No More Learning

He shrieked and was for
a time beside himself with grief and rage, even abstaining for three
days from appearing in public. He railed bitterly against his son
and ordered that Bir Singh should be hunted to death. Patr Das,
Rai Rayan, drove the murderer into the fortress of Erachh (25° 48'
N. , 79° 6' E. ) on the Betwa, and his death or capture seemed certain,
when he broke out and made his escape. Akbar was furious, and
ordered that the circumstances of his escape should be investigated,
but the inquiry was inconclusive. Akbar was old and nobody was
eager to incur the resentment of his natural heir,
Again, in 1604, Rai Rayan, then entitled Raja Bikramajit (Vikra-
maditya), was sent in pursuit of the murderer but the operations
1 Trans. , Rogers and Beveridge, I, 25.


## p. 150 (#182) ############################################

150
AKBAR, MYSTIC AND PROPHET
were a pure formality. Except Akbar, and perhaps Shaikh 'Abdur-
Rahman, the son of the murdered man, nobody expected and nobody
specially desired to catch the elusive Bir Singh. Salima Sultan
Begam, Akbar's cousin and wife, interceded for her stepson, and she
was permitted to visit him at Allahabad, with a view to recalling
him to a sense of his duty. On her return, in February, 1603, she
reported that Salim was now well disposed, and wished to visit his
father. The Khuda Bakhsh Library at Patna contains the copy of
the divan, or collection of the odes of Hafiz, the great lyrical poet of
Persia, used in the East as the works of Virgil were used in the West,
for the taking of omens, from which Salim took an omen before
setting out, and in a note it is recorded by him that the passage from
which he took his omen was an ode beginning :
Why should I not set out for my own country?
Why not become the dust beneath the foot of my friend?
Since I cannot endure the grief and the toil of exile
I will go to my own city and become lord of myself. 1
The omen was clear enough, and Salim set out. At his own request
he was met at a distance of one stage from the capital by his grand-
mother, who led him by the hand into his father's presence. He
rubbed his forehead on his father's feet, and with tears confessed
his guilt. Akbar, though he probably never in his heart forgave him
the murder of Abu-'l-Fazl, raised him up and embraced him. His
gifts, which included 12,000 gold mohurs and 770 elephants, probably
bore their part in the reconciliation but Akbar found it difficult to
contemplate the prospect of being succeeded by his drunken and
brutal first-born. He had, however, little choice, for his only other
son, his favourite, was rapidly drinking himself to death in the
Deccan. It was an open secret that Khusrav, Salim's eldest son, was
preferred to his father, but to designate him as heir without putting
Salim to death would have been to devote him to destruction. Akbar
was thus compelled to complete his reconciliation with Salim by
designating him heir apparent.
On 14 October, 1603, the Hindu festival of the Dasahra, Salim was
again ordered to lead an expedition against the Rana, and did not
now venture on open disobedience, but loitered at Fathpur Sikri and,
after a time, wrote to Akbar, complaining that his force was both
insufficient and ill-equipped with artillery, and begging for per-
mission to return to Allahabad in order that he might supply its
deficiencies. Akbar probably knew that he had never intended to
accept banishment to Rajputana with an arduous task to perform,
but complied with his request rather than provoke him again to
open rebellion, and he withdrew, well pleased, to Allahabad, drinking
freely by the way. Reports of his behaviour at Allahabad gave Akbar
much pain. He had become so hardened a toper that pure wine had
1 Catalogue of Persian Poetry, 1908, p. 249.


## p. 151 (#183) ############################################

.
MISCONDUCT OF SALIM
151
lost its savour and efficacy for him, and required the addition of
opium. His first wife, the sister of Man Singh and mother of Khusrav,
had earlier in the year committed suicide in consequence of his
ill-treatment of her, and Man Singh was for this reason completely
alienated from him, and had been occupied since parting from him
in restoring order in Bengal and Orissa in the interests of Khusrav,
of whose claim to succeed his grandfather he had become a warm
advocate.
Meanwhile Salim continued his drinking bouts, and in his fits
of intoxication committed the most revolting cruelties. The news-
writer who reported his misdeeds was flayed alive in his presence;
he emasculated one of his father's servants, and beat one of his own
to death. These atrocities roused the wrath of Akbar, and he set
out from Agra to call his son to account, but was first delayed by the
grounding of his boat, and then by heavy rain, and before he could
proceed was recalled to Agra by the illness of his mother who died
on 10 September immediately after his arrival. He mourned her in
Hindu fashion, shaving himself clean.
On 16 November Salim arrived at court from Allahabad, ostensibly
to offer his condolences to his father, but actually in order to be on
the spot in case the shock of his mother's death should seriously
affect his health. He brought valuable gifts and was well received
at the public audience, but Akbar afterwards had him arrested, and,
after upbraiding him with his crimes, struck him in the face and
imprisoned him in a room in the inner apartments where he could
obtain no wine. He was released after ten days' confinement, but
would have been deprived of his command and his fiefs had not the
reports of his brother Daniyal's health restrained Akbar from pro-
ceeding to extremities against him. On 28 April, 1605,1 this wretched
drunkard died of delirium tremens at Burhanpur. He had been placed
under restraint, but some of his personal servants, moved by his
distress, contrived to convey liquor to him in a gun-barrel, and he
died raving. They were arrested by the Khan Khanan and were
beaten and stoned to death. Akbar was deeply grieved by the death
of his favourite son, but reports from the Deccan had prepared him
for the news, which he received with resignation.
Three Englishmen, Newbery, Fitch and Leedes, had already visited
Akbar's court, in 1585, and in 1603 a fourth arrived. This was
John Mildenhall, a merchant, who had been sent out in 1600 to try
to acquire from Akbar for the newly founded East India Company
trading privileges equal to those enjoyed by the Portuguese, and he
bore a letter to this effect from Queen Elizabeth but was in no sense
an ambassador or an accredited envoy. He presented to Akbar
twenty-nine good horses, and received from him in return gifts
worth £500. Salim supported him, but the Portuguese Jesuits, who
1 More probably in 1604, vide V. A. Smith, Akbar, p. 331. (Ed. ).


