No More Learning

Div. 16) speaks of thirteen books, he includes the Works now lost, but mentioned by Jerome,
tract De Synodis, mentioned above.
Augustin, or other ancient authorities:-1. Libellus
5. Ad Constantium Augustum Liber secundus, ad Sallustium Galliarum Praefectum contra Dios-
presented in person to the emperor about A. D. curum medicum. Probably an apology for Chris-
360, in which the petitioner sets forth that he had tianity. 2. Commentarius (s. Tractatus) in Jobum,
been driven into banishment by the calumnies of freely translated from the Greek of Origen. 3.
his enemies, implores the sovereign to lend a Liber adversus Valentem et Ursatium, portions of
favourable ear to his cause, and takes occasion to which are to be found in the Fragmenta noticed
vindicate the truth of the prirciples which he above. 4. Hymnorum Liber. 5. Mysteriorum
maintained.
Liber. 6. Many Epistolae. 7. He was said to
6. Contra Constantium Augustum Liber. Pro- have been the author of a Commentarius in Cantica
bably composed, and perhaps privately circulated, Canticorum, but Jerome was unable to discover it,
while the prince was still alive, but certainly not and equally dubious is the Expositio Epistolae ad
published until after his death,-a supposition by Timotheum, quoted in the Acts of the Council of
which we shall be able to reconcile the words of Seville.
the piece itself (c. 2) with the positive assertion of The Carmen in Genesim ; Libri de Patris et
Jerome (de Viris ni. 100). Indeed, it is scarcely Filii Unitate ; Liber de Essentia Patris et Fili;
credible that any zealot, however bold, would have Confessio de Trinitate ; Epistola, s. Libellus et
ventured openly to assail any absolute monarch, Sermo de Dedicatione Ecclesiae, are all erroneously
however mild, with such a mass of coarse abuse, ascribed to this father.
differing, moreover, so remarkably from the subdued Hilarius was gifted with a powerful intellect,
tone of his former addresses to the same personage, and displayed undaunted courage and perseverance
who is here pronounced to be Antichrist, a rebel in upholding the faith ; but his zeal bordered so
against God, a tyrant whose sole object was to closely upon fanaticism, that he must frequently
make a gift to the Devil of that world for which have injured the cause which he advocated with
Christ had suffered. We are particularly struck unseemly violence. He can scarcely be esteemed
with two points in this attack. Unmeasured abuse a man of learning, for he was ignorant of Hebrew,
is poured forth against Constantius because he and but imperfectly acquainted with Greek: his
refrained from inflicting tortures and martyrdom expositions of Scripture, when original, are by no
upon his adversaries, seeking rather to win them means profound, when borrowed are not selected
нн 4


