Crops grow there, but not in such
quantity
as to
supply a city of 50,000 inhabitants who eat rice.
supply a city of 50,000 inhabitants who eat rice.
Cambridge History of India - v3 - Turks and Afghans
He had
learned no wisdom in adversity, and his insolence and arrogance
towards his nobles culminated in a blow inflicted in open court on
Karamchand of Ajmer, his father's protector and benefactor. On
the following day the nobles put the unworthy prince to death and,
dreading the rule of a minor at such a critical period, persuaded
Banbir Singh, natural son of Prithvi Rāj, Sangrama's younger
brother, to mount the throne. Banbir immediately sought the liſe
of the infant, Udai Singh, but he was saved by a faithful nurse, who
carried him off, and, after some vicissitudes, delivered him to Āsā
Sāh, governor of Kümbhalgarh, who ensured his safety by passing
him off as his nephew, and for three years kept the secret of his
presence with him. The rumour at length spread that the son of
Sangrama was at Kumbhalgarh, and the nobles of Mewār
assembled there to do him homage. The pretensions of the bastard,
Banbir, had offended them, and all deserted him. He still held the
capital, but his ministers admitted a thousand of the adherents of
the legitimate prince, and he was deposed, and Udai Singh was
enthroned in 1537.
The foundation of Jaisalmer by Rāwal Jaisal, the Bhāti, has been
mentioned. The Jādons, or Bhātis, yet occupy their home in the
desert. The Rāthors were gaining power in the land of Kher, the
desert of the west, and the Jādons found them troublesome neigh-
bours, rapacious and unscrupulous. Rāwal Chāchakdeo grandson
of Jaisal, who reigned from 1219 to 1241, made preparations to
chastise them, but their leaders conciliated him by giving him a
daughter to wife. Karan Singh I, who reigned from 1241 to 1271,
espoused the cause of a Hindu living near Nāgaur, whose only
daughter had been abducted by Muzaffar Khān, the Muslim ruler
or governor of that district, and defeated and slew the Khān and
three thousand of his men.
1 Sec ante, p. 330.
34-2
## p. 532 (#582) ############################################
532
[CH.
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
The annals of Jaisalmer record a siege of the city by the troops
of 'Alā-ud-din Khalji of Delhi, which lasted for eight years, from
1286 to 1295. 'Alā-ud-din did not ascend the throne of Delhi until
1296, and no such siege as that sung by the bards ever took place.
The account of the performance of the rite of jauhar, and of the
death of 24,000 women in the flames, is detailed and circumstantial.
Three thousaud eight hundred Rājput warriors rushed on the foe;
Mülrāj III, the Jādon chief, and seven hundred of his kin ſell, and
Jaisalmer was occupied by a Muslim garrison which, after holding
the place for two years, dismantled it and retired.
It is impossible to connect this legend with any historical event,
but it may possibly be a wilful perversion of the defeat of the
Já dons by the Rāthors, for the annals proceed to relate that after
the retirement of the Muslim garrison Māloji Rāthor, chief of Mewa,
made preparations for occupying and colonizing the deserted city,
but was expelled by the Bhāti chiefs, Dūda and Tilak Sirgh, the
former of whom was elected Rāwal, and reigned from 1295 to 1306.
The bards of Jaisalmer, no whit inferior to those of other states in
imagination, thus describe the end of Dūda's reign, 'He even ex-
tended his raids to Ajmer, and carried off the stud of Firūz Shāh
from the Anasāgar (lake), where they were accustomed to be
,
watered. This indignity provoked another attack upon Jaisalmer,
attended with the same disastrous results. Again the sakha was
performed, in which sixteen thousand females were destroyed ; and
Dūda, with Tilak Singh and seventeen hundred of the clan, fell in
battle, after he had occupied the gaddi ten years. This statement
is quoted merely in order to display the shameless mendacity of the
bardic annals. Firūz Shāh was Jalāl-ud-din Firuz Khalji, the uncle
and predecessor of 'Alā-ud-din, who is said to have taken Jaisalmer
in the previous year. It may be one more perversion of a defeat at
the hands of the Rāthors.
Jaisalmer was again restored by Ghar Singh, who is said to have
received it in fee from the king of Delhi for services rendered
against Tīmūr, who did not invade India until nearly a century
aſter this time, but if any such services were rendered the occasion
was perhaps, as conjectured by Lt. Col. Tod, one of the many
irruptions of the Mughuls which took place at this period. Ghar
Singh was assassinated in 1335, and was succeeded by his adopted
son, Kehar Singh. Kehar Singh's third son, Kailan, involved the
Jaisalmer state in hostilities with the kingdom of Multān by estab-
lishing himself on the northern bank of the Sutlej, where he is said
## p. 533 (#583) ############################################
xx)
GWALIOR
533
to have founded the town of Kahror. The presence of the Bhātīs
on the Multān side of the river was resented, and Chāchakdeo, who
succeeded to Jaisalmer about 1448, is said to have resided at Marot
in order the more readily to repel raids on his territories from the
direction of Multān. He is credited in the annals of the state with
two victories over the Muslim kings of Multān, besides others over
the Dhundīs, the Rāthors, and even the Khokhars of the Punjab.
He is said to have lost his life in battle with the king of Multan,
but the native annals a most untrustworthy guide, are the only
authority for his exploits. Even these fail us after Chāchakdeo's
reign, and until the time of the Mughul emperors record nothing
but a bare list of names.
The famous fortress of Gwalior was held, at the time of Mahmūd's
incursions into India, by Kachhwāha Rājputs, probably feudatories
of the Chandels of Jijhoti. Mahmūd's siege of the fortress in 1022
has already been noticed, and its strength at that time may per.
haps be gauged by the easy terms on which he raised the siege.
About 1128 the Parihār Rājputs ousted the Kachhwāhas, a scion of
whom established himself in the neighbourhood of Amber. Qutb-
ud-din Aibak captured the fortress, but it was recovered during
the feeble reign of his son, Ārām Shāh, by the Parihār Birbal, or
Māl Deo, whose son, Mangal Bhava Deo, was holding it in 1232,
when Iltutmish attacked it. An account of his siege and capture
of the place has already been given,3 It remained in the hands of
the Muslim until after Timūr's invasion, and was captured, when
the kingdom of Delhi fell to pieces, by the Tomār, Har Singh, and
was successfully defended by his son Bhairon against the attacks of
Mallū in 1492 and 1403". The sieges of Gwalior in 1416, 1427, and
1432 by kings of the Sayyid dynasty were rather expeditions for
the purpose of collecting taxes, or tribute, then serious attempts
to capture the fortress, and the raja could always rid himself of
the invaders by a payment on account, and an illusory promise to
make regular payments in future. In 1423 Hūshang Shāh of Mālwa
attacked the fortress, but raised the siege when the Sayyid, Mubārak
Shāh, marched to its relief.
During the protracted contests in the reign of Buhlūl Lodi
between the kingdoms of Delhi and Jaunpur Man Singh of
Gwalior espoused the cause of the latter, and gave an asylum
to its last king, Husain Shāh, when he was fleeing before his
enemies.
1 In 29° 37' N. and 71° 56' E.
2 See an! e, p. 22,
3 See ante, p. 55.
4 Sec ante, p. 202.
## p. 534 (#584) ############################################
534
(CH.
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
1
Mān Singh profited by the striſe between the Muslims to
extend his dominions, and when Sikandar Lodi, provoked by his
protection of a fugitive rebel, invaded them in 1505 and the follow-
ing years, he did not venture to attack Gwalior itself, but contented
himself with reducing Mandrãel, Utgir, and other fortresses of less
importance, and was eventually recalled from this campaign by
other affairs, but in 1518 his son, Ibrāhīm Lodī, incensed by the
raja's protection of the pretender, Jalal Khān, besieged his
capital, and Vikramāditya or Bikramājīt, the son and successor of
Mān Singh, was compelled to surrender.
Raja Mān Singh, who reigned from 1486 to 1517, enriched
Gwalior with the great palace which crowns the eastern face of
the rock, and earned a name as a patron of music and musicians.
The famous singer, Tân Sen, and the best musicians and singers at
Akbar's court had been trained in the Gwalior school.
The Kachhwāhas of Amber and Jaipur claim descent from the
ancient rajas of Gwalior, of that tribe. Tej Karan, known as Dulha
Rāi, or the Bridegroom prince, who was eighth in descent from
Vajradāman, the first Kachhwāha prince of Gwalior, left that city,
for some undetermined
reason, in charge of his sister's son, a
Parihār, who usurped his throne. Tej Karan married the daughter
of the Bargújar Rājput chief of Daosa, and inherited that princi-
pality, then known as Dhundhār, from the Dhūnd river. Maidal
Rāo, Tej Karan's grandson, took the fortress of Amber from the
Mina chief Bhāto, and made it his capital. Maidal's great-grandson,
Pajūn, married the sister of Prithvi Rāj of Ajmer and Delhi, and
was killed with his brother-in-law at the second battle of Tarāori.
The Amber state, as it was known after the establishment of that
town as the capital, was of little importance until the reign of
Humāyūn. Towards the end of the fourteenth century Udai Karan,
prince of Amber, added the Shekhāwati district to his dominions,
but his house did not otherwise specially distinguish itself.
Gondwāna, the forest region between Berar on the west and
Orissa on the east, was sparsely populated by the Gonds, Dravidians
who had probably migrated northwards from the Deccan, but in
the eleventh century the nothern and eastern tracts of this region,
which were known as Chedi, were ruled by two families of Haihaya
Bans Rājputs who were probably, like the Chandels of Jijhoti,
Hinduized Gonds. One family, which retained its possessions until
it was ousted by the Marāthās, had its capital at Ratanpur, in
the present Bilāspur District; and the other at Tripuri, or Tewar,
1 22° 17' N. , 82° 11' E.
## p. 535 (#585) ############################################
xx)
GOND KİNGDOMS
535
a
about six miles from Jubbulpore. The Haibayas were also known
as the Kālachurīs. Those of Tewar disappeared towards the end of
the twelfth century, being supplanted, as is commonly believed, by
Bāghels of Rewa, but according to Gond tradition by a Gond hero
named Jādū Rāi, said to be the ancester of the Gond dynasty which
was certainly reigning in that region, with its capital at Garha, not
long after that time.
Tradition records the existence of a dynasty of Gāoli, or cowherd
race, of whom nothing certain is known, at Deogarh, the old fortress
which stands twenty-four miles south-west of Chhindwāra. This
dynasty ended with the twin brothers Ransür and Ghansūr, who
reigned jointly, and who befriended a Gond named Jātba. Jātba
eventually slew his master and founded the Gond dynasty which
reigned at Deogarh. The only indication of a date in the legend is
the record of an imaginary visit paid by Akbar to Jātba, and even
tradition is silent as to the history of his successors, of whom hardly
anything is known until the time of Bakht Buland, who was reigning
at Deogarh at the latter end of the seventeenth century.
Rather more than sixty miles west of Deogarh stands the fortress
of Kherla, the foundation of which is attributed to a Rājput
dynasty, whose capital it remained for a long period. The last of
the line, Jaitpal, is said to have been killed ofter a twelve years'
siege by the army of the king of Delhi. No such siege is recorded
by the Muslim historians, but it is possible that the officials first
placed in Berar by 'Alā-ud-din Khalji extinguished the Rājput
dynasty and built the present fort, which appears to be of Muham-
mādan construction. It fell afterwards, probably during the rebel-
lion of the Deccan in the latter years of Muhammad Tughluq's
reign, into the hands of Gonds, who established a dynasty there.
Gond legend assigns a high degree of antiquity to the dynasty
of Southern Gond wāna, the original capital of which is said to have
been Sirpur, near the Pranhitā River, in the "Ādīlābād District of
the Nizām's dominions. Ballālpur, higher up the river and on the
opposite bank, was next selected as the capital, which was moved
almost immediately to the newly founded city of Chānda', where
the Gonds reigned until the dynasty was extinguished by the
Marāthās.