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152
AKBAR, MYSTIC AND PROPHET
denounced the English as "thieves and spies”, bribed the ministers
and were so successful that he obtained no concession so long as
Akbar lived, and did not receive the farman which he sought until
1608, when Jahangir had been for three years on the throne. He
died in 1614 and, being a Roman Catholic, was buried in the old
Jesuit cemetery at Agra. He is thus described by one writer :
John Mildenhall was not an estimable character. In plain words he was a
dishonest scoundrel. He cheated, or tried to cheat, Akbar with an assumption
of ambassadorial dignity; he tried to cheat the Company with concessions that,
in all probability, he had never received; he ended by cheating his own em-
ployers, the merchants in London. . . . But he was of some note of a kind
even in his own day. He was a pioneer of Anglo-Indian enterprise, not less en-
terprising than his many enterprising successors. He was one of four English-
men who spoke with Akbar face to face, and much the greatest of the four. l.
The partisans of Khusrav, who was now aged eighteen, were
headed by two of the most influential courtiers, Khan A'zam and
Man Singh, and were using every endeavour to induce Akbar to set
aside his son and designate the grandson as his heir. Unfortunately
the young prince, conscious of this powerful support, began to bear
himself haughtily, as though he were already secure of the crown.
On 3 October Akbar fell sick of dysentery. A violent quarrel
between the servants of Salim and those of Khusrav, connected with
an elephant fight, further embittered the relations between father
and son and aggravated the emperor's disorder, which did not yield
to the treatment of Hakim 'Ali, his physician. Khan A'zam and Man
Singh conspired to seize and imprison Salim on a day on which
it had been arranged that he should visit his father, but he was
warned in time of their intentions and returned home without
entering the palace. They then convened a meeting of the courtiers,
and laid before them a proposal that Salim should be set aside, but
dissolved the meeting on discovering that they could not command
a majority. Salim's supporters now bestirred themselves; Ram Das
the Kachhwaha placed a guard of his Rajputs over the treasury in
his interest, and the valiant Sayyids of Barha declared for him. Man
Singh, on his failure to secure his nephew's succession, prepared to
carry him off to Bengal, but Salim's party converted many trimmers
and some opponents by exacting from him two oaths, the first that
he would protect Islam, and the second that he would refrain from
punishing his son and others who had sought to deprive him of his
birthright.
Hakim 'Ali checked Akbar's dysentery by administering a powerful
astringent, but the result was an attack of fever and strangury, and
when Salim, on 21 October, visited the patient, his condition was so
serious that he could no longer speak, though he retained conscious-
ness. He made a sign to his son to put on the imperial turban, and
1 E. A. H. Blunt, J. R. A. S. 1910, pp. 495-8.


## p. 153 (#185) ############################################

DEATH OF AKBAR
163
to gird himself with the sword of Humayun, which hung at the foot
of the bed, and Salim went out acknowledged as emperor.
The administration of an aperient brought on a return of the
dysentery, and at midnight on 25-26 October 1 Akbar died, a month
before completing the sixty-third year of his age. According to some
authorities he recanted his errors before his death and died pro-
fessing the faith of Islam, but there is little doubt that he was past
speech, and could make no response to the exhortations of those who
surrounded his bed, though the Jesuits were informed that he died
attempting to utter the name of God.
At dawn his body was washed in accordance with the rites of
Islam, and was carried out by the courtiers to the garden five miles
from the palace, then known as Bihishtabad and since as Sikandra,
The age of Akbar has been described as an age of great rulers,
and some hold that of his contemporaries, Elizabeth of England,
Henry IV of France, and 'Abbas the Great of Persia, he was not the
least. Some have even written of him as though he were no less than
what his enemies alleged he pretended to be. But with all his faults,
and they were neither few nor venial, he was by far the greatest of
all who ruled India during the era of the dominance of Islam in that
land. A foreigner in blood, though he happened to have been born
on Indian soil, he was the only one of the long line of rulers pro-
fessing Islam who even conceived the idea of becoming the father
of all his subjects, rather than the leader of a militant and dominant
minority, alien in faith, and to a great extent in race, to the nations
of India.
Difference of religion was the chief bar between the nations of
India and the ruling class, and to remove this Akbar first announced
his adherence to the principle of sulh-i-kull, universal peace or tole-
ration. He was so far ahead of his age that it was not surprising that
he was misunderstood, for in that age toleration, in the East as in
the West, was the symbol not of an enlightened and humane mind
but of laxity of principle, for if a man would tolerate error he could
not love truth; but toleration would have served Akbar well had he
remained content with it as a means to his end. Unfortunately he
lost patience with the obstinacy of the orthodox and was persuaded
by self-seekers to assume the spiritual as well as the temporal sove.
reignty over his peoples, and, ere long, to violate the conditions under
which his spiritual sovereignty had been accepted, to abjure Islam,
and to found a faith of his own. This was not, as one writer has
described it, merely "an association of students and free-thinkers
who had transcended the barriers of faith and creed, and shaken off
the tyrannous yoke of age-long customs”; it was a new sect, with
minute rules of ritual and belief, and the acceptance of it was urged
on all the leading men in the state; but it was condemned by Hindus
i Hodivala, op. cit. p. 267.


