performance of our
duty. Suppose some god should be our surety (for
no mortal could be depended on in an affair of such,
moment); for, although you are quite inactive and
insensible, yet he will not at last lead his armies
hither; still it would be ignominious, it would (I call
every power of heaven to witness! ) be beneath you,
1 Have no pretence *o i--See note 1, p. 47.
Vol. I--O
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? 172 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
beneath the dignity of your state, beneath the glory
of your ancestors, to abandon all the rest. of, Greece
to slavery for the sake of private ease. I for my
part would rather die than propose such a conduct:
if, however, there be any other person to recommend
rt to you, be it so; make no opposition; abandon all
affairs: but if there be no one of this opinion; if, on
the contrary, we all foresee that the farther this man
is suffered to extend his conquests the more dan-
gerous and powerful enemy we must find in him,
why is our duty evaded 1 why do we delay 1 or when
will we be disposed to exert ourselves, Athenians ?
Must some necessity press us 1 What one may call
the necessity of freemen not only presseth us now,
but hath long since been felt: that of slaves, it is to-
be wished, may never approach us. How do these
differ? To freemen, the most urgent necessity is
dishonour; a greater cannot, I think, be assigned;
to slaves, stripes and tortures. Far be this from us ?
It ought not to be mentioned I
And now the neglect of those things to which your
lives and fortunes should be devoted, it must be con
fessed, is by no means justifiable:--far from it J some
pretence, however, may be alleged in its excuse.
But to refuse even to listen to those things which
demand your utmost attention, which are of the
greatest moment to be fully considered, this deserves
the most severe censure. And yet you never attend
but on occasions like this, when the danger is ac-
tually present; nor in time of disengagement do
you ever think of consulting; but, while he is pre-
paring to distress you, instead of making like prepa-
rations and providing for your defence, you are
sunk in inactivity; and if any one attempts to rouse
you, he feels your resentment. But when advice is
received that some place is lost or invested, then you
attend, then you prepare. The proper season for
attending and consulting was then, when you refused:
now, when you are prevailed on to hear, vou should
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
173
be acting', and applying your preparations. And by
this supineness is your conduct distinguished from
that of all other nations: they usually deliberate
before events; your consultations follow them. --
There is but one course left, which should long since
have been pursued, but still may be of service. --This
I shall lay before you.
There is nothing which the state is more con-
cerned to procure on this occasion than money; and
gome very favourable opportunities present them-
selves, which, if wisely improved, may possibly
supply our demands. In the first place, they whom
the king regards1 as his faithful and strenuous adhe-
rents are the implacable enemies of Philip, and ac-
tually in arms against him. Then, the man who
was2 Philip's assistant and counsellor in all his
designs against the king hath been lately seized; so
that the king will be informed of his practices, not
by our accusations, to which he might suppose our
private interest prompted us, but by the very agent
and conductor of them. This will give weight to
your assertions; and there will be nothing left for
your ministers to urge but what the king will gladly
attend to: "That we should unite to chastise the
man who hath injured us equally: that Philip will
be much more formidable to the king if his. first
ittack be made on us; for that, if he should be
t They whom the king regards, Ac. l--He probably means the Thebans,
who had given Ochus powerful assistance in the siege of Pelusium; and
who were now much provoked at Philip, on account of Echinus, which
he had taken from them. --Tovrreii.
a The man who was, Sec. ]--As Philip seems to have already projected
an expedition into Asia, he received with open arms all the malecontenta
of Persia, and held secret intelligence with the rebel satraps. Hermies,
the tyrant of Artanea, a city of Mysia, was of this number, and had
been m confidence with Philip. Mentor, the Rhodian, general of the
Persian army, drew him to an interview by feigned promises, where he
seized him, and sent him in chains to Ochus. Instead of avapnaoros,
some copies have avatriiatiios, brought back: in which case it must be
understood of Memnon or Artanazus, two rebellious satraps, who had
taken refuge in Philip's court, but, by the jnediation of Mentor, were
reconciled to the King of Persia. --Ulpian and Tourreil.
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? 174 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
permitted to gain any advantage here, he will then
march against him, free from all apprehensions. "
For all these reasons, I think you should send am-
bassadors to treat with the king, and lay aside those
idle prejudices which have so often been injurious to
your interests--" that he is a Barbarian, our common
enemy," and the like. For my own part, when [
find a man apprehending danger from a prince whose
residence is in Susa and Ecbatana, and pronouncing
him the enemy of our state, who formerly re-estab-
lished its power,1 and but now made us2 such con-
siderable offers (if you rejected them, that was no
fault of his), and yet speaking in another strain of
one who is at our gates, who is extending his con-
quests in the very heart of Greece, the plunderer of
the Greeks, I am astonished; and regard that man,
whoever he is, as dangerous, who doth not see danger
in Philip. 1
There is another affair wherein the public hath
been injured, which hath been attacked most unjustly
and indecently; which is the constant pretence of
those who refuse to perform their duty to the state ;
to which you will find the'blame of every omission
which every man is guilty of constantly transferred.
I cannot speak of it without great apprehensions.