There were thus, when Muslim rule was established both in
Northern and in Southern India, four Gond kingdoms in Gondwāna
northern kingdom with its capital at Garha; two central
kingdoms with their capital at Deogarh and Kherla ; and a
southern kingdom with its capital at Chānda, 'There
1 19° 57' N. , 78° 58' E.
>
-а
are
no
3
## p. 536 (#586) ############################################
536
[CH.
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
materials for a detailed history of these kingdoms during the
period of which we treat. The northern kingdom, known to the
Muslims as Garha-Katanga, from its capital and another town, and
afterwards as Garha Mandla, was extended by Sangram Shāh, who
succeeded about 1480, and developed the little state, consisting
of four districts lying about Garha and Mandla, into a kingdom
containing fifty-four districts, by annexing large portions of the
Narbada valley, the districts now called Sangor and Dāmoh, and
the present state of Bhopāl. He built the fortress of Chaurāgarh,
he enriched his capital with buildings, and he obtained the fair
Durgāvati, daughter of the Chandel raja of Mahoba, as a bride
for his son Dalpat, who succeeded him. The alliance suggests the
origin of the Chandels.
Durgāwati, as regent for her son, Bir Narāyan, earned undying
fame as the defender of his inheritance against the Muslim ruler of
Mālwa and against Akbar, though she perished in the Mughul's
unprovoked attack on the kingdom.
of the history of the neighbouring kingdom of Deogarh nothing
certain, as has been said, is known until the reign of Bakht Buland,
late in the seventeenth century.
OF Kherla more is known. The fortress is situated near the
highway between Hindūstān and the Deccan, and could not fail to
attract attention. The Muslim kings of Deccan refrained from
molesting this state until, in 1398, Narsingh, the Gond raja, taking
advantage of Firuz Shāh's preoccupation with Vijayanagar, and
instigated by the Muslim rulers of Mālwa and Khāndesh, invaded
and ravaged Berar. He was driven out of that province and obliged
to swear ſealty to Firūz. Subsequent relations between the three
states, the Deccan, Mālwa, and Kherla, have been described in
Chapter xv. In the reign of Ahmad Shāh, brother and successor
of Firūz, it was agreed that the allegiance of Kherla should be
transferred to Mālwa, and the king of Mālwa afterwards captured
the fortress and exterminated the Gond dynasty. Kherla appears
in the Āin-i. Akbari as a district in the province of Berar.
of the southern kingdom, Chānda, yet more is known, but what
little certain knowledge we possess is disfigured and obscured by a
rank overgrowth of fiction. Despite the claims to antiquity made
in the legends of this kingdom it seems to have risen on the ruins
of the Vākātaka dynasty, whose capital was probably at Bhāndak,
a village near Chānda, at the end of the eleventh or beginning of
the twelfth century, and the names of nineteen kings who reigned
between that time and 1751, when the Marāthas occupied the
kingdom, have been preserved.
a
## p. 537 (#587) ############################################
xx]
KINGDOM OF CHĀNDA
537
The first was Bhim Ballār, or Ballal, Singh, whose capital was
at Sirpur and his chief stronghold Manikgarh, in the hills of west of
that town. His grandson was Hir Singh, who induced the Gonds
to cultivate the land and introduced a primitive land revenue
system. Hic Singh's grandson, Dinkar Singh, was a patron of
learning, and was succeeded by his son, Rām Singh, a just ruler
and a successful soldier, who extended the frontiers of his kingdom.
Rām Singh was succeeded by his son, Surja Ballāl Singh, 'one of
the most romantic figures of old Gondwāna. ' Owing to the absence
of any written record it is impossible to say precisely at what period
he reigned. The early part of the fifteenth century has been as-
signed as his date, but it appears to be at least as likely that he
lived early in the fourteenth century. The romantic circumstances
of his supposed visit to Delhi need not be recorded here, but it is
probable that he visited that city, though the fact has not been
deemed worthy of mention by any trustworthy historian. From
the absence of any such mention it may be inferred that the Gond
story of his rendering the king of Delhi an important service by
capturing the fortress of a Rājput named Mohan Singh which the
Muslim officers had failed to take is fiction, as is also the story that
the king rewarded him for the exploit with the title of Shāh, which
no Muslim king of Delhi would have conferred. It is certain, how-
ever, that Surja Ballāl and all who succeeded him on the throne of
Chānda used this title, in the form 'Sāh,' and it appears that Surja
Ballāl, who was known after his visit to Delhi as Sher Sāh Ballāl
Sāh, assumed it in imitation of the king of Delhi. Surja Ballāl
was succeeded by his son Khāndkia Ballāl Sāh, who suffered from
some disease which caused tumours and swellings on his body.
Seeking a healthier capital than Sirpur he built the town of Bal.
lālpur on the opposite side of the river. While hunting he acci-
dentally discovered near the site on which Chānda stands a pool
of water in a river bed, having drunk and washed himself
in the water, ſound his disease alleviated. It was decided that the
spot was the resting place of the great god Achaleshwar, the
'
Immovable One,' and Khāndkia, having been perfectly restored to
health by further use of the water, built a new capital near the
site, naming it Chandrapur, or Chānda (the Moon City). Its walls
were completed by his son and successor, Hir Sāh, who induced or
compelled his subjects to undertake the cultivation of fixed holdings
and constructed many reservoirs for irrigation. His revenue from
the land was assessed on the ploughs employed. He also built the
citadel and the palace of Chānda, parts of which still stand. Of
Hir Sāh it is recorded that he paid no tribute to any foreign king,
>
## p. 538 (#588) ############################################
538
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
(CH. XX
from which statement it may be inferred that his predecessors had
paid tribute, probably to the Bahmani kings of the Deccan, but
the relations between that kingdom and the southern Gond state
are most obscure. The king of Chānda were not, like those of
Kherla, drawn into the disputes between the kings of the Deccan
and their northern neighbours, and seem wisely to have avoided
such entanglements; but when Firūz Shāh, the eighth king of the
Bahmani dynasty, marched northwards, in 1399 or 1400, to punish
Narsinga of Kherla for having invaded Berar, the fortress of Māhūr
was held by a 'misbeliever,' probably a Gond from Chānda who
had joined Narsing ; but he was permitted to retain the command
of the fortress a governor on behalf of Firūz, on making submis-
sion? . The same governor was again in rebellion in 1424, and in the
following year Ahmad Shāh, the successor of Fīrūz, dealt with him in
the manner already described. Continuing his march northwards
Ahmad found the fortress of Kalam in the hands of a Gond chief,
whom he slew or expelled, and then led a raid into Gondwāna. He
probably crossed the Wardha on this occasion, and, if so, this is the
only recorded instance of the invasion of the Chānda kingdom by
a Muslim king.
Hir Sāh was succeeded by his two sons, Bhima and Lokbā, who
reigned jointly until they were succeeded by Kārn Sāh, the son of
one of them, who embraced and propagated the Hindu religion
and substituted the regular administration of justice for the primi-
tive system under which each man avenged his own wrongs.
Kārn Sāh was succeeded by his son, Bābāji Ballāl Sāh, who
recovered the fortress of Bairāgarh and is mentioned in the Āin-i.
Akbari3 as being able to place in the field 1000 horse and 40,000
foot. He paid no tribute.
The Gond language possesses no written characters, and a high
standard of civilization could hardly exist at the courts of the four
Gond kingdoms, but the kings were not mere barbarians. Their
architecture proves their taste, and if they possessed no native
literature many were enlightened enough to
to encourage Hindu
letters. The northern kingdom, Garha-Mandla, was rich, the rajas
of Deogarh and Kherla were warlike, but none could compare with
the greatness of the southern kingdom. Unlike the other Gond
kingdoms, the house of Chānda seems to have had a long succession
of good and intelligent rulers, who resisted the natural temptations
to inner striſe and intrigue which brought destruction to the other
kingdoms'.
1 See ante, p. 390.
2 See antte, p. 399.
3 Vol. ii, pp. 230, 232.
## p. 539 (#589) ############################################
CHAPTER XXI
BURMA A. D. 1287–1531. THE PERIOD OF
SNĀH IMMIGRATION
.
The Great Khān accepted the conquest of Pagān, described
in volume 11, as an accomplished fact, and for the next two and a
half centuries the princelets who ruled the various parts of Burma
frequently held authority under the Chinese seal. Technically they
were Chinese governors ; actually they were the native chieftains
who would have ruled there in any case and they did as they
pleased.
Since the Nanchao barrier states were henceforth the Chinese
province of Yunnan, the road lay open and there was no longer
any impediment to communication with China. That being so, we
should expect a inarked advance in Burmese culture. What we
actually witness is a decline. The great palace vanished, and in
its stead were several squabbling little courts of which the most
important were Āva, Pegū, and Toungoo. Religion languished,
and though pagodas continued to be built, none of them can com-
pare with even the lesser temples of Pagān. When at length the
darkness lifts, it is from the opposite direction to China that two
rays of light appear: one a religious revival from Ceylon, the other
the birth of vernacular literature.
Yet it was not the Tartars who destroyed the overlordship of
Pagān. They did not wish to upset existing conditions, and gave
the dynasty every support in re-establishing itself. It was washed
away by a wave of migration which was beyond the control of a
purely dynastic government. What we are now to witness is not
so much a series of internal squabbles as a racial movement affect-
ing all Indo-China : the Shāns swarm south, east, and west. In 1229
they founded the Āhom kingdom of Assam along the Brāhmaputra
river ; about the same time they made themselves felt in Tenas-
serim, and in 1350 they founded the kingdom of Siam-Siam is the
same word as Shān, and she is simply the greatest of Shān states. In
Burma they overran the entire country, swamping Burman and
Talaing alike. To-day they are most numerous race in Indo-
China, numbering eighteen millions? .
1Cochrane, 'The Shāns ; Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shān States.
## p. 540 (#590) ############################################
540
( CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287-1531
(a) Ava 1287-1555
Aſter killing his father, Thihathu proceeded to kill such of his
brothers as were in reach, in accordance with that Massacre of the
Kinsmen which convention permitted to a Burmese king at his
accession'. As the Tartars were in occupation of the north, he
went south and tried to establish himself in the Delta, but was
killed whilst besieging Pegū which was held by its rebellious gover-
nor, Tarabya.
The surviving son Kyawswa (1287-98) returned to Pagān, where
he paid annual tribute to China and in 1297 sent his son to receive
investiture from the Emperor himself as prince of the Upper Burma
state. This state, which lasted till 1555, ran from Myedu in Shwebo
district to below Prome, and from Laungshe in Pakokku district to
Kyaukse.
At the same time as he invested Kya wswa, the Emperor sent a
seal to Athinhkaya as prince of Myinsaing in the Kyaukse district ;
Hsenwi had been similarly recognised in 1. 89, and Mohnyinº in
1296. Athinhkaya was the eldest of the Three Shān Brothers (1298-
1324) who now became the real rulers of Upper Burna ; the second
;
was Yazāthinkyan, chief of Mokkayā ; the youngest Thihathu, chief
of Pinle. Their towns, all in the Kyaukse district, command passes
into the Shān hills and were exactly where a chieftain ruling hill
and plain would fix his stronghold - to command the plain and
afford easy escape to his ancestral highlands. They were the sons
of a hill chief who, owing to some feud, had Red to Myinsaing,
where there was already a Shān colony ; his daughter married no
less a person than a son of the Pagān dynasty, so that the family
gained ſavour at court and were entrusted with the administration
of the Kyaukse canals. When the dynasty fell, they had every
temptation to be disloyal, for, being in charge of the great canals
and rice fields, they controlled the food supplies of the palace. In
1298 they plotted with the queen dowager, lured Kyawswa into a
new monastery which they had built, and forced him to take the
robe and dwell there under guard. They then reported to Yunnan
that it had been necessary to dispose him because he was asking for
armed assistance from Chiengmai and had intercepted envoys whom
the new Talaing state of Pegu was sending to Yunnan. Finally they kill-
ed himº; at his death he said :'None of my ancestors was ever executed
1 See Harvey, History of Burma, p. 338. 2Parker, ‘Précis'.
3 He merges with Minrekyawswa to form the Minkyawswa Nai spirit ;
Temple, Thirty Seven Nats, p. 56.