## p. 154 (#186) ############################################

154
AKBAR, MYSTIC AND PROPHET
and Muslims, Sunni and Shiah alike. Akbar perceived that all his
subjects would not accept Christianity, Islam or Zoroastrianism, and
knew that they could not, even if they would, enter the fold of
Hinduism. He believed that he could invent a faith better than any
of these, a faith which would be accepted by all, except perhaps an
obstinate minority of his subjects. This was certainly, as Dr Vincent
Smith describes it, “the outcome of ridiculous vanity, a monstrous
growth of unrestrained autocracy", and Akbar was bitterly dis-
appointed. But we must not lose sight of his object, which was to
make all his subjects one people. The object was noble; the means
adopted for attaining it absurd.
Some light is thrown on the character of Akbar by his "Happy
Sayings”, recorded by Abu-'l-Fazl. Most of these are unexception-
able as religious or moral aphorisms; but some few display ignorance,
and some are such as might be expected from one who could amuse
himself to the end of his life with the childish pastime of pigeon-
flying, and could immure wretched infants with dumb nurses in
order to discover the "divine language". Occasional drinking bouts
indicate that the vice which killed two of his sons, and would
certainly, but for the blessing of a robust constitution, have killed
the third, was to some extent inherited; but Akbar was never a slave
to drink and in his later years was temperate.
His life's record is smirched with more than one dark blot, his
"earth-hunger" was insatiable, and he sometimes displayed duplicity
and, despite his tenderness for animal life, cruelty; but we must
beware of judging him by moral standards. Conquest was regarded
as the principal pursuit of an oriental ruler, and, as Akbar said, "a
monarch should be ever intent on conquest, otherwise his neighbours
rise in arms against him”. He grossly deceived Yusuf of Kashmir,
Bahadur Faruqi and others, but in duplicity and mendacity he was
far surpassed by Elizabeth of England.
Instances of his courage and address, of his bodily strength, and
of his great power of endurance have been cited. In spite of his
illiteracy he was far from being unlearned, nor was his intellect
uncultivated, for he delighted in listening to the reading of works on
history, theology, philosophy and other subjects, and of discussing
afterwards what had been read, and his memory was such that he
acquired through the ear a stock of learning as great as that which
most of his associates could acquire through the eye. The Jesuits
at his court were probably not biased in his favour, but one of them
thus describes him :
Indeed he was a great king ; for he knew that the good ruler is he who can
command, simultaneously, the obedience, the respect, the love, and the fear of
his subjects. He was a prince beloved of all, firm with the great, kind to those
of low estate, and just to all men, high and low, neighbour or stranger, Chris-
tian, Saraçen, or Gentile ; so that every man believed that the King was on his
side. He lived in the fear of God, to whom he never failed to pray four times


## p. 154 (#187) ############################################

1
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## p. 154 (#188) ############################################

The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV
Map 2

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(Portuguese)
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(Portuguese)
AHMADNAGAR
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BIDAR - GOLCONDA
VINDHYA RANGE Probably Tributory Frontier Chiefs
Nerbudda R
SATPURA RANGE
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1
Godavar
Krishna R
BIJAPUR
Goa
(Portuguese
WESTERN
Masulipatam
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Kaverit
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POLYGARS
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AT THE DEATH OF
AKBAR (1605)
The Mughal Empire ZI
Akbar's Provinces thus. . . . DELHI
Approximate Boundaries -. -. -


## p. 155 (#189) ############################################

AKBAR'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE
165
daily, at sunrise, at sunset, at midday, and at midnight, and, despite his many
duties, his prayers on these four occasions, which were of considerable dura-
tion, were never curtailed. Towards his fellow-men he was kind and for-
bearing, averse from taking life, and quick to show mercy. Hence it was that
he decreed that if he condemned anyone to death, the sentence was not to be
carried into effect until the receipt of his third order. He was always glad to
pardon an offender if just grounds for doing so could be shown. 1
We have two good contemporary verbal portraits of him. The
first is by his son, Salim, or Jahangir, who in his memoirs thus
describes him :
He was of the middle height, of a wheat-coloured complexion, with black eyes
and eyebrows. His beauty was of form rather than of face, and he was power-
fully built, with a broad chest and long arms. On his left nostril was a fleshy
mole, very becoming, of the size of a split pea, which physiognomists understood
to be an augury of great wealth and glory. His voice was extremely loud, and
in discourse and narration he was witty and animated. His whole air and ap-
pearance had little of the worldly being, but exhibited rather divine majesty.
The second portrait is by Father Monserrate, who writes :
He was in face and stature fit for the dignity of King, so that anybody, even
at the first glance, would easily recognise him as the King. His shoulders were
broad, and his legs slightly bandy, and adapted to riding. His complexion was
fair, but slightly suffused with a darker tint. He carried his head slightly
inclined to one side, towards the right shoulders ; his brow was broad and open,
and his eyes sparkled as does the sea when lighted by the sun. His eyelids
were heavy, as are those of the Sarmatians, the Chinese, the Niphonians, and
nearly all Asiatics of the more northern regions. His eyebrows were narrow,
and his nose was of the middle size and drooping, but had a high bridge. His
nostrils were expanded as though he were enraged, and on the left one he had
a wart, which met the upper lip. He shaved his beard, but not his moustache,
following the custom of young Turks before they assume the full costume of
manhood, who, after they have taken the virile toga, cherish and arrange their
beards. Unlike his forefathers, he did not shave his head, nor did he wear a
cap, but bound his hair with a turban, which they say, he did in imitation of
the Indian custom, in order to conciliate them. He dragged his left leg slightly,
as though he were lame in it, though he had not been injured in the foot. He
has in his body, which is very well made, and neither thin and meagre nor
fat and gross, much courage and strength. When he laughs he is distorted,
but when he is tranquil and serene he has a noble mien and great dignity. In
his wrath he is majestic. 2
1 Akbar and the Jesuits, pp. 205, 206.
2 A portrait coin, struck by Jahangir, is illustrated at p. 56, British Museum
Quarterly, v, 1930.