Yet I will speak: for I think I can serve my country
by advancing some things, both in behalf of the
poor3 against the rich, and of the rich against the
t Who formerly re-established its power. ]--That is, when Conon, by
the assistance of Artaxerxes Mnemon, beat the Lacedaemonian fleet at
Cnidos, and restored the liberty and splendour of his country.
2 And but how made us, &c. ]--Artaxerxes Ochus, in order to reduce
Egypt, which had revolted from him, solicited succours from the princi-
pal cities of Greece. Argos and Thebes consented : but from Athens
and Lacedffimon he could obtain only vain professions of friendship. He
had, without doubt, offered large advantages to such people as would
concur with him. Demosthenes here insinuates an accusation of the
imprudence of Athens in rejecting these offers. --Tourreit.
3 Some things, both in behalf of the poor, &c. ]--The theatrical dis-
tributions afforded a perpetual occasion of public contests between the
several orders of the state. The poor were, ever dissatisfied that the
richer citizens shared the largesses, which they considered aa their own
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
175
necessitous ; if we first banish those invectives un-
justly thrown out against the theatrical funds, and
those fears that such an appointment cannot subsist
without some dismal consequences; an appointment
which, above all others, may be most conducive to
our interests, and give the greatest strength to the
whole community-
Attend, then, while I first plead for those who are
thought necessitous. There was a time, not long
since, when the state could not raise more than one
hundred and thirty talents ;t and yet none of those
peculiar right: and the rich beheld with impatience the dissipation of
the public fund? , which threw the whole weight of the supplies on them.
But there was still a greater cause of complaint. The revenues of the
state were not always sufficient to defray the immense expenses of
feasts and entertainments; and in this case, some factious leader, who
was willing to gain popularity, would propose to tax the rich; or, per-
haps, by some infamous calumnies, would raise a prosecution, which
would bring in a large pecuniary fine. The rich, it may be imagined,
were alarmed at such proceedings : they inveighed loudly against the
authors of them, and sometimes ventured to accuse them in form, and
bring them to trial. When their baseness and evil designs were publicly
exposed, the people were ashamed to avow their intentions of supporting
such flagrant injustice. Their clamours were loud against the person
accused: but, as in all judicial processes they gave their votes by ballot,
they then had an opportunity of saving their friend.
All that the orator here says in defence of the theatrical appointments
is expressed with a caution and reserve quite opposite to Ins usual open-
ness and freedom, and which plainly betray a consciousness of bin
being inconsistent with his former sentiments. How far he may be ex-
cused by the supposed necessity of yielding to the violent prepossessions
of the people, and giving up a favourite point, I cannot pretend to deter-
mine. But it is certainly not very honourable to Demosthenes to sup
pose (with ULpian) that his former opposition was merely personal, and
that the death of Eubulus now put an end to it.
I The state could not raise more than one hundred and thirty talents. ]
--We must understand this of those revenues raised out of Attica only;
for the contributions of the allies, according to the taxation of Aristides,
amounted to four hundred and sixty talents annually. And Pericles
jaised them yet higher. In order to know the real value of their reve
nues, we should consider the prices of things. In the time nf Solon an
ox was sold at Athens for five drachmas; as we learn from Plutarch, in
the life of Solon. A hog, in the time of Aristophanes, was worth three
drachmae; as appears from one of his comedies called " The Peace. "--
Olivet.
A drachma, according to Arbuthnot, was equal to 7&f. of our money
A hundred drachma e made a mina, or 31. 4. w Id. We may also, from the
same author, add to the foregoing note these particulars. In the time of
Bolon com was reckoned at a drachma the medimuus, or 4s. W pel
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? 176 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
who were to command or to contribute to the equip-
ment of a galley ever had recourse to the pretence
of poverty to be exempted from their duty; but ves-
sels were sent out, money was supplied, and none
of our affairs neglected. After this (thanks to for-
tune! ) our revenues were considerably improved;
and, instead of one hundred, rose to four hundred
talents; and this without any loss to the wealthy
citizens, but rather with advantage; for they share
the public affluence, and justly share it. Why, then,
do we reproach each other? why have we recourse
to_ such pretences to be exempted from our duty 1
unless we envy the poor that supply with which for-
tune hath favoured them. I do not, and I think no
one should, blame them ; for in private families I do
not find the young so devoid of respect to years, or
indeed any one so unreasonable and absurd as to
refuse to do his duty unless all others do quite as
much: such perveiseness would render a man ob-
noxious to the laws against undutiful children ; for
to nothing are we more inviolably bound than to a
just and cheerful discharge of that debt in which
both nature and the laws engage us to our parents.
And as we each of us have our particular parents,
so all our citizens are to be esteemed the common
parents of the state; and therefore, instead of de-
priving them of what the state bestows, we ought,
if there were not this provision, to find out some
other means of supplying their necessities. If the
rich proceed on these principles, they will act
quarter. In the time of Demosthenes it was much higher, at five
drachma e the medimnus, which makes it 11. 2s. 7Jrf. per quarter. In
Solon's time the price of a sheep was 73d. A soldier's daily pay was a
drachma. The yearly salary of a common schoolmaster at Athens was
a mina. In the early times of the republic, -five hundred drachmae, 161
2s. lid. , were thought a competent fortune for a gentlewoman. To
Aristides's two daughters the Athenians gave three thousand drachmae,
967.