## p. 541 (#591) ############################################
XXI ]
THE THREE SHĀN BROTHERS
541
with the sword. Either throw me into the river or strangle me';
so they strangled and cremated him and cast his remains into the
Irrawaddy? They killed also his son, his monk and principal
followers, and seized the harem.
Survivors of the dynasty appealed to Yunnan. The Yünnan
commandant obtained the Emperor's sanction, and with 12,000
men besieged the Brothers in three walled towns at Myinsaing.
On their walls the Brothers mounted balistae, and in one assault the
Tartars lost 500 men from the arrows blocks of stone, and beams
which rained down on the stormers. Finding the climate hot and
malarious, the Chinese accepted the bribe, 800 taels (63 lb. ) of gold
and 2200 taels (183 lb) of silver, and withdrew to Yunnan after let.
ting their men help on the Kyaukse irrigation works, constructing
the Thindwe canal. This is the end of Chinese interference in
Burma resulting from the expedition of 1287.
Whether Pagān had hitherto been fertile or not? , it was certainly
unfertile now, and the soil of the Myingyan district assumed its
present desolate and barren aspect. Denudation of the forests to
provide fuel for pagoda bricks had doubtless lessened the rainfall, and
extersive irrigation at Kyaukse
at Kyaukse might attract rainfall thither
from Pagān.
Crops grow there, but not in such quantity as to
supply a city of 50,000 inhabitants who eat rice. Probably this
was the reason, in addition to the belief that the luck of the site
was exhausted, which now led to the removal of the palace from
Pagān.
There was rice in the Delta but it was far away and the Delta
was now under a hɔstile chief. There was rice in Kyaukse, but the
capital could not be put there, so far from the country's own high-
way, the Irrawaddy. It was necessary to find a site which should
be on the Irrawaddy and accessible to the rice of Kyaukse. The
obvious site was Ava, in the Sagaing district, where the Myitnge
river brought down the grain boats from Kyaukes. But as the
omens were adverse to Āva, Thihathu, the surviving Shān Brother,
in 1312 set up his palace at Pinya, a bad site near by, for which the
omens were favourable.
The Pagān dynasty continued to exist as myosa (governors)
of Pagān until 1369 and then ceased save where it had merged, on
1 For the taboo on shedding royal blood, and the convention whereby princes
were drowned, see Harvey, History of Burma, p. 339.
2 Huber, ‘Fin de la dynastie de Pagan' in Bulletin de l'Ecle Francaise d'Extreine
Orient, 1909.
3 Mekenzie, 'Climate in Burmese History' in Journal of the Burma Research
Society, 1913,
## p. 542 (#592) ############################################
542
[CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287–1531
:
>
the distaff side, with the lineage of the Shān Brothers. The only
specific mention of the Ari' after their overthrow by Anawrahta is
that Sawyun, lord of Sagaing, a son of Thihathu, in 1314 enume.
rated Ari among his armed retainers ; apparently they were like the
warrior abbots of contemporary Christendom.
Even in its limited area the Upper Burma state was loosely knit,
towns such as Sagaing, Sagu and Taungdwingyi doing as they
pleased. The confusion was something more than brigandage : it
was the result of a racial movement, nothing less than the Shān
migration into the plains of Burma. In 1364 the Maw (Mogaung)
Shāns took Sagaing and Pinya, carrying off the princes, the white
elephants, and numbers of the townsfolk. To escape being driven
off in Shān raiders' slave gangs, the population of Upper Burma
took to migrating to Toungoo.
After the Maw Shāns had departed, Thadominbya (1364–8), one
of the Sagaing fansily, killed off such of his kinsmen as stood in his
way there and at Pinya, drained the swamps round Āva, and built
the town. It was usually the Burmese capital for the next five
centuries ; till two generations ago the English, like the Chinese,
referred to Burmah as Āva, and for the Shāns the king of Burma
was to the end 'The Lord of the Golden Palace at Āva'. On his
mother's side Thadominbya was descended from the Three Shān
Brothers, and his father was a Shān notable who claimed descent
from the primitive Pyusawti lineage. His habits were sufficiently
primitive-thus, after killing a Toungoo rebel he ate a meal on the
corpse's chest. Whilst trying to subject Sugu he was seized with
small-pox. As he lay dying, a pagan who had no respect for Buddh.
ism, he told an officer to return to the palace and kill his queen
lest she should pass to his successor. The officer entered the palace
and told her his errand so she then and there married him. As part
of the regalia she had already been queen to four successive chiefs
of Pinya, and her union with the officer raised him to the throne.
The pair massacred the royal kinsmen but the ministers would not
accept them and hawked round the crown until finally Minkyiswas.
awke accepted it.
Minkyiswasawke (1368 - 1401) was descended from the union of
the Shān sister with the son of the Pagān dynasty, and as a child
1 Douroiselle, 'The Ari of Burma and Tantric Buddhism' in Annual Report of the
Archaeological Survey of India, 1915-16.
2 For Maw, Mogaung, Pong, etc. , see Harvey's History of Burma, p. 322.
3 For the custom whereby queens passed to the next king, see Harvey's History of
Burma, p. 324.
## p. 543 (#593) ############################################
XXI ]
THE KINGDOM OF ĀVA
543
he had been carried off into captivity with his father, the lord of
Thayetmyo, when Minhti, king of Arakan, raided it in 1333. On
his release he became thūgyi (village headman) of Amyin in the
Sagaing district and on becoming king he made an Arakanese
monk his primate. He built the Zidaw weir in Kyaukse district
and repaired the embankment of Meiktila lake.
Laukpya, lord of Myaungmya, hated his nephew Razadarit, and
when Razadarit succeeded to the throne of Pegū in 1385, Laukpya
wrote to Minkyiswasawke offering to hold Pegů as a vassal if Minky-
iswasawke would help him to oust Razadarit. This started a war
between Upper and Lower Burma which lasted till 1422. The
fighting was almost entirely in the Delta and probably the war
was a war of migration, Shān saturation of Upper Burma being
sufficiently complete for Āva to swarm down on Pegū. The Burmese
advance base was Prome, and their usual line of advance was down
the Hlaing river to Dāgon (Rangoon), sometimes with another
string of levies going down the Sittang valley from Toungoo. With
them marched contingents from allied states, Mohnyin, Kale, and
Yawnghwe ; indeed, the Talaing chronicles sometimes refer to the
invaders as simply 'the Shāns. ' Their total strength would usually
be some 12,000 and the advance took place every year or so, both
sides going home for the rains (June-November). The invaders
would sit down in large stockades, and sally forth headhunting and
slave raiding, sometimes besieging Hmawbi, Dalla, Dāgon (Rangoon),
and other towns, or being besieged themselves. Occasionally some
determined leader would bring about a battle, but the casualties
mentioned are seldom a decimal per cent of the numbers engaged,
and it is difficult to avoid the impression that most of the fighting
was of the type not uncommon in mediaeval countries when there
was as much shouting as killing and the wretched villagers were
the chief sufferers.
In addition to raiding the Delta, Āva had to defend herself
against attacks from the Shān hill states and sometimes they tried
to get her to join in their own quarrels. Thus in 1371 the sawbwas
(chiefs) of Kale and Mohnyin each asked Minkyiswasawke to help
oust the other, promising to become tributary in return, but he let
them exhaust each other, and thus secured a nominal supremacy
over both for a few years. But in 1373 Mohnyin raided the frontier
at Myedu in Shwebo district and the king had so much trouble that
in 1383 he sent an embassy to Yunnan. China thereupon graciously
appointed him governor of Āva and ordered Mohnyin to behave,
But Mohnyin in 1393 ravaged up to the walls of Sagaing.
## p. 544 (#594) ############################################
544
[CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287–1531
In 1374 Arakan was distracted with civil war and some of the
people asked Minkyiswasawke to send them a king; he sent them
his uncle, Sawmungyi. Sawmungyi ruled well, and on his death a
few years later the Arakanese asked Minkyiswasawke to select a
successor. Minkyiswasawke sent one of his sons but this son
oppressed the people and soon fled to Āva.
Finding Pyānchs, chief of Toungoo, becoming friendly with Pegū
in 1377, Minkyiswasawke told his brother, the lord of Prome, to
inveigle Pyānchi into a visit and kill him. The king's brother wrote
to Pyānchi : 'Come and marry your son to my daughter. Pyānchi
accepted the invitation and came with his son to Prome where,
during the night, his host did him to death and seized his retinue
with much booty. The king rewarded this exploit with rich presents.
and the chroniclers' who record the incident describe him as a
king with a most upright heart. He died in the odour of sanctity
at the age of 70 and after some palace murders was succeeded by
a younger son, Minhkaung.
Minhkaung (1401--22) had been married by his father to a
daughter presented by the chief of the Maw Shāns during a friendly
mood about the same time as Razadarit put to death his own son,
Ban lawkyantaw. A year later during her first pregnancy, she longed
for strange food from the Delta, and the family asked Razadarit,
though a foe, to send some. Razadarit consulted his ministers and
they perceived that the unborn child was Bawlawkyantaw himself
taking flesh again according to his dying prayer ; they sent mangoes
from Dalla and other food, having bewitched it.
The child, prince Minrekyawswa, born in 1391, was already
campaigning at the age of thirteen; he accompanied the 1404
expedition which, in retaliation for an Arakanese raid on Yaw and
Laungshe in the Pakokku district, marched over to the An Pass and
occupied Launggyet while the raja, Narameikhla, fled to Bengal.
The Burmese left behind as regent Anawrahtaminsaw, to whom next
year
sent a bride aged thirteen, sister to Minrekyawswa,
together with the five regalia (white umbrella, yaktail, crown, sword,
sandals).
In 1406 the Burmese overran Mohnyin and killed the chief ;
China expostulated and they withdrew, as they would doubtless
have done in any case. In 1407 they sent an embassy to Yunnan.
In 1413 the northern Shān state of Hsenni ravaged the Āva villages
was
1 Hmannan, Vol. i, pp. 420, 440.
2 Parker, ' Précis'; Huber, 'Une ambassade chinoise en Birmanie en 1406' in
Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, 1934.
## p. 545 (#595) ############################################
XXI )
ÅVA AND PEGŰ
545
and sent some prisoners to Pekin, but Minrekyawswa shattered
the Hsenwi host at Wetwin near Maymyo, killing their leader in
single combat. In 1414 Hsenwi again raided Āva at the instigation
of Razadarit, whose envoys travelled viā Chiengmai carrying a con-
siderable weight of gold as an inducement.
Taking advantage of the usual palace troubles which attended
Minhkaung's accession, Razadarit made several raids, and in 1406
he came up the Irrawaddy river. It is characteristic of Burmese
warſare that though he failed to reduce the Burmese garrisons at
Prome, Myede and Pagān, he simply left them in his rear, pressed
on to Sagaing, and camped there, raising the white umbrella and
beating his drums in triumph. There was only the palace guard
in Āva, and although there were plenty of men in the villages, it
was not possible to summon them with the Talaings surrounding
the city. Taken at a loss, Minhkaung called a great council. Nobody
dared speak, for there was nothing to be said. But at last an
eminent monk of Pyinya came forward saying he had eloquence
enough to persuade any king in the universe. Minhkaung con-
sented, and the monk went forth riding a tall elephant with a
golden howdah, attended by 300 thadinthon (fasting elders) robed
in white, 300 old men bearing gifts, and many elephants loaded
with silks and rich presents. They met Razadarit on his great
barge and the monk spoke holy words on the sin of bloodshed
while Razadarit inclined his ear. He could not reduce a walled
town, he could not remain for ever in a hostile country, and he
consented to withdraw; he even rebuked his men for taking the
heads of forty pagoda slaves.