## p. 156 (#190) ############################################

CHAPTER
VI
JAHANGIR
Eight
T days after his father's death the new sovereign crowned
himself in the fort of Agra, on Thursday, 3 November, 1605, being
then thirty-six years old. In his memoirs he explains that he assumed
the new name of Jahangir (Holder of the world) because the business
of kings is the controlling of the world, and the title of Nur-ud-din
(Light of the faith) because he took his seat on the throne shortly
after sunrise, and also because this title had been foretold by sages. '
Following ancient custom he issued a liberal proclamation of
policy defined in twelve rules, which was forgotten almost as soon
as it was written. ? Prisoners were released, and for the moment some
of his old enemies were conciliated. Feelings of gratitude which were
innate in his character led to the appointment to high office of several
mediocrities who had aided or favoured his revolt, and of descendants
of Shaikh Salim Chishti whom he regarded as his spiritual guide.
While such acts were regarded as not unusual, resentment was felt
at the promotion of Raja Bir Singh Bundela, the murderer of Abu-'l-
Fazl, which showed itself in a rising led by the raja's brother. In
two cases a wiser choice was exercised. Ghiyas Beg, a Persian, who
had served Akbar well, was appointed revenue minister with the
title of I'timad-ud-daula, and Zamana Beg, a capable soldier, was
ennobled as Mahabat Khan; both of these men were to exercise
great influence in the reign, though not without the vicissitudes to
which service of a Mughul emperor was liable.
A few months after his accession Jahangir celebrated the new year
(March, 1606) or vernal equinox with the gorgeous display that
marked his reign. Roe has described these ceremonies observed
some years later when he was present at the festival; the emperor
sitting in public received rich presents, delighting in those which
were rare or curious, and critical of those which did not strike his
fancy. Almost at once, however, occurred a sudden challenge to the
new emperor. Raja Man Singh, who had begged and obtained
assurances for the safety of prince Khusrav, his nephew, had left
for his post of governor in Bengal, and Khusrav had been placed in
semi-confinement in the fort at Agra. On the pretext of a ride to
visit the tomb of Akbar, a few miles distant, he escaped northwards
with a small body of men, which grew rapidly as the flight continued
i Tuzuk, trans. I, 1-3. An undated coin, struck at Ahmadnagar, probably by
an adherent during his rebellion, gives his title as Burban-ud-din.
2 See the analysis in E. and D. VI, 493.
8 Journal, 125.


## p. 157 (#191) ############################################

REVOLT BY KHUSRAV QUELLED
J57
through the Punjab. Funds were obtained by the capture of a convoy
with treasure intended for the court, and 'Abdur-Rahim, the revenue
minister of Lahore, was appointed prime minister; Guru Arjan Singh
the spiritual leader of the Sikhs, gave a present, and the force, which
now exceeded 12,000, laid siege to Lahore. Here, however, the stout
resistance of the governor gave time for pursuers to arrive. The
emperor himself was following with I'timad-ud-daula, and he sent
ahead Shaikh Farid, a brave soldier whom he had promoted for his
support during Akbar's last moments. Khusrav was now in danger
both from the garrison at Lahore and from the relieving force. With
most of his troops he turned to meet the latter. Jahangir was still
willing to treat with his son, who was a favourite even in rebellion,
but the negotiations failed and a battle was fought at Bhairowal.
Most of the rebel army consisted of untrained men, and it was
defeated by the imperial troops in spite of the success of its cavalry
under Husain Beg. After the battle Husain Beg suggested flight to
the north, but the fords were guarded and the fugitives were arrested
and taken to Lahore. Husain Beg was sewn up in a raw hide and
paraded through the city on an ass, while the skin slowly dried and
crushed him to death. Several hundred of the rebels were impaled
on stakes by the roadside and Khusrav was taken past them in chains
to receive the ironical homage of his would-be subjects. Guru Arjan
Singh was executed for aiding the rebel, and his death raised among
his followers a mutinous spirit which under Aurangzib and his suc-
cessors led to open rebellion. Not long afterwards Raja Man Singh
was removed from the governorship of Bengal where he had done
such excellent service under Akbar.
The stability of an empire under personal rule is particularly
dependent on the estimate held from time to time by its officials
and its enemies of the capability of its head. Akbar had left a fairly
compact territory extending from the confines of Persia to the Bay
of Bengal, and from Kashmir to Ahmadnagar.
On the west Shah
'Abbas of Persia, a ruler of equal ability, was watching for an oppor-
tunity of recovering Qandahar, the gate through which traffic passed
between India and Persia. Along the southern border there were
watchful foes from Malik 'Ambar who was consolidating the Mu-
hammadan states, to Orissa which had not been perfectly subdued.
Within the empire were many ambitious and unsettled chiefs who
needed little inducement to rebel. Khusrav's revolt was followed by
disturbances in Bihar which were soon quelled, and by a
dangerous attempt by Rai Rai Singh of Bikaner who had been
promoted by Jahangir and was actually conducting the imperial
harem to Lahore when he broke away. Raja Jagannath of Amber,
with the forces intended for Mewar, soon captured and brought him
to court.
The Persian attack was more insidious owing to preoccupation