? 160 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
form themselves into a faction (directed and sup>>
ported by Philip), and hurry away Euphraeus to
prison, as a disturber of the public peace. The peo-
ple of Oreum were witnesses of this ; but instead of
defending him, and bringing his enemies to condign
punishment, showed no resentment towards them;
but approved, and triumphed in his sufferings. And
now the faction, possessed of all the power they
wished for, laid their schemes for the ruin of the city,
and were carrying them into execution. Among
the people, if any man perceived this, he was silent;
struck with the remembrance of Euphraeus and his
sufferings. And to such dejection were they reduced,
that no one dared to express the least apprehension
of the approaching danger, until the enemy drew
up before their walls, and prepared for an assault.
Then some defended, others betrayed their state.
When the city had thus been shamefully and basely
lost, the faction began to exercise the most tyrannic
power; having either, by banishment or death,
removed all those who had asserted their own cause
and that of Euphraeus; and were still ready for any
noble enterprise. Euphraeus himself put an end to
his own life; and thus gave proof that, in his oppo-
sition to Philip, he had been actuated by a just and
pure regard to the interest of his country.
And now what could be the reason (you may pos-
sibly ask with surprise) that the people of Olynthus,
and those of Eretria, and those of Oreum, all at-
tended with greater pleasure to the advocates of
Philip than to then own friends 1 The same reason
which prevails here. Because they who are en
gaged on the part of truth and justice can never, even
if they were inclined, advance any thing to recom-
mend themselves to favour; their whole concern is
for the welfare of their state. The others need but
to sooth and flatter in order to second the designs
of Philip. The one press for supplies; the others
insist that they are not wanted: the one call theil
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
161
countrymen to battle, and alarm them with appre-
hensions of danger; the others are ever recom-
mending peace, until the toils come too near to be
escaped. And thus, on all occasions, one set of men
speak but to insinuate themselves into the affections
of their fellow-citizens; the other to preserve them
from ruin; till at last the interests of the state are
given up; not corruptly or ignorantly, but from a
desperate purpose of yielding to the fate of a con-
stitution thought to be irrecoverably lost. And, by
the powers of heaven! I dread that this may prove
your case, when you find that reflection cannot serve
you! And when I turn my eyes to the men who
have reduced you to this, it is not terror1 that I feel;
it is the utmost detestation. For whether they act
through design or ignorance, the distress to which
they are reducing us is manifest. But far be this
distress from us, Athenians! It were better to die
ten thousand deaths than to be guilty of a servile
complaisance to Philip, and to abandon any of your
faithful counsellors! The people of Oreum have
now met a noble return for their confidence in
Philip's creatures and their violence towards Eu-
phraeus. The Eretrians are nobly rewarded for
driving out our ambassadors, and committing their
affairs to Clitarchus. Captivity, and stripes, and
racks are their reward. Great was his indulgence to
the Olynthians, for choosing Lasthenes their general,
and banishing Apollonides. It were folly and base-
ness to be amused with such false hopes as theirs,
when neither our counsels direct us nor our inclina-
tions prompt us to the pursuit of our true interests,
1 It is not terror, . fcc. ]--The word in the original signifies the most
abject fear and dismay; and the whole passage seems to have a particu-
lar reference or allusion. Possibly some of Philip's partisans might
have accused Demosthenes of being thus affected at their sight; while
they magnified their own integrity and resolution, their true discern-
ment, and patriotic zeal for the interest of their country; and possibly
might have called out for severe punishment on the man who dared to
utter the most bitter invectives against a powerful prince in alliance
with Athens.
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? 162 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and to suffer those who speak for our enemies to
persuade us that the state is too powerful to be
affected by any accident whatever. It is shameful to
cry out, when some event hath surprised us, " Hea-
vens ! who could have expected this 1 We should
have acted thus and thus, and avoided these and
these errors. " There are many things the Olyn-
thians can now mention which, if foreseen in time,
would have prevented their destruction. The people
of Oreum can mention many : those of Phocis
many: every state that hath been destroyed can
mention many such things. But what dot1! it avail
them now ? While the vessel is safe, whether it be
great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every person
should exert himself in his particular station, and
preserve it from being wrecked either by villany or
unskilfulness. But when the sea hath once broken
in all care is vain. And therefore, Athenians, while
we are yet safe, possessed of a powerful city, fa-
voured with many resources, our reputation illustri-
ous--what are we to do? (Perhaps some have sat
with impatience to ask. )--I shall now give my opin-
ion, and propose it in form; that, if approved, your
voices may confirm it.
Having, in the first place, provided for your de-
fence, fitted out your navy, raised your supplies, and
arrayed your forces (for, although all other people
should submit to slavery, you should still contend
for freedom); having made such a provision, I say,
and this in the sight of Greece, then we are to call
others to their duty; and, for this purpose, to send
ambassadors into all parts, to Peloponnesus, to
Rhodes, to Chios, and even to the king (for he is by
no means unconcerned in opposing the rapidity of
this man's progress). If ye prevail, ye will have
sharers in the dangers and expense which may arise'
at least you may gain some respite; and, as we are
engaged against a single person, and not to the
united powers of a commonwealth, this may be of
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
163
advantage ; as were those embassies of last year into
Peloponnesus, and those remonstrances which were
made in several places by me and Polydatus, that
true patriot, and Hegesippus, and Clitomaehus, and
Lycurgus, and the other ministers, which checked
his progress, prevented his attack of Ambracia, and
secured Peloponnesus from an invasion.