On returning home, Razadarit besieged Prome, and when
Minhkaung came down to relieve it, defeated him so severely
that he sued for terms. The two kings swore eternal friendship,
mounting the steps of the Shwehsandaw pagoda, Prome, together
hand in hand, and entering into a marriage alliance. Razadarit
granted Minhkaung the customs revenue of Bassein ; this, and the
fact that throughout the fifteenth century Tharrawaddy was subject
to Prome and was held by a governor who was appointed, at least
nominally, by Āva, suggest that one cause of the fighting was the
need of Āva to trade along the Irrawaddy river as far south as
possible.
But in 1407 Razadarit, having intercepted a letter from Minh-
kaung asking Chiengmai to join him in attacking Pegū and share
the booty, supported a fugitive Arakanese prince, son of Nara-
meikhla ; the prince marched into Arakan, gathering strength
;
35
C. HI. III.
## p. 546 (#596) ############################################
546
( CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287 - 1531
a
from his fellow countrymen as he went, occupied Launggyet, and
captured the Burmese garrison, 3000 strong Anawrahtaminsawi
was executed and his little queen, Sawpyechantha, passed into
Razadarit's harem.
The news so enraged Minhkaung that he insisted on invading
the Delta in the rains, with the natural result that he was severely
defeated at Pankyaw, north of Pegū. He fled to Āva, leaving his
men to be cut to pieces and his Maw Shān queen’ to be captured ;
she joined her daughter Sawpyechantha in Razadarit's harem.
Now that both his mother and sister were captives, Minre-
kyawswa became a fiend. “As a crocodile eats his victims, so will
I rend the flesh of the Talaings,' he said'. His father Minhkaung
went no more to war, for his nerves were shattered after the fight
at Pankyaw. But Minrekywswa took charge. Year after year he
carried fire and sword into the hapless Delta, defeating all comers,
deporting the population wholesale, and making life so unbearable
that in Myaungmya and Bassein men dared not work their fields,
and in 1415 the whole west side paid him homage. Things came
to such a pass that a hundred Talaings would run at sight of
a couple of Shān-Burmans.
But in 1417 the vengeful re-incarnation of Bawlawkyantaw came
to an end. Razadarit, trusting to Minrekyawswa's impetuosity, lured
him out of his camp at Dalla until he was separated from his men,
and dashed out on him at the head of some thirty Talaing lords on
elephants. Minrekyawswa's elephant, maddened by a hundred gashes,
shook him off and crushed his thigh ; he crawled away under a bush,
but was found and taken to Razadarit's camp. There he repelled
Razadarit's chivalrous advances and died during the night, uttering
hatred with his last breath. He is now worshipped as the Minky.
awswa spirit.
At the news of his death, the Burmese Delta garrisons fled in
panic, and the war soon came to an end, for men were weary:
Minhkaung, broken-hearted at his brave son's death, spent his
declining years in piety ; the Ari-gyi-do-ahnwe (descendants of
the great Ari) frequented his palace and drank there, sometimes
10 such
excess that they had to be carried back to their
monasteries.
1 He is worshipped at the Shwenawrahta Nat spirit ; Temple, Thirty-Seven Nats,
P. 56.
2 She is worshipped as the Anaukmibaya Nat spirit; Temple, Thirty-Seven Nats,
p. 56.
3 Hmannan, Vol. ii, p. 12. The Burmese used to eat portions of the flesh of
their prisoners of war alive, ad terrorem; see Harvey, History of Burma, p. 298.
## p. 547 (#597) ############################################
*x1 )
NICOLO DE CONTI
547
He was succeeded by his son Thihathu (1422-26), who took his
father's queen
Shin-Bo-me and was so fond of her that his first wife
retired into religion. But during a raid on the Delta he did so
much damage that the Talaing chief presented him with his sister
Shinsawbu to buy him off; he brought her to Āva and crowned
her queen consort in great state, so Shin-Bo-me had him assassi-
nated. The court set up his nine-year-old son ; Shin-Bo-me poisoned
him and brought in a cousin of the royal house, Kalekyetaungnyo
(1426-27), and when he was supplanted by a kinsman she married
the kinsman Mohnyinthado (1427-40); this was her fifth crowned
consort, but she died childless. Mohnyinthado's reign was spent in
striving, with tolerable success, 10 retain his throne against the
principal fiel-holders and the Shān states of Hsipaw and Yawnghwe ;
Hsipaw once drove him out of his palace for eight months, with-
drawing only on payment of a large sum. It was in his reign that
the first European wandered into Burma-Nicolo de' Conti, a mer-
chant of Venice ; Conti visited Tenasserim, Mrohaung and Āva. His
notel is brief, but its references to the white elephant, to tattooing
the thighs, and to what he imagined was a prayer to the Trinity
(the Buddhist invocation of the 'Three names of Refuge'), suggest
that Burmese civilisation was then the same as in the nineteenth
century.
Mohnyinthado's sons, Minrekyawswa (1440—43) and Narapati
(1443—69), overran Kale and Mohnyin for a time, and captured
the Maw Shān chief Thonganbwa when he was being hard pressed
by Yunnan. Narapati refused to surrender him and in 1445 drove
off the Yunnan levies at Kaungton in the Bhamo district. But
when in 1446 they appeared in strength before Āva, he yielded,
Thonganbwa committed suicide, so only his dead body could be given
up; the Chinese removed the intestines, dried the body in the sun
and at the fire, thrust an iron spit through it and took it away.
In 1451 they sent Narapati a golden seal as governor of Āva,
and in 1454 they gave him some Shān territory in return for the
surrender of a Mohnyin chief. At this time China enumerated in
and near Burma eight states held by what she was pleased to con-
sider her 'comforters' or governors, of which five can be identified-
Āva, Kenghung, Hsenwi, Pegū, and the country round Viengchang.
Narapati was succeeded by his son Thihathura (1469-81), who
fought Toungoo, Pegū, Prome and Yawnghwe. In 1474 he and his
Major, India in the Fifteenth Century.
2 Hmannan, Vol. ii, p. 97 ; Parker, Burma, relations with China, p. 44, and ‘Précis',
Pemberton, Report on Eastern Frontier, pp. 111-12.
35-2
## p. 548 (#598) ############################################
548
[CH.
BURMA A. D.
1287-1531
queen made their hair into a broom, studded the handle with gems
and sent it to sweep the floor of the Temple of the Tooth at Kandy
in Ceylon'. In 1472 he asked China to give him Mohnyin. China
warned Mohnyin not to obstruct the road between China and
Burma, but she would not give his territory to Āva, as he had done
nothing to merit eviction. Mohnyin remained on good terms with
the Chinese frontier eunuch, presenting him with a jewelled girdle.
Jewels also helped the expansion of Momeik, the ruby mine
state ; founded in 1238, the town was part of Hsenwi but in 1420
it received thirteen villages as a reward for helping Yunnan to
raid Chiengmai. In 1465 its chieftainess Nang-han-lung sent ruby
tribute separately from Hsenwi and her present of jewels com-
pletely won over the frontier eunuch. She even tried to ally herself
with Annam. She seized most of Hsenwi, and when China remon-
strated, she said : ‘Momeik is the baby elephant which has outgrown
the mother elephant Hsenwi and can never enter the womb again,'
and as, in addition to talking, she presented more rubies to the
enquiring officers, they reported sympathetically on her case and
she was leſt in possession.
Conceivably the continuance of Chinese interest in Burma is
due to the fact that after Kubla Khan's dynasty (1206—1368) had
passed away, China lost control of the route across Asia to Europe.
She had to look for other outlets, and the trade route down the
Irrawaddy was perhaps one of them. Chinese porcelain of the
Afteenth century had been found in the bed of the Bassein river
near Negrais, and it is recorded that in 1450 the chief of Āva gave
to a favourite 'the Chinese customs revenue,' probably Yunnan
frontier tolls.
Hitherto writing had been in Pali and Sanskrit but in this
age vernacular literature makes its appearance. Its rise exposes
the inadequacy of our material-pagoda inscriptions and court
chronicles which, in their present form, are not even contemporary.
a
1 Religious missions with Ceylon are also mentioned in 1430 and 1456. The Tooth
had been at Kandy since 1286. Gerson da Cunha, Memoir of the History of the
Tooth Relic of Ceylon' in Journal of the Bombay branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1875,
gives the history of the Tooth. The silver gilt caskets in which it now rests are not
unlike a Burmese pagoda in shape ; the metal of which they are made and the
gems which encrust them are largely Burmese.
2 For Chinese sea trade, see Chau Ju-kua ; Mayer's 'Chinese Explorations of the
Indian Ocean during the Fiftecnth Century' in China Review, Vol. iii; Rockhill,
'Trade of China with the Coast of the Indian Ocean during the Fifteenth Century'
in T‘oung Pao, 1914 1915.
3 Report of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey Burma, 1915, p. 35.
4 Hmannan Vol. ii, p. 99.
4
## p. 549 (#599) ############################################
XXI )
BURMESE LITERATURE
549
Away from the track of the chiefs and their rabble, people were
probably happy enough, and in many a monastery life must have
been calın and beautiful. As is usual in secluded countries, Bur-
mese literature is narrow in range and, though quite voluminous
according to mediaeval standards, small in quantity. It shows litile
development and no improvement has been made on the earliest
poets. The prose consists largely of translations and paraphrases
from scripture stories. The verse is more original and includes
minor poetry of a high order but the condensation of its style and
the obscurity of its dialect militate against its having a wide appeal.
The usually accepted view, that the following are the first vernacular
writers, is probably correct, but the finish of their style indicates
that the vernacular had been practised for some generations pre-
viously. The earliest writers are three monks, Shin Uttamagyaw,
Shin Thilawuntha, and Shin Maharattathara. Shin Uttamagyaw,
the author of Tawla, a celebrated poem, was a valued councellor
in the Ava palace. He was born on the same day as Shin Thilaw-
Āva
untha (1453—1520) and together they entered a monastery school
at Taungdwingyi, Magwe district. Shin Thilawuntha was expelled
for writing Paramiganpyo, as the monk considered poetry sinſul ;
he continued writing in a fine monastery built for him at Āva
by the chief, Minhkaung (1401—22); Yazawing gaw, the earliest
chronicle extant, is his ; it is a disappointing work, for instead
of recording what went on round him-it would have been an
invaluable picture-he merely reproduced scriptural traditions.
Shin Maharattathara (1468-1529), a descendant of the Thihathu,
the Shān Brother, wrote, Koganpyo and other poems. Probably
it is in this period that Yaweshinhtwe lived ; she was a maid of
honour and wrote verse on the 55 styles of hairdressing used by
maids of honour in the Āva palace, styles some of which are still
in popular use.
Thihathura was succeeded by his son Minhkaung (1481—1502),
who, hearing that Bimbisara, the king of Buddha's period, had
raised his son to the throne as joint king, decided to follow the
precedent, gave his son the white umbrella, and shared the throne
with him. He was continually attacked by Hanthawaddy and
Prome in the south, and by the Shāns above Shwebo in the north.
When his vassal of Toungoo was assassinated, he recognised the
assassin as king, sending him the white umbrella, an act which
the 1829 chroniclers cite as an instance of statesmanship.
He was succeeded by his younger son Shwenankyawshin (1502-
1 Hmannan, Vol. ii, pp. 127, 185,
## p. 550 (#600) ############################################
550
[CH
BURMA A. D. 1287 - 1531
27), as the elder son, the joint king, had died. Shwenankyawshin
already had a wife whose sister was consort to the dead joint king;
yet now, on coming to the throne, it was not his own wife, but the
joint king's widow, who became his chief queen, as she was already
part of the regalia. His life was attempted by kinsmen who fled to
Toungoo. He thereupon gave his daughter in marriage to Minkyinyo
of Toungoo with the villages from Kyaukse to Toungoo as dowry;
he was giving his daughter to the harbourer of his assassins, and in
giving away the rice area of Kyaukse he was giving away his crown.
But he could not help himself-Prome and Salin were in revolt,
Mohnyin was attacking the Shwebo border, and his own brothers
were in the field against him. In 1527 Mohnyin encamped under
the walls of Āva, the Shāns in the Āva garrison deserted to him,
and Shwenankyawshin fell fighting on his elephant. The population
fled in large numbers to Toungoo.