## p. 158 (#192) ############################################

158
JAHANGIR
with war against the Turks under Ahmad I, and at first showed itself
mérely in border incursions and a siege not strongly pressed: A re-
lieving force arrived early in 1607, the garrison was strengthened,
and Shah 'Abbas wrote letters describing the attacks as unauthorised
raids by disobedient officers. His immediate anxieties being removed,
Jahangir sought relaxation in a visit to Kabul during the hot summer
months, thus early in his reign displaying the love of pomp and
personal ease which distinguished him from his more austere and
energetic father. Some action was taken to reduce the turbulence
of the Afghan tribes, but the emperor's personal interest was chiefly
evident in horticulture. The low esteem in which he was held was
soon shown by a fresh plot on behalf of Khusrav. Some of the younger
men about the court, relations of high officials, formed a plan to kill
Jahangir while he was out hunting. Information leaked out and the
scheme failed. The ringleaders were executed or disgraced and
I'timad-ud-daula, whose son had been concerned, was put in prison,
but afterwards released on payment of a heavy fine. The danger to
the throne of the growing popularity of Khusrav led to his being
blinded, though his sight was partially restored later.
Before his accession Jahangir had been deputed by his father to
complete the conquest of Mewar, but had proceeded no farther than
Fathpur Sikri. Early in his reign he sent his son Parviz with a large
force commanded by Asaf Khan and accompanied by Raja Jagan-
nath of Amber or Jaipur. Their plan was to instal, as Rana, Sagar,
an uncle of the real chief Amar Singh, and thus create internal feuds.
Amar Singh, who had succeeded his father in 1597, had devoted
himself to internal reforms but had to some extent lost the martial
vigour which had marked the rulers of Chitor. Spurred by his nobles
he roused himself, and though the forces sent against him were able
to occupy several places and left Sagar in possession of Chitor, they
were withdrawn when Khusrav rebelled and Amar Singh still held
most of his state. Jahangir on his return from Kabul to Agra
despatched a new force under Mahabat Khan, whose skill and
bravery were effective so long as he could meet the Rajputs in pitched
battles. In the wild and broken country of the interior, however,
the enemy was able to avoid defeat. After a year, a fresh commander,
'Abdullah Khan, who like Mahabat Khan had risen from the lowest
rank, was appointed and had more success, defeating Karan the son
of Rana Amar Singh in 1611.
While Jahangir was thus attempting the reduction of Mewar which
he had neglected when it was committed to his charge, another
portion of his empire also claimed his attention. Akbar's last cam-
paign in the Deccan had been checked, after the fall of Asirgarh,
by his need to return to northern India caused by Salim's revolt.
1 See Beni Prasad, Jahangir, p. 166, n. 12, for a discussion of the various
accounts of the blinding.


## p. 159 (#193) ############################################

1
DISASTERS IN THE DECCAN
189
The kingdoms of the Deccan, torn by constant broils with no object
but territorial expansion, and misruled by successions of licentious
and drunken monarchs, were still able to command the services of
a few able men. One of these named Malik ‘Ambar was an Abyssinian
slave who had been in the service of Chingiz Khan, the faithful
general of Murtaza Nizam Shah I. Akbar's departure had left his
army without direction or capable leadership. Though the city of
Ahmadnagar was still held by the imperial forces Malik 'Ambar had
set up a ruler named Murtaza Nizam Shah II in the south of the
kingdom, and had instituted valuable reforms in the administrative
system. He also saw the military advantage to be gained in the
rugged country of the Deccan by developing guerrilla tactics and
using the Marathas as predatory bands. In 1608 Raja Man Singh
was first ordered to command the imperial army, but when he pro-
ceeded to his home to make preparations the Khan Khanan who had
come north from Burhanpur persuaded Jahangir to allow him to
undertake the conquest, promising to complete it within two years
if adequate troops and funds were supplied. Within a year, however,
it had become clear that success was still remote, and prince Parviz
took command with Asaf Khan as his tutor. Khan Khanan attempted
a campaign on the arrival of the prince but his forces were ill.
supplied, the terrain was difficult, and the commanders quarrelled.
Having thus failed he came to terms with Malik 'Ambar and with-
drew to Burhanpur, which was the base for operations in the Deccan.
Ahmadnagar itself, though bravely defended by Khvaja Beg Mirza,
a Persian soldier who had been in charge of it since its first capture,
was beset; a relieving force from Burhanpur failed to reach it
through bad leading, and it was surrendered.
Affairs were going so badly that Jahangir contemplated taking
command in person, but decided to adopt the simpler though less
satisfactory plan of changing his generals. Pir Khan Lodi, who
belonged to an old ruling family, and had won the title of Khan
Jahan, arrived with reinforcements soon after the disasters. Impressed
by his reports and promises Jahangir gave him the command, in
1610, and also restored to active service Khan A'zam, who had been
kept at court since the rebellion of Khusrav, and though nominally
governor of Gujarat, had administered that province through his
son as deputy. Khan A'zam had previous experience of warfare
in the Deccan during Akbar's reign, and a disloyal letter written
by him at that time to the ruler of Khandesh, but craftily produced
soon after Khusrav's revolt had nearly led to his execution. Mahabat
Khan, who was probably at this time and for many years the most
trustworthy servant of the empire, was deputed to bring Khan
Khanan back to court. There he was received by Jahangir with
strong marks of disfavour in spite of the old bond of affection which
1 See Vol. m, pp. 451-5.