I do not mean that we should endeavour to raise
that spirit abroad which we ourselves are unwilling
to assume. It would be absurd to neglect our own
interests, and yet pretend a regard to the common
cause; or, while we are insensible to present dan-
gers, to think of alarming others with apprehensions
of futurity. No: let us provide the forces in the
Chersonesus with. money, and every tiling else that
they desire. Let us begin with vigour on our part;
then call on the other Greeks; convene, instruct,
exhort them. Thus it becomes a- state of such dig-
nity as ours. If you think the protection of Greece
may be intrusted to the Chalcidians and Megareans,
and so desert its cause, you do not think justly. It
will be well if they can protect themselves. No:
this is your province: this is that prerogative trans-
mitted from your ancestors, the reward of all their
many, and glorious, and great dangers. If every
man sits down in ease and indulgence, and studies
only to avoid trouble, he will certainly find no one
to supply his place ; and I am also apprehensive
that we may be forced into all that trouble to which
we are so averse. Were there persons to act in our
stead, our inactivity would have long since discov-
ered them; but there are really none.
You have now heard my sentiments. You have
heard the measures I propose, and by which I appre-
hend our affairs may be yet retrieved. If any man
can offer some more salutary course, let him rise
and declare his opinion. And, whatever be your
resolution, the gods grant that we may feel its good
or ? i
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? THE ELEVENTH ORATION AGAtNST PHILIP:
Commonly called the Fourth.
PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF KIC0MACHU8, THE YEAR AFTER
1HK FORMER ORATION.
INTRODUCTION.
Soon after the preceding oration the. Athenian succours arrived at
Eubcea. Demosthenes had proposed the decree for them; and the
command was given to Phocion, whom the Athenians gladly employed
on all extraordinary emergencies,. and who was always ready to servo
them, at the same time that he highly condemned their conduct.
Demosthenes attended Phocion, not in a military character, but to
endeavour to gain over the people of Eubcea to the Athenian interest;
in which he had some success; while the general, on his part, acted
with so much conduct and resolution, that the Macedonians were forced
to abandon the island; and the Eubceans entered into a treaty of alli-
ance with Athens.
- In the mean time Philip marched alopg the Hellespont, to support his
fleet then in view, and to prevent Diopithes from cutting ofT his pro-
visions. When he had crossed the isthmus of the Chersonesus he re-
turned, and by a forced march arrived with the choice of his army at
Cardia, where he surprised Diopithes, and defeated him in an action in
which that general fell. This he affected to consider, not as an open
breach of his treaty, but only as the consequence of the protection he
bad granted to the Cardians. and an act of particular revenge he had
determined to take on Diopithes.
Philip then joined his army, and encamped before Perinthus, a place
considerable by its commerce and situation, ever firm to the Athenians,
and consequently dreadful and dangerous to Philip. The Perinthians
defended themselves with a courage almost incredible, and which, it ap-
peared, could not be abated by danger or fatigue. PhH'p, on his part,
pressed them by all the methods of assault; and, after many vigorous
efforts on each side, when the city was just on the point of being taken
by assault, or of being obliged to surrender at discretion, fortune; pro
vided for it an unexpected succour.
The fame of Philip's army having alarmed the court of Persia, Ochus
sent his letters mandatory to the governors of the maritime provinces,
directing them to supply Perinthus with all things in their power; in
consequence of which they filled it with troops and provisions. While
the Byzantines, justly conceiving their own turn would be next, sent
Into the city the flower Of their, youth, with all other nec*ssaries for an
obstinate defence.
The Perinjhians, thus remforced, resumed their former ardour; and
as all they suffered was on account of Athens, they despatched ambas-
sadors thither to demand the speedy and effectual assistance of that
state. On this occasion Demosthenes pronounced the following oration.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 1
As I ara persuaded, Athenians, that you are no\v
convened about affairs of greatest moment, such as
affect the very being of the state, I shall endeavour
to speak to them in the manner most agreeable to
your interests.
There are faults of no late origin, and gradually
increased to no inconsiderable number, which have
conspired to involve, us in the present difficulties.
But, of all these, what at this time most distresses us
is this: that your minds are quite alienated from pub-
lic affairs; that your attention is engaged just while
you are assembled, and some new event related: then
each man departs; and, far from being influenced by
what he hath heard, he does not even remember it.
The insolence and outrage with which Philip treats
all mankind are really. so great as you hear them
represented. That it is not possible to set bounds to
these by the force of speeches and debates no one
can be ignorant; for, if other arguments cannot con-
vince, let this be weighed: whenever we have had
occasion to plead in defence of our rights, we have
I We shall find in this oration many things which occur in those that
are precedent; and as it is on the same subject, already exhausted by so
many orations, it was in some sort necessary for the orator to make use
of repetitions: and it should seem, that in such a case repetition is by no
means a fault, particularly as we may consider this as a recapitulation
of all the others; and may, in effect, call it the Peroration op the
Philippics ; in which the orator resumes the arguments he had already
made use of; but. In resuming them, gives them, new force, as well by
die manner in which they are disposed, as by the many additions with
ftihicn they are heightened. --TowrreU.