Mohnyin set up his son Thohanbwa (1527–43) as king in Āva.
learned no wisdom in adversity, and his insolence and arrogance
towards his nobles culminated in a blow inflicted in open court on
Karamchand of Ajmer, his father's protector and benefactor. On
the following day the nobles put the unworthy prince to death and,
dreading the rule of a minor at such a critical period, persuaded
Banbir Singh, natural son of Prithvi Rāj, Sangrama's younger
brother, to mount the throne. Banbir immediately sought the liſe
of the infant, Udai Singh, but he was saved by a faithful nurse, who
carried him off, and, after some vicissitudes, delivered him to Āsā
Sāh, governor of Kümbhalgarh, who ensured his safety by passing
him off as his nephew, and for three years kept the secret of his
presence with him. The rumour at length spread that the son of
Sangrama was at Kumbhalgarh, and the nobles of Mewār
assembled there to do him homage. The pretensions of the bastard,
Banbir, had offended them, and all deserted him. He still held the
capital, but his ministers admitted a thousand of the adherents of
the legitimate prince, and he was deposed, and Udai Singh was
enthroned in 1537.
The foundation of Jaisalmer by Rāwal Jaisal, the Bhāti, has been
mentioned. The Jādons, or Bhātis, yet occupy their home in the
desert. The Rāthors were gaining power in the land of Kher, the
desert of the west, and the Jādons found them troublesome neigh-
bours, rapacious and unscrupulous. Rāwal Chāchakdeo grandson
of Jaisal, who reigned from 1219 to 1241, made preparations to
chastise them, but their leaders conciliated him by giving him a
daughter to wife. Karan Singh I, who reigned from 1241 to 1271,
espoused the cause of a Hindu living near Nāgaur, whose only
daughter had been abducted by Muzaffar Khān, the Muslim ruler
or governor of that district, and defeated and slew the Khān and
three thousand of his men.
1 Sec ante, p. 330.
34-2
## p. 532 (#582) ############################################
532
[CH.
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
The annals of Jaisalmer record a siege of the city by the troops
of 'Alā-ud-din Khalji of Delhi, which lasted for eight years, from
1286 to 1295. 'Alā-ud-din did not ascend the throne of Delhi until
1296, and no such siege as that sung by the bards ever took place.
The account of the performance of the rite of jauhar, and of the
death of 24,000 women in the flames, is detailed and circumstantial.
Three thousaud eight hundred Rājput warriors rushed on the foe;
Mülrāj III, the Jādon chief, and seven hundred of his kin ſell, and
Jaisalmer was occupied by a Muslim garrison which, after holding
the place for two years, dismantled it and retired.
It is impossible to connect this legend with any historical event,
but it may possibly be a wilful perversion of the defeat of the
Já dons by the Rāthors, for the annals proceed to relate that after
the retirement of the Muslim garrison Māloji Rāthor, chief of Mewa,
made preparations for occupying and colonizing the deserted city,
but was expelled by the Bhāti chiefs, Dūda and Tilak Sirgh, the
former of whom was elected Rāwal, and reigned from 1295 to 1306.
The bards of Jaisalmer, no whit inferior to those of other states in
imagination, thus describe the end of Dūda's reign, 'He even ex-
tended his raids to Ajmer, and carried off the stud of Firūz Shāh
from the Anasāgar (lake), where they were accustomed to be
,
watered. This indignity provoked another attack upon Jaisalmer,
attended with the same disastrous results. Again the sakha was
performed, in which sixteen thousand females were destroyed ; and
Dūda, with Tilak Singh and seventeen hundred of the clan, fell in
battle, after he had occupied the gaddi ten years. This statement
is quoted merely in order to display the shameless mendacity of the
bardic annals. Firūz Shāh was Jalāl-ud-din Firuz Khalji, the uncle
and predecessor of 'Alā-ud-din, who is said to have taken Jaisalmer
in the previous year. It may be one more perversion of a defeat at
the hands of the Rāthors.
Jaisalmer was again restored by Ghar Singh, who is said to have
received it in fee from the king of Delhi for services rendered
against Tīmūr, who did not invade India until nearly a century
aſter this time, but if any such services were rendered the occasion
was perhaps, as conjectured by Lt. Col. Tod, one of the many
irruptions of the Mughuls which took place at this period. Ghar
Singh was assassinated in 1335, and was succeeded by his adopted
son, Kehar Singh. Kehar Singh's third son, Kailan, involved the
Jaisalmer state in hostilities with the kingdom of Multān by estab-
lishing himself on the northern bank of the Sutlej, where he is said
## p. 533 (#583) ############################################
xx)
GWALIOR
533
to have founded the town of Kahror. The presence of the Bhātīs
on the Multān side of the river was resented, and Chāchakdeo, who
succeeded to Jaisalmer about 1448, is said to have resided at Marot
in order the more readily to repel raids on his territories from the
direction of Multān. He is credited in the annals of the state with
two victories over the Muslim kings of Multān, besides others over
the Dhundīs, the Rāthors, and even the Khokhars of the Punjab.
He is said to have lost his life in battle with the king of Multan,
but the native annals a most untrustworthy guide, are the only
authority for his exploits. Even these fail us after Chāchakdeo's
reign, and until the time of the Mughul emperors record nothing
but a bare list of names.
The famous fortress of Gwalior was held, at the time of Mahmūd's
incursions into India, by Kachhwāha Rājputs, probably feudatories
of the Chandels of Jijhoti. Mahmūd's siege of the fortress in 1022
has already been noticed, and its strength at that time may per.
haps be gauged by the easy terms on which he raised the siege.
About 1128 the Parihār Rājputs ousted the Kachhwāhas, a scion of
whom established himself in the neighbourhood of Amber. Qutb-
ud-din Aibak captured the fortress, but it was recovered during
the feeble reign of his son, Ārām Shāh, by the Parihār Birbal, or
Māl Deo, whose son, Mangal Bhava Deo, was holding it in 1232,
when Iltutmish attacked it. An account of his siege and capture
of the place has already been given,3 It remained in the hands of
the Muslim until after Timūr's invasion, and was captured, when
the kingdom of Delhi fell to pieces, by the Tomār, Har Singh, and
was successfully defended by his son Bhairon against the attacks of
Mallū in 1492 and 1403". The sieges of Gwalior in 1416, 1427, and
1432 by kings of the Sayyid dynasty were rather expeditions for
the purpose of collecting taxes, or tribute, then serious attempts
to capture the fortress, and the raja could always rid himself of
the invaders by a payment on account, and an illusory promise to
make regular payments in future. In 1423 Hūshang Shāh of Mālwa
attacked the fortress, but raised the siege when the Sayyid, Mubārak
Shāh, marched to its relief.
During the protracted contests in the reign of Buhlūl Lodi
between the kingdoms of Delhi and Jaunpur Man Singh of
Gwalior espoused the cause of the latter, and gave an asylum
to its last king, Husain Shāh, when he was fleeing before his
enemies.
1 In 29° 37' N. and 71° 56' E.
2 See an! e, p. 22,
3 See ante, p. 55.
4 Sec ante, p. 202.
## p. 534 (#584) ############################################
534
(CH.
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
1
Mān Singh profited by the striſe between the Muslims to
extend his dominions, and when Sikandar Lodi, provoked by his
protection of a fugitive rebel, invaded them in 1505 and the follow-
ing years, he did not venture to attack Gwalior itself, but contented
himself with reducing Mandrãel, Utgir, and other fortresses of less
importance, and was eventually recalled from this campaign by
other affairs, but in 1518 his son, Ibrāhīm Lodī, incensed by the
raja's protection of the pretender, Jalal Khān, besieged his
capital, and Vikramāditya or Bikramājīt, the son and successor of
Mān Singh, was compelled to surrender.
Raja Mān Singh, who reigned from 1486 to 1517, enriched
Gwalior with the great palace which crowns the eastern face of
the rock, and earned a name as a patron of music and musicians.
The famous singer, Tân Sen, and the best musicians and singers at
Akbar's court had been trained in the Gwalior school.
The Kachhwāhas of Amber and Jaipur claim descent from the
ancient rajas of Gwalior, of that tribe. Tej Karan, known as Dulha
Rāi, or the Bridegroom prince, who was eighth in descent from
Vajradāman, the first Kachhwāha prince of Gwalior, left that city,
for some undetermined
reason, in charge of his sister's son, a
Parihār, who usurped his throne. Tej Karan married the daughter
of the Bargújar Rājput chief of Daosa, and inherited that princi-
pality, then known as Dhundhār, from the Dhūnd river. Maidal
Rāo, Tej Karan's grandson, took the fortress of Amber from the
Mina chief Bhāto, and made it his capital. Maidal's great-grandson,
Pajūn, married the sister of Prithvi Rāj of Ajmer and Delhi, and
was killed with his brother-in-law at the second battle of Tarāori.
The Amber state, as it was known after the establishment of that
town as the capital, was of little importance until the reign of
Humāyūn. Towards the end of the fourteenth century Udai Karan,
prince of Amber, added the Shekhāwati district to his dominions,
but his house did not otherwise specially distinguish itself.
Gondwāna, the forest region between Berar on the west and
Orissa on the east, was sparsely populated by the Gonds, Dravidians
who had probably migrated northwards from the Deccan, but in
the eleventh century the nothern and eastern tracts of this region,
which were known as Chedi, were ruled by two families of Haihaya
Bans Rājputs who were probably, like the Chandels of Jijhoti,
Hinduized Gonds. One family, which retained its possessions until
it was ousted by the Marāthās, had its capital at Ratanpur, in
the present Bilāspur District; and the other at Tripuri, or Tewar,
1 22° 17' N. , 82° 11' E.
## p. 535 (#585) ############################################
xx)
GOND KİNGDOMS
535
a
about six miles from Jubbulpore. The Haibayas were also known
as the Kālachurīs. Those of Tewar disappeared towards the end of
the twelfth century, being supplanted, as is commonly believed, by
Bāghels of Rewa, but according to Gond tradition by a Gond hero
named Jādū Rāi, said to be the ancester of the Gond dynasty which
was certainly reigning in that region, with its capital at Garha, not
long after that time.
Tradition records the existence of a dynasty of Gāoli, or cowherd
race, of whom nothing certain is known, at Deogarh, the old fortress
which stands twenty-four miles south-west of Chhindwāra. This
dynasty ended with the twin brothers Ransür and Ghansūr, who
reigned jointly, and who befriended a Gond named Jātba. Jātba
eventually slew his master and founded the Gond dynasty which
reigned at Deogarh. The only indication of a date in the legend is
the record of an imaginary visit paid by Akbar to Jātba, and even
tradition is silent as to the history of his successors, of whom hardly
anything is known until the time of Bakht Buland, who was reigning
at Deogarh at the latter end of the seventeenth century.
Rather more than sixty miles west of Deogarh stands the fortress
of Kherla, the foundation of which is attributed to a Rājput
dynasty, whose capital it remained for a long period. The last of
the line, Jaitpal, is said to have been killed ofter a twelve years'
siege by the army of the king of Delhi. No such siege is recorded
by the Muslim historians, but it is possible that the officials first
placed in Berar by 'Alā-ud-din Khalji extinguished the Rājput
dynasty and built the present fort, which appears to be of Muham-
mādan construction. It fell afterwards, probably during the rebel-
lion of the Deccan in the latter years of Muhammad Tughluq's
reign, into the hands of Gonds, who established a dynasty there.
Gond legend assigns a high degree of antiquity to the dynasty
of Southern Gond wāna, the original capital of which is said to have
been Sirpur, near the Pranhitā River, in the "Ādīlābād District of
the Nizām's dominions. Ballālpur, higher up the river and on the
opposite bank, was next selected as the capital, which was moved
almost immediately to the newly founded city of Chānda', where
the Gonds reigned until the dynasty was extinguished by the
Marāthās.
There were thus, when Muslim rule was established both in
Northern and in Southern India, four Gond kingdoms in Gondwāna
northern kingdom with its capital at Garha; two central
kingdoms with their capital at Deogarh and Kherla ; and a
southern kingdom with its capital at Chānda, 'There
1 19° 57' N. , 78° 58' E.