## p. 160 (#194) ############################################

160
JAHANGIR
had existed since he had been guardian and tutor to the emperor's
youth.
These changes in the supreme command, though accompanied by
reinforcements in men and money, were ineffectual against the diffi-
culties of the country of which the defenders made the most by their
strategy and tactics. Want of combination continued to mark the
leadership on the imperial side. Affairs in Mewar had been suffi-
ciently prosperous to justify the replacement of 'Abdullah Khan, who
was also sent to the Deccan in 1611, though he had been appointed
governor of Gujarat. An enveloping movement was planned in which
Khan Jahan and Raja Man Singh were to take the left or eastern side
through Khandesh and Berar while 'Abdullah Khan advanced on the
west. Eager to obtain the whole credit for himself, 'Abdullah Khan
rashly pressed on through Nasik with inadequate scouting and failed
to keep touch with the other army though pressed by Raja Man Singh
to make a concerted plan. Maratha skirmishers harassed his forces
by day and night, acting as a screen to hide the concentration by Malik
'Ambar of a large force. Though he penetrated the Ahmadnagar
country as far as Daulatabad, his forces had suffered so much that in
the absence of reinforcements he was forced to retire, and withdrew
to Gujarat sustaining heavy losses so long as he was within hostile
territory.
The Punjabi Raja Basu, who had replaced 'Abdullah Khan in the
Mewar campaign, had not been successful in it, as might have been
anticipated from his previous history. He had several times revolted
during Akbar's reign, and had supported Salim in his attempt to
seize the throne. Apart from the Mewar campaign and the unsatis-
factory operations in the Deccan the country was generally quiet.
In 1610 a man who pretended that he was Khusrav, and to support
his claim pointed to certain marks round his eyes alleged to be the
result of an attempt to blind him (see p. 158), had seized Patna
during the absence of the governor, but the rebellion was soon
quelled. The Afghans of Bengal had also given trouble. A Persian
adventurer called 'Ali Quli, after rendering good military service,
had been attracted to Salim's staff, and was rewarded by the title
of Sher Afgan (tiger-slayer) for his gallant conduct during a hunting
expedition. Though he had resumed his allegiance to Akbar after
first joining in Salim's revolt he had been forgiven by Jahangir on
his accession and appointed to an office in Bengal. In 1607 he was
suspected of complicity with the Afghans and Qutb-ud-din, the
foster-brother of Jahangir who had been appointed successor to Raja
Man Singh as governor of Bengal, was directed to send him to court.
Sher Afgan appeared before the governor and was at once surrounded
by guards. Impelled either by apprehension for his own life, or by
the knowledge of his own guilt, he immediately attacked Qutb-ud-
din, wounding him mortally, and was cut to pieces on the spot.


## p. 161 (#195) ############################################

KHURRAM'S SUCCESS IN MEWAR
161
Another successor died and Islam Khan became governor with a
mission to subdue the Afghans. Chief among these was 'Usman
Khan, a fat heavy man who went to war on an elephant. In his
memoirs Jahangir gives a spirited account of the fight in which
Islam Khan's commander defeated and killed 'Usman Khan and
restored order (1612).
Jahangir now felt that he could leave the capital and be nearer
the control of the campaign in Mewar. He also wished to visit the
tomb of Khvaja Mu'in-ud-din Chishti at Ajmer, whom he regarded
as a patron saint. Leaving Agra in the autumn of 1613 he pro-
ceeded in a leisurely manner, hunting on the way. The ladies of the
imperial zanana took advantage of a Hindu festival, the Dasahra, to
reconcile him to Khusray and it was arranged that father and son
should meet daily. The Khan A'zam, who had seen no advantage
to himself in the unsatisfactory position in the Deccan, had been
transferred to Mewar, and at his request Jahangir also deputed his
own son Khurram, Raja Basu having died while the emperor was
marching to Ajmer. This arrangement was not congenial to Khurram,
who reported that Khan A'zam was unsatisfactory and was suspected
of intrigues in favour of his son-in-law Khusrav. Jahangir was so
impressed by these reports that he removed Khan A'zam from the
command and made him over to the custody of Asaf Khan with
instructions that he should be kept in the fort of Gwalior, which had
been the enforced residence of so many détenus. Jahangir also forbade
Khusrav to come before him, as he had shown no signs of pleasure
at seeing his father but preserved a sad attitude. Orders were issued
that the Khan A'zam was to be treated well, but his children were
kept under surveillance at the royal camp in Ajmer. Before long
he was himself released and brought to court where he was allowed
to stay on condition that he restrained his language.
Relieved of the presence of one whom he believed to be his enemy
Khurram pressed on the occupation of Mewar, establishing posts in
a number of places. And though losses were severe from the heat
of the summer, the unhealthiness of the rainy season and even from
dearth of supplies, the injury to the defenders was still greater. The
families of many Rajput nobles were captured, and the fortitude of
the Rana himself, which had never been strong, was gradually sapped.
He sent overtures to Khurram offering to recognise Mughul supre-
macy, but begging that he might be excused attendance at court
owing to his age. Jahangir, delighted by the success which had
escaped his father, accepted the submission in a letter under his own
seal, and invited the Rana's son to visit him. It was decided that
Chitor should never again be fortified, but no matrimonial alliance
was enforced and the generally favourable nature of the terms allowed
1 A coin struck at Ajmer about this time probably commemorates the victory.
See Panna Lal, "A rare rupee of Jahangir”, J. A. S. B. 1915, p. 483.
>
11