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? 166 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
never failed of success; we have never incurred the
censure of injustice : but all places and all persons
must acknowledge that our arguments are irresisti-
ble. Is he then distressed by this? and are our
affairs advanced 1 By no means. For, as he pro-
ceeds to take up arms, leads out his troops, and is
ready to hazard his whole empire in pursuit of his
designs, while we sit here pleading, or attending to
those who plead the justness of our cause, the con-
sequence (and I think the natural consequence) is
this: actions prove superior to words: and men's
regards are engaged, not by those arguments which
we ever have advanced, or may now advance, how
just soever-; but by the measures we pursue: and
these are by no means fitted to protect any of the
injured states: to say more of them is unnecessary.
As, then, all Greece is now divided into two parties;
the one composed of those who desire neither to ex-
ercise nor to be subject to arbitraiy power, but to
enjoy the benefits of liberty, laws, and independence;
the other, of those who, while they aim at an abso-
lute command of their fellow-citizens, are themselves
the vassals of another person, by whose means they
hope to obtain their purposes; his partisans, the
affecters of tyranny and despotism, are superior
every where. So that, of all the popular constitu-
tions, 1 know not whether one be left firmly estab-
lished except our own. And they who in the several
states have been raised by him to the administration
of affairs have their superiority secured by all the
means which can advance a cause. The first and
principal is this. When they would bribe those who
are capable of selling their integrity, they have a
person ever ready to supply them. In the next place
(and it is of no less moment), at whatever season
they desire it, there are forces at hand to overwhelm
their opposers: while we, Athenians, are not only
deficient in these particulars, but una"ble even to
awaken from our indolence, like men reduced by
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
167
some potion1 to a lethargic state. In consequence
of this (for I hold it necessary to speak the truth),
we are fallen into such contempt and infamy, that,
of the people immediately threatened with danger,
some contend with us for the honour of commanding,
some about the place of conference,2 while others
determine rather to trust to their own strength than
to accept of your assistance.
And why am I thus particular in recounting these
things? I call the gods to witness, that I would not
willingly incur your displeasure; but I would have
you know, and see. that in public as well as in private
affairs, continued indolence and supineness, though
not immediately felt in every single instance of
omission, yet in the end must affect the general wel-
fare. You see this in the instance of Senium and
Doriscum. When the peace was made we began
with neglecting these places. (Perhaps some of you
have never heard of them. ) And these places, thus
abandoned and despised, lost you Thrace and your
ally Cersobleptes. Again, when he saw that this did
not rouse you, and that you sent no assistance, he
razed Porthmus; and, to keep us in continual awe,
erected a tyranny in Euboea, over-against Attica.
This was disregarded; and his attempt on Megara
was well-nigh successful. Still you were insensible,
expressed no impatience, no inclination to oppose
him. He purchased Antronae; and soon after got
possession of Oieum. I pass over many things;
Pherae--the march to Ambraeia--the massacre of
1 Like men reduced by some potion, dec. ]--In the original, like men
who had drunk of mandragora, an herb ranked by naturalists among
those of the soporiferous kind. It seems to have been a proverbial phrase
to signify indolent and negligent persons. -- Tourreil.
2 For the honour of commanding, some about the place of conference. ]^-
In all the confederate ware of the Greeks, that state which was acknow-
ledged the most powerful had the honour of giving a commander-in-
chief, and of appointing the place of general congress for concerting the
operations. In the Persian war we find the Lacedaemonians and Athe-
nians sometimes contending for these points: which in effect was a
dispute which of these states was most respectable.
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? 168 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Elis,1 and thousands of the like actions: for it is not
my design to give a detail of Philip's acts of outrage
and injustice, but to convince you that the property
and liberty of mankind will never be secure from him
until he meets with some effectual opposition.
There are persons who, before they hear affairs
debated, stop us with this question, " What is to be
done V not that they may do it when informed (for
then they would be the best of citizens), but to pre-
vent the trouble of attending. It is my part, how-
ever, to declare what we are now to do.
First, then, Athenians, be firmly persuaded of this:
that Philip is committing hostilities against us, and
has really violated the peace: that he has the most
implacable enmity to this whole city; to the ground
on which this city stands; to the very gods of this
city: (may their vengeance fall on him! ) but against
our constitution is his force principally directed: the
destruction of this is, of all other things, the most
immediate object of his secret schemes and machina-
tions. And there is, in some sort, a necessity that
it should be so. Consider; he aims at universal
power; and you he regards as the only persons to
dispute his pretensions. He hath long injured you :
and of this he himself is fully conscious; for the
surest barriers of his other dominions are those
places which he hath taken from us: so that if he
l Pheras--the march to Ambracia--the, massacre of Elis. l--An orator
does not always pique himself on an exact adherence to history; bat
sometimes disguises facts, or aggravates them, when it serves his pur-
pose.