>
-а
are
no
3
## p. 536 (#586) ############################################
536
[CH.
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
materials for a detailed history of these kingdoms during the
period of which we treat. The northern kingdom, known to the
Muslims as Garha-Katanga, from its capital and another town, and
afterwards as Garha Mandla, was extended by Sangram Shāh, who
succeeded about 1480, and developed the little state, consisting
of four districts lying about Garha and Mandla, into a kingdom
containing fifty-four districts, by annexing large portions of the
Narbada valley, the districts now called Sangor and Dāmoh, and
the present state of Bhopāl. He built the fortress of Chaurāgarh,
he enriched his capital with buildings, and he obtained the fair
Durgāvati, daughter of the Chandel raja of Mahoba, as a bride
for his son Dalpat, who succeeded him. The alliance suggests the
origin of the Chandels.
Durgāwati, as regent for her son, Bir Narāyan, earned undying
fame as the defender of his inheritance against the Muslim ruler of
Mālwa and against Akbar, though she perished in the Mughul's
unprovoked attack on the kingdom.
of the history of the neighbouring kingdom of Deogarh nothing
certain, as has been said, is known until the reign of Bakht Buland,
late in the seventeenth century.
OF Kherla more is known. The fortress is situated near the
highway between Hindūstān and the Deccan, and could not fail to
attract attention. The Muslim kings of Deccan refrained from
molesting this state until, in 1398, Narsingh, the Gond raja, taking
advantage of Firuz Shāh's preoccupation with Vijayanagar, and
instigated by the Muslim rulers of Mālwa and Khāndesh, invaded
and ravaged Berar. He was driven out of that province and obliged
to swear ſealty to Firūz. Subsequent relations between the three
states, the Deccan, Mālwa, and Kherla, have been described in
Chapter xv. In the reign of Ahmad Shāh, brother and successor
of Firūz, it was agreed that the allegiance of Kherla should be
transferred to Mālwa, and the king of Mālwa afterwards captured
the fortress and exterminated the Gond dynasty. Kherla appears
in the Āin-i. Akbari as a district in the province of Berar.
of the southern kingdom, Chānda, yet more is known, but what
little certain knowledge we possess is disfigured and obscured by a
rank overgrowth of fiction. Despite the claims to antiquity made
in the legends of this kingdom it seems to have risen on the ruins
of the Vākātaka dynasty, whose capital was probably at Bhāndak,
a village near Chānda, at the end of the eleventh or beginning of
the twelfth century, and the names of nineteen kings who reigned
between that time and 1751, when the Marāthas occupied the
kingdom, have been preserved.
a
## p. 537 (#587) ############################################
xx]
KINGDOM OF CHĀNDA
537
The first was Bhim Ballār, or Ballal, Singh, whose capital was
at Sirpur and his chief stronghold Manikgarh, in the hills of west of
that town. His grandson was Hir Singh, who induced the Gonds
to cultivate the land and introduced a primitive land revenue
system. Hic Singh's grandson, Dinkar Singh, was a patron of
learning, and was succeeded by his son, Rām Singh, a just ruler
and a successful soldier, who extended the frontiers of his kingdom.
Rām Singh was succeeded by his son, Surja Ballāl Singh, 'one of
the most romantic figures of old Gondwāna. ' Owing to the absence
of any written record it is impossible to say precisely at what period
he reigned. The early part of the fifteenth century has been as-
signed as his date, but it appears to be at least as likely that he
lived early in the fourteenth century. The romantic circumstances
of his supposed visit to Delhi need not be recorded here, but it is
probable that he visited that city, though the fact has not been
deemed worthy of mention by any trustworthy historian. From
the absence of any such mention it may be inferred that the Gond
story of his rendering the king of Delhi an important service by
capturing the fortress of a Rājput named Mohan Singh which the
Muslim officers had failed to take is fiction, as is also the story that
the king rewarded him for the exploit with the title of Shāh, which
no Muslim king of Delhi would have conferred. It is certain, how-
ever, that Surja Ballāl and all who succeeded him on the throne of
Chānda used this title, in the form 'Sāh,' and it appears that Surja
Ballāl, who was known after his visit to Delhi as Sher Sāh Ballāl
Sāh, assumed it in imitation of the king of Delhi. Surja Ballāl
was succeeded by his son Khāndkia Ballāl Sāh, who suffered from
some disease which caused tumours and swellings on his body.
Seeking a healthier capital than Sirpur he built the town of Bal.
lālpur on the opposite side of the river. While hunting he acci-
dentally discovered near the site on which Chānda stands a pool
of water in a river bed, having drunk and washed himself
in the water, ſound his disease alleviated. It was decided that the
spot was the resting place of the great god Achaleshwar, the
'
Immovable One,' and Khāndkia, having been perfectly restored to
health by further use of the water, built a new capital near the
site, naming it Chandrapur, or Chānda (the Moon City). Its walls
were completed by his son and successor, Hir Sāh, who induced or
compelled his subjects to undertake the cultivation of fixed holdings
and constructed many reservoirs for irrigation. His revenue from
the land was assessed on the ploughs employed. He also built the
citadel and the palace of Chānda, parts of which still stand. Of
Hir Sāh it is recorded that he paid no tribute to any foreign king,
>
## p. 538 (#588) ############################################
538
NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA
(CH. XX
from which statement it may be inferred that his predecessors had
paid tribute, probably to the Bahmani kings of the Deccan, but
the relations between that kingdom and the southern Gond state
are most obscure. The king of Chānda were not, like those of
Kherla, drawn into the disputes between the kings of the Deccan
and their northern neighbours, and seem wisely to have avoided
such entanglements; but when Firūz Shāh, the eighth king of the
Bahmani dynasty, marched northwards, in 1399 or 1400, to punish
Narsinga of Kherla for having invaded Berar, the fortress of Māhūr
was held by a 'misbeliever,' probably a Gond from Chānda who
had joined Narsing ; but he was permitted to retain the command
of the fortress a governor on behalf of Firūz, on making submis-
sion? . The same governor was again in rebellion in 1424, and in the
following year Ahmad Shāh, the successor of Fīrūz, dealt with him in
the manner already described. Continuing his march northwards
Ahmad found the fortress of Kalam in the hands of a Gond chief,
whom he slew or expelled, and then led a raid into Gondwāna. He
probably crossed the Wardha on this occasion, and, if so, this is the
only recorded instance of the invasion of the Chānda kingdom by
a Muslim king.
Hir Sāh was succeeded by his two sons, Bhima and Lokbā, who
reigned jointly until they were succeeded by Kārn Sāh, the son of
one of them, who embraced and propagated the Hindu religion
and substituted the regular administration of justice for the primi-
tive system under which each man avenged his own wrongs.
Kārn Sāh was succeeded by his son, Bābāji Ballāl Sāh, who
recovered the fortress of Bairāgarh and is mentioned in the Āin-i.
Akbari3 as being able to place in the field 1000 horse and 40,000
foot. He paid no tribute.
The Gond language possesses no written characters, and a high
standard of civilization could hardly exist at the courts of the four
Gond kingdoms, but the kings were not mere barbarians. Their
architecture proves their taste, and if they possessed no native
literature many were enlightened enough to
to encourage Hindu
letters. The northern kingdom, Garha-Mandla, was rich, the rajas
of Deogarh and Kherla were warlike, but none could compare with
the greatness of the southern kingdom. Unlike the other Gond
kingdoms, the house of Chānda seems to have had a long succession
of good and intelligent rulers, who resisted the natural temptations
to inner striſe and intrigue which brought destruction to the other
kingdoms'.
1 See ante, p. 390.
2 See antte, p. 399.
3 Vol. ii, pp. 230, 232.
## p. 539 (#589) ############################################
CHAPTER XXI
BURMA A. D. 1287–1531. THE PERIOD OF
SNĀH IMMIGRATION
.
The Great Khān accepted the conquest of Pagān, described
in volume 11, as an accomplished fact, and for the next two and a
half centuries the princelets who ruled the various parts of Burma
frequently held authority under the Chinese seal. Technically they
were Chinese governors ; actually they were the native chieftains
who would have ruled there in any case and they did as they
pleased.
Since the Nanchao barrier states were henceforth the Chinese
province of Yunnan, the road lay open and there was no longer
any impediment to communication with China. That being so, we
should expect a inarked advance in Burmese culture. What we
actually witness is a decline. The great palace vanished, and in
its stead were several squabbling little courts of which the most
important were Āva, Pegū, and Toungoo. Religion languished,
and though pagodas continued to be built, none of them can com-
pare with even the lesser temples of Pagān. When at length the
darkness lifts, it is from the opposite direction to China that two
rays of light appear: one a religious revival from Ceylon, the other
the birth of vernacular literature.
Yet it was not the Tartars who destroyed the overlordship of
Pagān. They did not wish to upset existing conditions, and gave
the dynasty every support in re-establishing itself. It was washed
away by a wave of migration which was beyond the control of a
purely dynastic government. What we are now to witness is not
so much a series of internal squabbles as a racial movement affect-
ing all Indo-China : the Shāns swarm south, east, and west. In 1229
they founded the Āhom kingdom of Assam along the Brāhmaputra
river ; about the same time they made themselves felt in Tenas-
serim, and in 1350 they founded the kingdom of Siam-Siam is the
same word as Shān, and she is simply the greatest of Shān states. In
Burma they overran the entire country, swamping Burman and
Talaing alike. To-day they are most numerous race in Indo-
China, numbering eighteen millions? .
1Cochrane, 'The Shāns ; Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shān States.
## p. 540 (#590) ############################################
540
( CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287-1531
(a) Ava 1287-1555
Aſter killing his father, Thihathu proceeded to kill such of his
brothers as were in reach, in accordance with that Massacre of the
Kinsmen which convention permitted to a Burmese king at his
accession'. As the Tartars were in occupation of the north, he
went south and tried to establish himself in the Delta, but was
killed whilst besieging Pegū which was held by its rebellious gover-
nor, Tarabya.
The surviving son Kyawswa (1287-98) returned to Pagān, where
he paid annual tribute to China and in 1297 sent his son to receive
investiture from the Emperor himself as prince of the Upper Burma
state. This state, which lasted till 1555, ran from Myedu in Shwebo
district to below Prome, and from Laungshe in Pakokku district to
Kyaukse.
At the same time as he invested Kya wswa, the Emperor sent a
seal to Athinhkaya as prince of Myinsaing in the Kyaukse district ;
Hsenwi had been similarly recognised in 1. 89, and Mohnyinº in
1296. Athinhkaya was the eldest of the Three Shān Brothers (1298-
1324) who now became the real rulers of Upper Burna ; the second
;
was Yazāthinkyan, chief of Mokkayā ; the youngest Thihathu, chief
of Pinle. Their towns, all in the Kyaukse district, command passes
into the Shān hills and were exactly where a chieftain ruling hill
and plain would fix his stronghold - to command the plain and
afford easy escape to his ancestral highlands. They were the sons
of a hill chief who, owing to some feud, had Red to Myinsaing,
where there was already a Shān colony ; his daughter married no
less a person than a son of the Pagān dynasty, so that the family
gained ſavour at court and were entrusted with the administration
of the Kyaukse canals. When the dynasty fell, they had every
temptation to be disloyal, for, being in charge of the great canals
and rice fields, they controlled the food supplies of the palace. In
1298 they plotted with the queen dowager, lured Kyawswa into a
new monastery which they had built, and forced him to take the
robe and dwell there under guard. They then reported to Yunnan
that it had been necessary to dispose him because he was asking for
armed assistance from Chiengmai and had intercepted envoys whom
the new Talaing state of Pegu was sending to Yunnan. Finally they kill-
ed himº; at his death he said :'None of my ancestors was ever executed
1 See Harvey, History of Burma, p. 338. 2Parker, ‘Précis'.
3 He merges with Minrekyawswa to form the Minkyawswa Nai spirit ;
Temple, Thirty Seven Nats, p. 56.