## p. 162 (#196) ############################################

162
JAHANGIR
bound the Rajputs to a loyalty which was honourably observed.
Before long the Rana abdicated in favour of his son Karan
Singh.
At this period (end of 1614) occurs the first mention of the English
in the Mughul records. Hawkins had resided at Agra as ambassador
from the king of England during 1609-11 and had received a welcome,
though he had been unable to negotiate a treaty. The unruly
behaviour of British shipwrecked sailors produced a bad impression,
and trade facilities were denied. Sir Henry Middleton's action against
the trading vessels from Gujarat to the Red Sea (1612), however,
created a spirit of respect, and the hope that the newcomers might
be of assistance to check the claim of the Portuguese to command
of the sea. The capture by the latter of four Indian ships with many
Muslim passengers (1613) had been irritating as they were provided
with a Portuguese pass, and Jahangir's mother had an interest in
the cargo. A year later when Downton arrived off Şurat he was
pressed by Muqarrab Khan the governor, a Mughul officer who had
been envoy to the Portuguese in 1607 and was in the close confidence
of the emperor, to join against the Portuguese, who had been in-
triguing at court to get the English expelled from India. Though
Muqarrab Khan promised concessions, Downton was not prepared
to do more than defend himself, and Muqarrab Khan sent messages
to the Dutch at Masulipatam. In January, 1615, the viceroy of Goa
arrived with his fleet, having sent his smaller vessels ahead. Having
no naval force, and no promise of help from the English or Dutch,
the Mughul governor made overtures for peace, which were con-
temptuously rejected. The Portuguese, feeling sure of success in
crushing the English, attacked Downton and were beaten off with
great loss. They were afraid to land troops and attack Surat and
withdrew to Goa. This action is mentioned with approval by Jahangir
in his memoirs, though he passes over in silence the visit of Hawkins
and his successor Sir Thomas Roe? who arrived in India in Sep-
tember, 1615. The effect of Downton's victory was by that time
evaporating, and peace was being arranged between the Mughuls
and the Portuguese. Prince Khurram, whose governorship included
Surat, was in their favour and actually issued an order that the English
should be allowed to trade for only a month and should have no
residence, while the draft terms with the Portuguese stipulated that
the English should be absolutely excluded. Roe's stout resistance
to indignities, and solicitations for bribes had some effect on the local
authorities, and he proceeded to the royal court at Ajmer. For nearly
three years he strove to obtain a trade treaty, following the court
in its progress to Mandu and to Ahmadabad. By the emperor he
was treated with the courtesy that was natural to him, but Jahangir
1 See vol. V, chap. IV.
? He mentions the use of a rarriage presented by Roe.


## p. 163 (#197) ############################################

NUR JAHAN'S INFLUENCE
163
had no inclination to deal on terms of equality with a nation of which
he knew nothing except that it desired Indian trade, and which was
represented to him by the Portuguese in the worst possible light.
Khurram was anxious that nothing should be done to detract from
his authority over the port, and Asaf Khan, who dealt with the draft
treaties put forward by Roe, showed himself greedy for gifts and
unreliable in every way. By September, 1618, Roe secured a farman
or grant from Khurram as viceroy of Gujarat which, though not so
complete as the draft treaty he had first tried to obtain from the
emperor, gave reasonable facilities for trade, but it did not allow any
building to be bought or built as a permanent residence. Beyond
this Roe's stay at the court and behaviour there did much to enhance
the respect with which the newcomers were regarded.
The chief power in the empire was now vested in the empress
Nur Jahan, who acted with her father I'timad-ud-daula, and brother
Asaf Khan. A legend grew up later that Jahangir had fallen in love
with her in childhood, and had treated her husband as David dealt
with Uriah. Contemporary history does not support this story,
which appears to have grown up long after her influence was estab-
lished. When Sher Afgan was killed in 1607 his widow who was then
styled Mihr-un-Nisa (Sun of womankind) was sent to court and
became an attendant on Salima Begam, the widow of Akbar. At the
spring ceremony in March, 1611, Jahangir was attracted by her and
married her two months later, changing her name to Nur Mahall
(Light of the palace). Her charm and beauty was equalled by her
devotion to Jahangir and by her capability and tact, and her own
influence over the emperor was immensely enhanced by the other
members of her family. Rapid promotion was given to her father
and brother, and her mother's discovery of the way to prepare attar
of roses won the admiration of the aesthetically-minded emperor.
A year after his own marriage Jahangir celebrated the wedding of
his son Khurram with Arjumand Banu, daughter of Asaf Khan,
thus cementing a link which bound Khurram to the leading spirits
for many years. As the emperor's intellect deteriorated through his
bodily indulgences and his concentration on pleasure, he was glad
to leave to his wife and her advisers the task of deciding most affairs
of state. His biographer records that he repeatedly said that he had
bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan and for himself needed
nothing but a quart of wine and a pound of flesh. Within a month
of his arrival at the court at Ajmer, Roe discovered the power
exercised by her and her clique. When his draft of a treaty was
returned with alterations which he could not possibly accept he at
first supposed that the lower officials were responsible. He soon found
that Asai Khan was unreliable and had strong influence over
Khurram. He writes bitterly :
1 See Beni Prasad, Jahangir, chap. VIII.


## p. 164 (#198) ############################################

164
JAHANGIR
The King was my only refuge, from whom I was sure of justice if I com-
playned, but I feard I should draw upon me the hate of Normall the beloved
queene, ante to Sultan Corrons wife, sister of Asaph Chan, whose daughter the
Prince married, and all that powerfull faction, against whom, though I might
once prevayle, yet the advantage of tyme, language, and oppor unitye, the
power of a wife, sonne, and a favorite would produce revenge.
The power of the faction was not unchallenged, and its growth
was extended over a long period by the gradual appointment of its
nominees to offices of trust. Of the opponents Mahabat Khan was
the most notable and he was left without promotion for twelve years,
though he was one of the most capable men in the country. Per.
suasion rather than domination was the method first used with the
emperor. One element in the policy was the support of Khurram
as heir to the throne, and this led to opposition by those who preferred
the elder son Khusrav. In spite of the two rebellions of which Khusrav
was the nominal leader Jahangir never appears to have lost his
affection for him, and popular sympathy was strong in his favour.
Though his perpetual confinement gave him no opportunity of show-
ing his capability in administration, his disposition was admired
and his devotion to his only wife, the daughter of Khan A'zam,
was well known. In October, 1616, an attempt was made to get the
charge of Khusrav transferred from Ani Ray, a brave and faithful
Rajput attendant on the emperor, to Asaf Khan, and Roe narrates
that a verbal order was actually obtained late one night when
Jahangir was intoxicated. Ani Ray, who refused to comply, appeared
at court the next day and was commended. A few days later when
Khurram was about to proceed in person to conduct the Deccan
campaign his fear for his interests during his absence led him to
make another attempt which was successful, and caused great fears
for Khusrav's own life. Roe gives a vivid report of the conster-
nation in the women's quarters, where Khusrav's relations threatened
to burn themselves if he were killed, and of the rumours that Khurram
desired the death of his father as well as of his brother, and he com-
pares the state of India to that of Rome during the contest between
Otho and Vitellius related by Tacitus. It appeared to Roe that the
Company would do well to avoid siding in the quarrel, to make few
debts and to limit their establishments in the country.
During his seven years' tenure of the office of governor of the
Deccan prince Parviz and the officers under him had made no
progress in their campaigns. Like his father he was addicted to wine
and he was fonder of pleasures than of his business. Jahangir, anxious
to complete his conquest of the Deccan, transferred Parviz to the
easier charge of Allahabad in 1616 and sent in his place Khurram
on whom he conferred the title of Shah, while he himself moved his
court to Mandu so as to be nearer the scene of operations. A graphic
description of the luxury of his camp equipage, with the ladies of
1 Hist. I, 50.