One would imagine that Philip had committed some terrible oat-
rages at Pberas; and yet he only restored the liberty of that city, by
expelling its tyrants; and as to the massacre of Elis, it is not to ba
imputed immediately to Philip. He had, indeed, as chief of the allies in
the sacred war, and head of the amphictyons, suggested the resolution
of proscribing the Phoctans and all the favourers of their impiety. Some
of these, who had fled into Crete with their general Phalecus, Joined
with a body of men who had been banished from Elis, made an inroad
into Peloponnesus, and attempted an attack on their countrymen, who,
with the assistance of the Arcadians, obliged this rebellious army to sur
render at discretion; and, in obedience to the decree of the amphiotyoQA
put it to the sword. --TourreU.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
should give up Amphipolis and Potidaea, he would
not think himself secure in Macedon. He is then
sensible that he entertains designs against you, and
that you perceive them; and as he thinks highly of
your wisdom, he judges that you hold him m the ab-
horrence he deserves. To these things (and these
of such importance) add, that he is perfectly con-
vinced that although he were master of all other
places, yet it is impossible for him to be secure while
your popular government subsists: but that, if any
pscident should happen to him (and every man is
' abject to many), all those who now submit to force
would seize the opportunity, and fly to you for pro-
tection ; for you are not naturally disposed to grasp
at power, or to usurp dominion; but to prevent
usurpation, to wrest their unjust acquisitions from
the hands of otheis, to curb the violence of ambition,
and to preserve the liberty of mankind, is your pecu-
liar excellence. And, therefore, it is with regret he
sees in that freedom you enjoy a spy on the incidents
of his fortune: nor is this his reasoning weak or
trivial. First, then, he is on this account to be re-
garded, as the implacable enemy of our free and
popular constitution. In the next place, we should
be fully persuaded that all those things which now
employ him, all that he is now projecting, he is pro-
jecting against this city. There can be none among
you weak enough to imagine that the desires of
Philip are centred in those paltry villages1 of Thrace;
(for what name else can we give to Drongilus, and
Cabyle, and Mastira, and all those places now said
to be in his possession ? ) that he endures the severity
of toils and seasons, and exposes himself to the
utmost dangers for these; and has no designs on the
ports, and the arsenals, and the navies, and the silver
mines, and other revenues, and the situation, and the
glory of Athens, (which never may the conquest of
I Those paltry villages, &c. l--See the notes of theoration on the State
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? 170 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
this city give to him or any other! ) but will suffei
us to enjoy these; while, for those trifling hoards of
grain he finds in the cells of Thrace he takes up his
winter-quarters in all the horrors of a dungeon. It
cannot be ! Even in his inarch thither he had these
in view: these are the chief objects of all his enter-
prises.
Thus must we all think of him. And let us not
oblige th-it man who hath ever been our most faith-
ful counsellor to propose the war in form: that
would be to seek a pretence to avoid it, not to pursue
the interest of our country. To yourselves I appeal:
if, after the first, or the second, or the third of Philip's
infractions of his treaty (for there was a long suc-
cession of them), any man had moved you to declare
hostilities against him, and he had given the same
assistance to the Cardians as now, when no such
motion came from any Athenian, would not that man
have been torn to pieces ? Would you not have cried
out with one voice that it was this which made him
ally to the Cardians ? Do not then seek for some
person whom you may hate for Philip's faults; whom
you may expose to the fury of his hirelings. >>When
your decree for war hath once passed, let there be
no dispute whether it ought or ought not to have
been undertaken. Observe his manner of attacking
you: imitate it in your opposition: supply those who
are now opposing him with money, and whatever
else they want: raise your supplies: prepare yout
forces, galleys, horse, transports, and all other neces-
saries of a war. At present, your conduct must
expose you to derision. Nay, I call the powers to
witness, that you are acting as if Philip's wishes
were to direct you. Opportunities escape you; your
treasures are wasted; you shift the weight of public
business on others; break into passion; criminate
each other. I shall now show whence these disor-
ders have proceeded, and point out the remedy.
You have never, Athenians, made the necessary
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 171
dispositions in your affairs, nor armed yourselves in
time; but have been ever led by events. Then,
when it proves too late to act, you lay down your
arms. If another incident alarms you, your prepara-
tions are resumed, and all is tumult and confusion.
But this is not the way. It is impossible ever to
secure the least success by occasional detachments.
No: you must raise a regular army, provide for its
subsistence, appoint state treasurers, and guard the
public money with the strictest attention; oblige
those treasurers to answer for the sums expended,
and your general for his conduct in the field; and let
this general have no pretence1 to sail to any other
place, or engage in any other enterprise but those
prescribed. Let these be your measures, these your
resolutions, and you will compel Philip to live in the
real observance of an equitable peace, and to confine
himself to his own territory; or you will engage him
on equal terms. And perhaps, Athenians, perhaps,
as you now ask, "What is Philip doing? whither is
he marching? " so there may come a time when he
will be solicitous to know whither our forces have
directed their march, and where they are to appear.