## p. 541 (#591) ############################################
XXI ]
THE THREE SHĀN BROTHERS
541
with the sword. Either throw me into the river or strangle me';
so they strangled and cremated him and cast his remains into the
Irrawaddy? They killed also his son, his monk and principal
followers, and seized the harem.
Survivors of the dynasty appealed to Yunnan. The Yünnan
commandant obtained the Emperor's sanction, and with 12,000
men besieged the Brothers in three walled towns at Myinsaing.
On their walls the Brothers mounted balistae, and in one assault the
Tartars lost 500 men from the arrows blocks of stone, and beams
which rained down on the stormers. Finding the climate hot and
malarious, the Chinese accepted the bribe, 800 taels (63 lb. ) of gold
and 2200 taels (183 lb) of silver, and withdrew to Yunnan after let.
ting their men help on the Kyaukse irrigation works, constructing
the Thindwe canal. This is the end of Chinese interference in
Burma resulting from the expedition of 1287.
Whether Pagān had hitherto been fertile or not? , it was certainly
unfertile now, and the soil of the Myingyan district assumed its
present desolate and barren aspect. Denudation of the forests to
provide fuel for pagoda bricks had doubtless lessened the rainfall, and
extersive irrigation at Kyaukse
at Kyaukse might attract rainfall thither
from Pagān.
Crops grow there, but not in such quantity as to
supply a city of 50,000 inhabitants who eat rice. Probably this
was the reason, in addition to the belief that the luck of the site
was exhausted, which now led to the removal of the palace from
Pagān.
There was rice in the Delta but it was far away and the Delta
was now under a hɔstile chief. There was rice in Kyaukse, but the
capital could not be put there, so far from the country's own high-
way, the Irrawaddy. It was necessary to find a site which should
be on the Irrawaddy and accessible to the rice of Kyaukse. The
obvious site was Ava, in the Sagaing district, where the Myitnge
river brought down the grain boats from Kyaukes. But as the
omens were adverse to Āva, Thihathu, the surviving Shān Brother,
in 1312 set up his palace at Pinya, a bad site near by, for which the
omens were favourable.
The Pagān dynasty continued to exist as myosa (governors)
of Pagān until 1369 and then ceased save where it had merged, on
1 For the taboo on shedding royal blood, and the convention whereby princes
were drowned, see Harvey, History of Burma, p. 339.
2 Huber, ‘Fin de la dynastie de Pagan' in Bulletin de l'Ecle Francaise d'Extreine
Orient, 1909.
3 Mekenzie, 'Climate in Burmese History' in Journal of the Burma Research
Society, 1913,
## p. 542 (#592) ############################################
542
[CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287–1531
:
>
the distaff side, with the lineage of the Shān Brothers. The only
specific mention of the Ari' after their overthrow by Anawrahta is
that Sawyun, lord of Sagaing, a son of Thihathu, in 1314 enume.
rated Ari among his armed retainers ; apparently they were like the
warrior abbots of contemporary Christendom.
Even in its limited area the Upper Burma state was loosely knit,
towns such as Sagaing, Sagu and Taungdwingyi doing as they
pleased. The confusion was something more than brigandage : it
was the result of a racial movement, nothing less than the Shān
migration into the plains of Burma. In 1364 the Maw (Mogaung)
Shāns took Sagaing and Pinya, carrying off the princes, the white
elephants, and numbers of the townsfolk. To escape being driven
off in Shān raiders' slave gangs, the population of Upper Burma
took to migrating to Toungoo.
After the Maw Shāns had departed, Thadominbya (1364–8), one
of the Sagaing fansily, killed off such of his kinsmen as stood in his
way there and at Pinya, drained the swamps round Āva, and built
the town. It was usually the Burmese capital for the next five
centuries ; till two generations ago the English, like the Chinese,
referred to Burmah as Āva, and for the Shāns the king of Burma
was to the end 'The Lord of the Golden Palace at Āva'. On his
mother's side Thadominbya was descended from the Three Shān
Brothers, and his father was a Shān notable who claimed descent
from the primitive Pyusawti lineage. His habits were sufficiently
primitive-thus, after killing a Toungoo rebel he ate a meal on the
corpse's chest. Whilst trying to subject Sugu he was seized with
small-pox. As he lay dying, a pagan who had no respect for Buddh.
ism, he told an officer to return to the palace and kill his queen
lest she should pass to his successor. The officer entered the palace
and told her his errand so she then and there married him. As part
of the regalia she had already been queen to four successive chiefs
of Pinya, and her union with the officer raised him to the throne.
The pair massacred the royal kinsmen but the ministers would not
accept them and hawked round the crown until finally Minkyiswas.
awke accepted it.
Minkyiswasawke (1368 - 1401) was descended from the union of
the Shān sister with the son of the Pagān dynasty, and as a child
1 Douroiselle, 'The Ari of Burma and Tantric Buddhism' in Annual Report of the
Archaeological Survey of India, 1915-16.
2 For Maw, Mogaung, Pong, etc. , see Harvey's History of Burma, p. 322.
3 For the custom whereby queens passed to the next king, see Harvey's History of
Burma, p. 324.
## p. 543 (#593) ############################################
XXI ]
THE KINGDOM OF ĀVA
543
he had been carried off into captivity with his father, the lord of
Thayetmyo, when Minhti, king of Arakan, raided it in 1333. On
his release he became thūgyi (village headman) of Amyin in the
Sagaing district and on becoming king he made an Arakanese
monk his primate. He built the Zidaw weir in Kyaukse district
and repaired the embankment of Meiktila lake.
Laukpya, lord of Myaungmya, hated his nephew Razadarit, and
when Razadarit succeeded to the throne of Pegū in 1385, Laukpya
wrote to Minkyiswasawke offering to hold Pegů as a vassal if Minky-
iswasawke would help him to oust Razadarit. This started a war
between Upper and Lower Burma which lasted till 1422. The
fighting was almost entirely in the Delta and probably the war
was a war of migration, Shān saturation of Upper Burma being
sufficiently complete for Āva to swarm down on Pegū. The Burmese
advance base was Prome, and their usual line of advance was down
the Hlaing river to Dāgon (Rangoon), sometimes with another
string of levies going down the Sittang valley from Toungoo. With
them marched contingents from allied states, Mohnyin, Kale, and
Yawnghwe ; indeed, the Talaing chronicles sometimes refer to the
invaders as simply 'the Shāns. ' Their total strength would usually
be some 12,000 and the advance took place every year or so, both
sides going home for the rains (June-November). The invaders
would sit down in large stockades, and sally forth headhunting and
slave raiding, sometimes besieging Hmawbi, Dalla, Dāgon (Rangoon),
and other towns, or being besieged themselves. Occasionally some
determined leader would bring about a battle, but the casualties
mentioned are seldom a decimal per cent of the numbers engaged,
and it is difficult to avoid the impression that most of the fighting
was of the type not uncommon in mediaeval countries when there
was as much shouting as killing and the wretched villagers were
the chief sufferers.
In addition to raiding the Delta, Āva had to defend herself
against attacks from the Shān hill states and sometimes they tried
to get her to join in their own quarrels. Thus in 1371 the sawbwas
(chiefs) of Kale and Mohnyin each asked Minkyiswasawke to help
oust the other, promising to become tributary in return, but he let
them exhaust each other, and thus secured a nominal supremacy
over both for a few years. But in 1373 Mohnyin raided the frontier
at Myedu in Shwebo district and the king had so much trouble that
in 1383 he sent an embassy to Yunnan. China thereupon graciously
appointed him governor of Āva and ordered Mohnyin to behave,
But Mohnyin in 1393 ravaged up to the walls of Sagaing.
## p. 544 (#594) ############################################
544
[CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287–1531
In 1374 Arakan was distracted with civil war and some of the
people asked Minkyiswasawke to send them a king; he sent them
his uncle, Sawmungyi. Sawmungyi ruled well, and on his death a
few years later the Arakanese asked Minkyiswasawke to select a
successor. Minkyiswasawke sent one of his sons but this son
oppressed the people and soon fled to Āva.
Finding Pyānchs, chief of Toungoo, becoming friendly with Pegū
in 1377, Minkyiswasawke told his brother, the lord of Prome, to
inveigle Pyānchi into a visit and kill him. The king's brother wrote
to Pyānchi : 'Come and marry your son to my daughter. Pyānchi
accepted the invitation and came with his son to Prome where,
during the night, his host did him to death and seized his retinue
with much booty. The king rewarded this exploit with rich presents.
and the chroniclers' who record the incident describe him as a
king with a most upright heart. He died in the odour of sanctity
at the age of 70 and after some palace murders was succeeded by
a younger son, Minhkaung.
Minhkaung (1401--22) had been married by his father to a
daughter presented by the chief of the Maw Shāns during a friendly
mood about the same time as Razadarit put to death his own son,
Ban lawkyantaw. A year later during her first pregnancy, she longed
for strange food from the Delta, and the family asked Razadarit,
though a foe, to send some. Razadarit consulted his ministers and
they perceived that the unborn child was Bawlawkyantaw himself
taking flesh again according to his dying prayer ; they sent mangoes
from Dalla and other food, having bewitched it.
The child, prince Minrekyawswa, born in 1391, was already
campaigning at the age of thirteen; he accompanied the 1404
expedition which, in retaliation for an Arakanese raid on Yaw and
Laungshe in the Pakokku district, marched over to the An Pass and
occupied Launggyet while the raja, Narameikhla, fled to Bengal.
The Burmese left behind as regent Anawrahtaminsaw, to whom next
year
sent a bride aged thirteen, sister to Minrekyawswa,
together with the five regalia (white umbrella, yaktail, crown, sword,
sandals).
In 1406 the Burmese overran Mohnyin and killed the chief ;
China expostulated and they withdrew, as they would doubtless
have done in any case. In 1407 they sent an embassy to Yunnan.
In 1413 the northern Shān state of Hsenni ravaged the Āva villages
was
1 Hmannan, Vol. i, pp. 420, 440.
2 Parker, ' Précis'; Huber, 'Une ambassade chinoise en Birmanie en 1406' in
Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, 1934.
## p. 545 (#595) ############################################
XXI )
ÅVA AND PEGŰ
545
and sent some prisoners to Pekin, but Minrekyawswa shattered
the Hsenwi host at Wetwin near Maymyo, killing their leader in
single combat. In 1414 Hsenwi again raided Āva at the instigation
of Razadarit, whose envoys travelled viā Chiengmai carrying a con-
siderable weight of gold as an inducement.
Taking advantage of the usual palace troubles which attended
Minhkaung's accession, Razadarit made several raids, and in 1406
he came up the Irrawaddy river. It is characteristic of Burmese
warſare that though he failed to reduce the Burmese garrisons at
Prome, Myede and Pagān, he simply left them in his rear, pressed
on to Sagaing, and camped there, raising the white umbrella and
beating his drums in triumph. There was only the palace guard
in Āva, and although there were plenty of men in the villages, it
was not possible to summon them with the Talaings surrounding
the city. Taken at a loss, Minhkaung called a great council. Nobody
dared speak, for there was nothing to be said. But at last an
eminent monk of Pyinya came forward saying he had eloquence
enough to persuade any king in the universe. Minhkaung con-
sented, and the monk went forth riding a tall elephant with a
golden howdah, attended by 300 thadinthon (fasting elders) robed
in white, 300 old men bearing gifts, and many elephants loaded
with silks and rich presents. They met Razadarit on his great
barge and the monk spoke holy words on the sin of bloodshed
while Razadarit inclined his ear. He could not reduce a walled
town, he could not remain for ever in a hostile country, and he
consented to withdraw; he even rebuked his men for taking the
heads of forty pagoda slaves.
On returning home, Razadarit besieged Prome, and when
Minhkaung came down to relieve it, defeated him so severely
that he sued for terms. The two kings swore eternal friendship,
mounting the steps of the Shwehsandaw pagoda, Prome, together
hand in hand, and entering into a marriage alliance. Razadarit
granted Minhkaung the customs revenue of Bassein ; this, and the
fact that throughout the fifteenth century Tharrawaddy was subject
to Prome and was held by a governor who was appointed, at least
nominally, by Āva, suggest that one cause of the fighting was the
need of Āva to trade along the Irrawaddy river as far south as
possible.