## p. 165 (#199) ############################################

KHURRAM'S NEGOTIATIONS IN THE DECCAN 165
the court riding in gold howdahs on 50 elephants, is given by Roe,
whose meagre allowance from the Company did not permit him to
buy or hire reasonable equipment. The route lay through difficult
country where supplies were always, and water was sometimes,
scarce, while the straggling cortège was often liable to be plundered
by the inhabitants. In December, 1616, Roe saw a hundred corpses
of people who had been executed for robbery, and in January he
writes : "I am yet following this wandering King over mountaynes
and through woods, so strange and unused wayes that his own people
who almost know no other god, blaspheame his name and hers that
(it is said) conducts all his actions. " While he stayed at Ujjain the
emperor took pleasure in a visit to a celebrated faqir called Chid Rup1
who had met Akbar some 15 years earlier. In the sage's teaching
of Vedanta philosophy Jahangir thought he recognised the germ of
Sufi mysticism. The slow march through country which presented
many opportunities for the emperor's favourite pastime of hunting
ended in March, 1617, when he arrived at Mandu, the old capital
of the independent rulers of Malwa. ? The magnificent buildings of
the Malwa kings drew his admiration, while his disgust at the misdeeds
of one of the most infamous led him to desecrate the tomb and have
the remains cast in the Narbada river which flows a few miles away.
The difficulties of water supply on the rocky hill where the emperor
resided were so great that it had to be purchased, and Roe considered
himself lucky in finding a residence near an assured supply. Through-
out the summer intrigues continued regarding the succession, and at-
tempts were made to arrange a marriage between Khusrav and Nur
Jahan's daughter by her former husband Sher Afgan. The match would
have been generally popular, and might have secured Khusray's posi-
tion, but he declined to accept it, through devotion to his only wife.
Meanwhile Khurram had succeeded in a few months by negotia-
tion in settling the affairs of the Deccan more effectively than his
brother had done in as many years. The degenerate rulers of the
Deccan were weary of the struggle and some of their officials had
been corrupted by bribes. Khurram's success in Mewar had enhanced
his reputation. Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II the ruler of Bijapur agreed to
pay tribute and restore the conquered territory, including Ahmad-
nagar. Jahangir celebrated the peace by a magnificent reception in
Mandu of the Bijapur envoys and his son Khurram received the
unique privilege of a seat in his father's presence. He also received
the title of Shah Jahan (Sovereign of the world) which he retained
later when he succeeded his father on the throne. Roe, who was
present, was rather contemptuous of the whole affair, and rightly
1 Sometimes incorrectly transliterated Jadrup. For a contemporary picture
see J. R. A. S. 1919, p. 389.
2 See vol. II, chap. XIV, for a history of the dynasty, and G. Yazdani, Mandu,
1929, for a description of the place.


## p. 166 (#200) ############################################

166
JAHANGIR
guessed that the boasted victory was no more than the avoidance
of future loss. Some element of personal disappointment tinges his
comments, as he had hoped a few months earlier to sell Malik 'Ambar
a quantity of the Company's cloth and swords which were not in
demand elsewhere. But in fact the settlement advanced the Mughul
power no further than it had stood when Akbar left the Deccan,
and while the Muhammadan rulers were rapidly losing hold the
Marathas who formed the bulk of the population had begun to realise
their own strength. There was no longer any need for the emperor
to remain in the magnificent but uncomfortable surroundings of
Mandu, and he decided to visit Gujarat, where for the first time in
his life he saw the sea. Throughout the journey Roe was endeavouring
to negotiate with Asaf Khan, thwarted perpetually by Shah Jahan,
who was against the English and constantly feared that any grant
to them of rights of trade would derogate from his powers as viceroy.
Roe also attempted to get the Portuguese expelled from Gujarat,
but the emperor told him that he proposed to maintain the arrange-
ments with them that had been concluded by the former rulers of
Gujarat. A respect for the power of the Portuguese on the sea was
still the deciding factor. It was not until the late autumn of 1618
that Roe finally concluded an agreement with Shah Jahan, by which
he obtained better terms than had first been offered, but not the
complete freedom he desired. In particular the English were not
allowed to purchase or construct their own residences, though they
were allowed to hire, and either the disorderly conduct of the sailors
or fear of actual invasion led to restrictions on the carriage of arms.
Jahangir with his zest for the amenities of life was disgusted with
the climate and scenery of Ahmadabad. He records that he did not
know whether to call it Samumistan (the place of hot winds),
Bimaristan (the abode of sickness), Zaqqum zar (the thorn or cactus
bed) or Jahannumabad (the house of hell). His reference to disease
is illustrated by the descriptions of a mysterious pestilence at Ahma-
dabad the exact nature of which cannot be identified. It was charac-
terised by a very high temperature and the appearance on the body
of large dark-coloured blisters the matter from which produced
others. Death ensued in a few hours and even the small English
community lost seven members.