If it be objected that these measures will be
attended with great expense, and many toils and per
plexities, I confess it. (It is necessary, absolutely
necessary that a war should be attended with many
disagreeable circumstances. ) But let us consider
what consequences must attend the state if we refuse
to take this course, and it will appear that we shall
really be gainers by a seasonable performance of our
duty. Suppose some god should be our surety (for
no mortal could be depended on in an affair of such,
moment); for, although you are quite inactive and
insensible, yet he will not at last lead his armies
hither; still it would be ignominious, it would (I call
every power of heaven to witness! ) be beneath you,
1 Have no pretence *o i--See note 1, p. 47.
Vol. I--O
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? 172 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
beneath the dignity of your state, beneath the glory
of your ancestors, to abandon all the rest. of, Greece
to slavery for the sake of private ease. I for my
part would rather die than propose such a conduct:
if, however, there be any other person to recommend
rt to you, be it so; make no opposition; abandon all
affairs: but if there be no one of this opinion; if, on
the contrary, we all foresee that the farther this man
is suffered to extend his conquests the more dan-
gerous and powerful enemy we must find in him,
why is our duty evaded 1 why do we delay 1 or when
will we be disposed to exert ourselves, Athenians ?
Must some necessity press us 1 What one may call
the necessity of freemen not only presseth us now,
but hath long since been felt: that of slaves, it is to-
be wished, may never approach us. How do these
differ? To freemen, the most urgent necessity is
dishonour; a greater cannot, I think, be assigned;
to slaves, stripes and tortures. Far be this from us ?
It ought not to be mentioned I
And now the neglect of those things to which your
lives and fortunes should be devoted, it must be con
fessed, is by no means justifiable:--far from it J some
pretence, however, may be alleged in its excuse.
But to refuse even to listen to those things which
demand your utmost attention, which are of the
greatest moment to be fully considered, this deserves
the most severe censure. And yet you never attend
but on occasions like this, when the danger is ac-
tually present; nor in time of disengagement do
you ever think of consulting; but, while he is pre-
paring to distress you, instead of making like prepa-
rations and providing for your defence, you are
sunk in inactivity; and if any one attempts to rouse
you, he feels your resentment. But when advice is
received that some place is lost or invested, then you
attend, then you prepare. The proper season for
attending and consulting was then, when you refused:
now, when you are prevailed on to hear, vou should
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
173
be acting', and applying your preparations. And by
this supineness is your conduct distinguished from
that of all other nations: they usually deliberate
before events; your consultations follow them. --
There is but one course left, which should long since
have been pursued, but still may be of service. --This
I shall lay before you.
There is nothing which the state is more con-
cerned to procure on this occasion than money; and
gome very favourable opportunities present them-
selves, which, if wisely improved, may possibly
supply our demands. In the first place, they whom
the king regards1 as his faithful and strenuous adhe-
rents are the implacable enemies of Philip, and ac-
tually in arms against him. Then, the man who
was2 Philip's assistant and counsellor in all his
designs against the king hath been lately seized; so
that the king will be informed of his practices, not
by our accusations, to which he might suppose our
private interest prompted us, but by the very agent
and conductor of them. This will give weight to
your assertions; and there will be nothing left for
your ministers to urge but what the king will gladly
attend to: "That we should unite to chastise the
man who hath injured us equally: that Philip will
be much more formidable to the king if his. first
ittack be made on us; for that, if he should be
t They whom the king regards, Ac. l--He probably means the Thebans,
who had given Ochus powerful assistance in the siege of Pelusium; and
who were now much provoked at Philip, on account of Echinus, which
he had taken from them. --Tovrreii.
a The man who was, Sec. ]--As Philip seems to have already projected
an expedition into Asia, he received with open arms all the malecontenta
of Persia, and held secret intelligence with the rebel satraps. Hermies,
the tyrant of Artanea, a city of Mysia, was of this number, and had
been m confidence with Philip. Mentor, the Rhodian, general of the
Persian army, drew him to an interview by feigned promises, where he
seized him, and sent him in chains to Ochus. Instead of avapnaoros,
some copies have avatriiatiios, brought back: in which case it must be
understood of Memnon or Artanazus, two rebellious satraps, who had
taken refuge in Philip's court, but, by the jnediation of Mentor, were
reconciled to the King of Persia. --Ulpian and Tourreil.
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? 174 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
permitted to gain any advantage here, he will then
march against him, free from all apprehensions. "
For all these reasons, I think you should send am-
bassadors to treat with the king, and lay aside those
idle prejudices which have so often been injurious to
your interests--" that he is a Barbarian, our common
enemy," and the like. For my own part, when [
find a man apprehending danger from a prince whose
residence is in Susa and Ecbatana, and pronouncing
him the enemy of our state, who formerly re-estab-
lished its power,1 and but now made us2 such con-
siderable offers (if you rejected them, that was no
fault of his), and yet speaking in another strain of
one who is at our gates, who is extending his con-
quests in the very heart of Greece, the plunderer of
the Greeks, I am astonished; and regard that man,
whoever he is, as dangerous, who doth not see danger
in Philip. 1
There is another affair wherein the public hath
been injured, which hath been attacked most unjustly
and indecently; which is the constant pretence of
those who refuse to perform their duty to the state ;
to which you will find the'blame of every omission
which every man is guilty of constantly transferred.
I cannot speak of it without great apprehensions.