But in 1407 Razadarit, having intercepted a letter from Minh-
kaung asking Chiengmai to join him in attacking Pegū and share
the booty, supported a fugitive Arakanese prince, son of Nara-
meikhla ; the prince marched into Arakan, gathering strength
;
35
C. HI. III.
## p. 546 (#596) ############################################
546
( CH.
BURMA A. D. 1287 - 1531
a
from his fellow countrymen as he went, occupied Launggyet, and
captured the Burmese garrison, 3000 strong Anawrahtaminsawi
was executed and his little queen, Sawpyechantha, passed into
Razadarit's harem.
The news so enraged Minhkaung that he insisted on invading
the Delta in the rains, with the natural result that he was severely
defeated at Pankyaw, north of Pegū. He fled to Āva, leaving his
men to be cut to pieces and his Maw Shān queen’ to be captured ;
she joined her daughter Sawpyechantha in Razadarit's harem.
Now that both his mother and sister were captives, Minre-
kyawswa became a fiend. “As a crocodile eats his victims, so will
I rend the flesh of the Talaings,' he said'. His father Minhkaung
went no more to war, for his nerves were shattered after the fight
at Pankyaw. But Minrekywswa took charge. Year after year he
carried fire and sword into the hapless Delta, defeating all comers,
deporting the population wholesale, and making life so unbearable
that in Myaungmya and Bassein men dared not work their fields,
and in 1415 the whole west side paid him homage. Things came
to such a pass that a hundred Talaings would run at sight of
a couple of Shān-Burmans.
But in 1417 the vengeful re-incarnation of Bawlawkyantaw came
to an end. Razadarit, trusting to Minrekyawswa's impetuosity, lured
him out of his camp at Dalla until he was separated from his men,
and dashed out on him at the head of some thirty Talaing lords on
elephants. Minrekyawswa's elephant, maddened by a hundred gashes,
shook him off and crushed his thigh ; he crawled away under a bush,
but was found and taken to Razadarit's camp. There he repelled
Razadarit's chivalrous advances and died during the night, uttering
hatred with his last breath. He is now worshipped as the Minky.
awswa spirit.
At the news of his death, the Burmese Delta garrisons fled in
panic, and the war soon came to an end, for men were weary:
Minhkaung, broken-hearted at his brave son's death, spent his
declining years in piety ; the Ari-gyi-do-ahnwe (descendants of
the great Ari) frequented his palace and drank there, sometimes
10 such
excess that they had to be carried back to their
monasteries.
1 He is worshipped at the Shwenawrahta Nat spirit ; Temple, Thirty-Seven Nats,
P. 56.
2 She is worshipped as the Anaukmibaya Nat spirit; Temple, Thirty-Seven Nats,
p. 56.
3 Hmannan, Vol. ii, p. 12. The Burmese used to eat portions of the flesh of
their prisoners of war alive, ad terrorem; see Harvey, History of Burma, p. 298.
## p. 547 (#597) ############################################
*x1 )
NICOLO DE CONTI
547
He was succeeded by his son Thihathu (1422-26), who took his
father's queen
Shin-Bo-me and was so fond of her that his first wife
retired into religion. But during a raid on the Delta he did so
much damage that the Talaing chief presented him with his sister
Shinsawbu to buy him off; he brought her to Āva and crowned
her queen consort in great state, so Shin-Bo-me had him assassi-
nated. The court set up his nine-year-old son ; Shin-Bo-me poisoned
him and brought in a cousin of the royal house, Kalekyetaungnyo
(1426-27), and when he was supplanted by a kinsman she married
the kinsman Mohnyinthado (1427-40); this was her fifth crowned
consort, but she died childless. Mohnyinthado's reign was spent in
striving, with tolerable success, 10 retain his throne against the
principal fiel-holders and the Shān states of Hsipaw and Yawnghwe ;
Hsipaw once drove him out of his palace for eight months, with-
drawing only on payment of a large sum. It was in his reign that
the first European wandered into Burma-Nicolo de' Conti, a mer-
chant of Venice ; Conti visited Tenasserim, Mrohaung and Āva. His
notel is brief, but its references to the white elephant, to tattooing
the thighs, and to what he imagined was a prayer to the Trinity
(the Buddhist invocation of the 'Three names of Refuge'), suggest
that Burmese civilisation was then the same as in the nineteenth
century.
Mohnyinthado's sons, Minrekyawswa (1440—43) and Narapati
(1443—69), overran Kale and Mohnyin for a time, and captured
the Maw Shān chief Thonganbwa when he was being hard pressed
by Yunnan. Narapati refused to surrender him and in 1445 drove
off the Yunnan levies at Kaungton in the Bhamo district. But
when in 1446 they appeared in strength before Āva, he yielded,
Thonganbwa committed suicide, so only his dead body could be given
up; the Chinese removed the intestines, dried the body in the sun
and at the fire, thrust an iron spit through it and took it away.
In 1451 they sent Narapati a golden seal as governor of Āva,
and in 1454 they gave him some Shān territory in return for the
surrender of a Mohnyin chief. At this time China enumerated in
and near Burma eight states held by what she was pleased to con-
sider her 'comforters' or governors, of which five can be identified-
Āva, Kenghung, Hsenwi, Pegū, and the country round Viengchang.
Narapati was succeeded by his son Thihathura (1469-81), who
fought Toungoo, Pegū, Prome and Yawnghwe. In 1474 he and his
Major, India in the Fifteenth Century.
2 Hmannan, Vol. ii, p. 97 ; Parker, Burma, relations with China, p. 44, and ‘Précis',
Pemberton, Report on Eastern Frontier, pp. 111-12.
35-2
## p. 548 (#598) ############################################
548
[CH.
BURMA A. D.
1287-1531
queen made their hair into a broom, studded the handle with gems
and sent it to sweep the floor of the Temple of the Tooth at Kandy
in Ceylon'. In 1472 he asked China to give him Mohnyin. China
warned Mohnyin not to obstruct the road between China and
Burma, but she would not give his territory to Āva, as he had done
nothing to merit eviction. Mohnyin remained on good terms with
the Chinese frontier eunuch, presenting him with a jewelled girdle.
Jewels also helped the expansion of Momeik, the ruby mine
state ; founded in 1238, the town was part of Hsenwi but in 1420
it received thirteen villages as a reward for helping Yunnan to
raid Chiengmai. In 1465 its chieftainess Nang-han-lung sent ruby
tribute separately from Hsenwi and her present of jewels com-
pletely won over the frontier eunuch. She even tried to ally herself
with Annam. She seized most of Hsenwi, and when China remon-
strated, she said : ‘Momeik is the baby elephant which has outgrown
the mother elephant Hsenwi and can never enter the womb again,'
and as, in addition to talking, she presented more rubies to the
enquiring officers, they reported sympathetically on her case and
she was leſt in possession.
Conceivably the continuance of Chinese interest in Burma is
due to the fact that after Kubla Khan's dynasty (1206—1368) had
passed away, China lost control of the route across Asia to Europe.
She had to look for other outlets, and the trade route down the
Irrawaddy was perhaps one of them. Chinese porcelain of the
Afteenth century had been found in the bed of the Bassein river
near Negrais, and it is recorded that in 1450 the chief of Āva gave
to a favourite 'the Chinese customs revenue,' probably Yunnan
frontier tolls.
Hitherto writing had been in Pali and Sanskrit but in this
age vernacular literature makes its appearance. Its rise exposes
the inadequacy of our material-pagoda inscriptions and court
chronicles which, in their present form, are not even contemporary.
a
1 Religious missions with Ceylon are also mentioned in 1430 and 1456. The Tooth
had been at Kandy since 1286. Gerson da Cunha, Memoir of the History of the
Tooth Relic of Ceylon' in Journal of the Bombay branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1875,
gives the history of the Tooth. The silver gilt caskets in which it now rests are not
unlike a Burmese pagoda in shape ; the metal of which they are made and the
gems which encrust them are largely Burmese.
2 For Chinese sea trade, see Chau Ju-kua ; Mayer's 'Chinese Explorations of the
Indian Ocean during the Fiftecnth Century' in China Review, Vol. iii; Rockhill,
'Trade of China with the Coast of the Indian Ocean during the Fifteenth Century'
in T‘oung Pao, 1914 1915.
3 Report of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey Burma, 1915, p. 35.
4 Hmannan Vol. ii, p. 99.
4
## p. 549 (#599) ############################################
XXI )
BURMESE LITERATURE
549
Away from the track of the chiefs and their rabble, people were
probably happy enough, and in many a monastery life must have
been calın and beautiful. As is usual in secluded countries, Bur-
mese literature is narrow in range and, though quite voluminous
according to mediaeval standards, small in quantity. It shows litile
development and no improvement has been made on the earliest
poets. The prose consists largely of translations and paraphrases
from scripture stories. The verse is more original and includes
minor poetry of a high order but the condensation of its style and
the obscurity of its dialect militate against its having a wide appeal.
The usually accepted view, that the following are the first vernacular
writers, is probably correct, but the finish of their style indicates
that the vernacular had been practised for some generations pre-
viously. The earliest writers are three monks, Shin Uttamagyaw,
Shin Thilawuntha, and Shin Maharattathara. Shin Uttamagyaw,
the author of Tawla, a celebrated poem, was a valued councellor
in the Ava palace. He was born on the same day as Shin Thilaw-
Āva
untha (1453—1520) and together they entered a monastery school
at Taungdwingyi, Magwe district. Shin Thilawuntha was expelled
for writing Paramiganpyo, as the monk considered poetry sinſul ;
he continued writing in a fine monastery built for him at Āva
by the chief, Minhkaung (1401—22); Yazawing gaw, the earliest
chronicle extant, is his ; it is a disappointing work, for instead
of recording what went on round him-it would have been an
invaluable picture-he merely reproduced scriptural traditions.
Shin Maharattathara (1468-1529), a descendant of the Thihathu,
the Shān Brother, wrote, Koganpyo and other poems. Probably
it is in this period that Yaweshinhtwe lived ; she was a maid of
honour and wrote verse on the 55 styles of hairdressing used by
maids of honour in the Āva palace, styles some of which are still
in popular use.
Thihathura was succeeded by his son Minhkaung (1481—1502),
who, hearing that Bimbisara, the king of Buddha's period, had
raised his son to the throne as joint king, decided to follow the
precedent, gave his son the white umbrella, and shared the throne
with him. He was continually attacked by Hanthawaddy and
Prome in the south, and by the Shāns above Shwebo in the north.
When his vassal of Toungoo was assassinated, he recognised the
assassin as king, sending him the white umbrella, an act which
the 1829 chroniclers cite as an instance of statesmanship.
He was succeeded by his younger son Shwenankyawshin (1502-
1 Hmannan, Vol. ii, pp. 127, 185,
## p. 550 (#600) ############################################
550
[CH
BURMA A. D. 1287 - 1531
27), as the elder son, the joint king, had died. Shwenankyawshin
already had a wife whose sister was consort to the dead joint king;
yet now, on coming to the throne, it was not his own wife, but the
joint king's widow, who became his chief queen, as she was already
part of the regalia. His life was attempted by kinsmen who fled to
Toungoo. He thereupon gave his daughter in marriage to Minkyinyo
of Toungoo with the villages from Kyaukse to Toungoo as dowry;
he was giving his daughter to the harbourer of his assassins, and in
giving away the rice area of Kyaukse he was giving away his crown.
But he could not help himself-Prome and Salin were in revolt,
Mohnyin was attacking the Shwebo border, and his own brothers
were in the field against him. In 1527 Mohnyin encamped under
the walls of Āva, the Shāns in the Āva garrison deserted to him,
and Shwenankyawshin fell fighting on his elephant. The population
fled in large numbers to Toungoo.
Mohnyin set up his son Thohanbwa (1527–43) as king in Āva.