Yet I will speak: for I think I can serve my country
by advancing some things, both in behalf of the
poor3 against the rich, and of the rich against the
t Who formerly re-established its power. ]--That is, when Conon, by
the assistance of Artaxerxes Mnemon, beat the Lacedaemonian fleet at
Cnidos, and restored the liberty and splendour of his country.
2 And but how made us, &c. ]--Artaxerxes Ochus, in order to reduce
Egypt, which had revolted from him, solicited succours from the princi-
pal cities of Greece. Argos and Thebes consented : but from Athens
and Lacedffimon he could obtain only vain professions of friendship. He
had, without doubt, offered large advantages to such people as would
concur with him. Demosthenes here insinuates an accusation of the
imprudence of Athens in rejecting these offers. --Tourreit.
3 Some things, both in behalf of the poor, &c. ]--The theatrical dis-
tributions afforded a perpetual occasion of public contests between the
several orders of the state. The poor were, ever dissatisfied that the
richer citizens shared the largesses, which they considered aa their own
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
175
necessitous ; if we first banish those invectives un-
justly thrown out against the theatrical funds, and
those fears that such an appointment cannot subsist
without some dismal consequences; an appointment
which, above all others, may be most conducive to
our interests, and give the greatest strength to the
whole community-
Attend, then, while I first plead for those who are
thought necessitous. There was a time, not long
since, when the state could not raise more than one
hundred and thirty talents ;t and yet none of those
peculiar right: and the rich beheld with impatience the dissipation of
the public fund? , which threw the whole weight of the supplies on them.
But there was still a greater cause of complaint. The revenues of the
state were not always sufficient to defray the immense expenses of
feasts and entertainments; and in this case, some factious leader, who
was willing to gain popularity, would propose to tax the rich; or, per-
haps, by some infamous calumnies, would raise a prosecution, which
would bring in a large pecuniary fine. The rich, it may be imagined,
were alarmed at such proceedings : they inveighed loudly against the
authors of them, and sometimes ventured to accuse them in form, and
bring them to trial. When their baseness and evil designs were publicly
exposed, the people were ashamed to avow their intentions of supporting
such flagrant injustice. Their clamours were loud against the person
accused: but, as in all judicial processes they gave their votes by ballot,
they then had an opportunity of saving their friend.
All that the orator here says in defence of the theatrical appointments
is expressed with a caution and reserve quite opposite to Ins usual open-
ness and freedom, and which plainly betray a consciousness of bin
being inconsistent with his former sentiments. How far he may be ex-
cused by the supposed necessity of yielding to the violent prepossessions
of the people, and giving up a favourite point, I cannot pretend to deter-
mine. But it is certainly not very honourable to Demosthenes to sup
pose (with ULpian) that his former opposition was merely personal, and
that the death of Eubulus now put an end to it.
I The state could not raise more than one hundred and thirty talents. ]
--We must understand this of those revenues raised out of Attica only;
for the contributions of the allies, according to the taxation of Aristides,
amounted to four hundred and sixty talents annually. And Pericles
jaised them yet higher. In order to know the real value of their reve
nues, we should consider the prices of things. In the time nf Solon an
ox was sold at Athens for five drachmas; as we learn from Plutarch, in
the life of Solon. A hog, in the time of Aristophanes, was worth three
drachmae; as appears from one of his comedies called " The Peace. "--
Olivet.
A drachma, according to Arbuthnot, was equal to 7&f. of our money
A hundred drachma e made a mina, or 31. 4. w Id. We may also, from the
same author, add to the foregoing note these particulars. In the time of
Bolon com was reckoned at a drachma the medimuus, or 4s. W pel
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? 176 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
who were to command or to contribute to the equip-
ment of a galley ever had recourse to the pretence
of poverty to be exempted from their duty; but ves-
sels were sent out, money was supplied, and none
of our affairs neglected. After this (thanks to for-
tune! ) our revenues were considerably improved;
and, instead of one hundred, rose to four hundred
talents; and this without any loss to the wealthy
citizens, but rather with advantage; for they share
the public affluence, and justly share it. Why, then,
do we reproach each other? why have we recourse
to_ such pretences to be exempted from our duty 1
unless we envy the poor that supply with which for-
tune hath favoured them. I do not, and I think no
one should, blame them ; for in private families I do
not find the young so devoid of respect to years, or
indeed any one so unreasonable and absurd as to
refuse to do his duty unless all others do quite as
much: such perveiseness would render a man ob-
noxious to the laws against undutiful children ; for
to nothing are we more inviolably bound than to a
just and cheerful discharge of that debt in which
both nature and the laws engage us to our parents.
And as we each of us have our particular parents,
so all our citizens are to be esteemed the common
parents of the state; and therefore, instead of de-
priving them of what the state bestows, we ought,
if there were not this provision, to find out some
other means of supplying their necessities. If the
rich proceed on these principles, they will act
quarter. In the time of Demosthenes it was much higher, at five
drachma e the medimnus, which makes it 11. 2s. 7Jrf. per quarter. In
Solon's time the price of a sheep was 73d. A soldier's daily pay was a
drachma. The yearly salary of a common schoolmaster at Athens was
a mina. In the early times of the republic, -five hundred drachmae, 161
2s. lid. , were thought a competent fortune for a gentlewoman. To
Aristides's two daughters the Athenians gave three thousand drachmae,
967.