## p. 472 (#488) ############################################

472
HIMERAEUS.
HIMERIUS.
In this po-
with judgment; while his doctrines in dogmatic | temple of Acacus ; but they were forced from this
theology must be received with much caution, for sanctuary by Archins, and sent prisoners to Anti-
Erasmus has clearly proved from several passages, pater, who immediately put them all to death,
which the Benedictine editors have in vain sought B. C. 3:22. (Plut. Dem. 28 ; Arrian, ap. Phot. p.
to explain away, that his expressions with regard 69, b. ; Athen. xii. p. 542. ) Lucian speaks very
to the nature of Christ are such as no orthodox dispargingly of Himeraeus, as a mere demagogue,
divine could adopt. Among his contemporaries, indebted to the circumstances of the moment for a
however, and immediate successors his influence temporary influence. (Encom. Demosth. 31. ) Of
was powerful and his reputation high. Rufinus, the justice of this character we have no means of
Augustin, and Jerome speak of him with respect, judging.
[E. H. B. ]
and even admiration.
HIME'RIUS ('Iuépios). 1. A celebrated Greek
A few of the opuscula of Ililarius, together with sophist of Prusa in Bithynia, where his father Amei-
his work De Trinitate, and the treatise of Augustin nias distinguished himself as a rhetorician. (Suid.
upon the same subject, were printed at Milan, fol. s. v. 'Iuépios. ) According to the most correct calcu-
1489, by Leon. Pachel under the cditorial inspec-lation, the life of Ilimerius belongs to the period
tion of G. Cribellus, a presbyter of that city ; and from A. n. 315 to 386. He appears to have re-
this collection was reprinted it Venice in the course ceived his first education and instruction in rhe-
of the same century.
More complete was the toric in his father's house, and he then went to
edition printed at Paris, fol. 1510, by Badius Athens, which was still the principal seat of intel-
Ascensius, which, however, was greatly inferior to lectual culture, to complete his studies. It is not
that of Erasmus, printed at Basle by Frobenius, improbable that he there was a pupil of Proaere-
fol. , 1523, and reprinted in 1526 and 1528. By sius, whose rival he afterwards became. (Eunap.
far the best in every respect is that published by Proaeres. p. 110. ) Afterwards he travelled, ac-
Coustant, Paris, fol. , 1693, forming one of the cording to the custom of the sophists of the time,
Benedictine series, and reprinted, with some ad- in various parts of the East : he thus visited Con-
ditions, by Scipio Maffei, Veron. , vols. fol. , stantinople, Nicomedeia, Lacedaemon, Thessalonica,
1730.
Philippi, and other places, and in some of them he
(Our chief authorities for the life of Hilarius stayed for some time, and delivered his show
are an ancient biography by a certain Venantius speeches. At length, however, he returned to
Fortunatus, who must be distinguished from the Athens, and settled there. He now began his
Christian poet of the same name, consisting of career as a teacher of rhetoric, and at first gave only
two books, which, from the difference of style, private instruction, but soon after he was appointed
many suppose to be from two different pens; the professor of rhetoric, and received a salary. (Phot.
short but valuable notice in Hieronymus, De Viris Bibl. Cod. 165. p. 109, ed. Bekk. )
II. c. 100; and the Vita Hilarii ex ipsius potissi sition he acquired a very extensive reputation, and
mum Scriptis collecta, prefixed to the Benedictine some of the most distinguished men of the time,
edition, in the Prolegomena to which all the early such as Basilius and Gregorius Nazianzenus, were
testimonies will be found. )
(W. R. ] among his pupils. The emperor Julian, who like
HILDERIC ('Indépixos), king of the Vandals, wise heard him, probably during his visit at Athens
son of Hunneric, and grandson of Hilderic, suc- in A. D. 355 and 356 (Eunap. Himer. ; Liban.
cessor of Trasamund, reigned A. D. 523—530. He Orat. x. p. 267, ed. Morel. ; Zosimus, Hist. Eccles.
was of a gentle disposition, and by his lenity to the iii. 2), conceived so great an admiration for Hime-
African Catholics won the favour of Justinian, rius, that soon after he invited him to his court at
though there is no reason for believing the assertion Antioch, A. D. 362, and made him his secretary.
of Nicephorus (xvii. 11) that he was not an Arian. (Tzetz. Chil. vi. 128. ) Himerius did not return to
He was deposed, and finally murdered, by Gelimer. Athens till after the death of his rival, Proaeresius
There is a scarce silver coin of this prince, bearing (A. D. 368), although the emperor Julian had fallen
his head on the obverse, with D. N. HILDERIX REX, five years before, A. D. 363. He there took his
and the figure of a female on the reverse, with former position again, and distinguished himself
FELIX KART. (Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 9, 17; Eck- both by his instruction and his oratory. He lived
hel, vol. iv. p. 138. )
[A. P. S. ] to an advanced age, but the latter years were not
HIMERAEUS ('Ipepalos), of the borough of free from calamities, for he lost his only promising
Phalerus in Attica, was son of Phanostratus, and son, Rufinus, and was blind during the last period
brother of the celebrated Demetrius Phalereus. of his life. According to Suidas, he died in a fit
We know but little of his life or political career, of epilepsy (iepà vósos).
but it seems certain that he early adopted political Himerius was a Pagan, and, like Libanius and
views altogether opposed to those of his brother, other eminent men, remained a Pagan, though
and became a warm supporter of the anti-Mace- we do not perceive in his writings any hatred
donian party at Athens. He is first mentioned as or animosity against the Christians; he speaks of
joining with Hyperides and others in prosecuting them with mildness and moderation, and seems, on
before the court of Areiopagus all those who were the whole, to have been a man of an amiable dispo-
accused of having received bribes from Harpalus, sition. He was the author of a considerable num-
Demosthenes among the rest. (Vit. X. Oratt
. p. ber of works, a part of which only has come down
846 ; Phot. p. 494, a. ) During the Lamian war Photius (Bibl. Cod. 165, comp. 243) knew
he united zealously in the efforts of the Athenians seventy-one orations and discourses on different
to throw off the joke of Macedonia, and was in subjects: but we now possess only twenty-four
consequence one of the orators whose surrender orations complete ; of thirty-six others we have
was exacted by Antipater after his victory at only extracts in Photius, and of the remaining
Cranon. To escape the fate that awaited him, he eleven we have only fragments. In his oratory
fled from Athens to Aegina, and took refuge, to- Himerius took Aristeides for his model. The ex-
gether with Hyperides and Aristonicus, in the I tant orations are declamations and show speeches,
9
to us.


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HIMILCO.
473
HIMILCO.
:
such as were customary at the time, and were 1. A Carthaginian, mentioned by Pliny (H. N.
delivered either on certain occasions, as those on ii 67) as having conducted a voyage of discovery
the marriage of Severus, and on the death of his from Gades towards the north, along the westem
son Rufinus, or they were spoken merely by way shores of Europe, at the same time that Hanno un-
of oratorical exhibitions. Some of them relate to dertook his well-known royage along the west
events of the time, and so far are of historical coast of Africa. (Hanno Tue NAVIGATOR. ) He
interest. Their style is not above that of the ordi- is not elsewhere referred to by Pliny, but is quoted
nary rhetoricians of his period ; it is obscure and repeatedly as an authority by Festus Avienus in
overladen with figurative and allegorical expres- his geographical poem called Ora Maritima (vv.
sions ; and although it is clear that Himerius was 117, 383, 412, ed. Wernsdorf, in the Poetae
not without talent as an orator, yet he is so much Latini Minores, vol. v. pirs 3). It appears from
under the influence of his age, that with a great the passages there cited that Ilimilco liad repre-
want of taste he indulges in bombastic phraseology, sented his farther progress as prevented by the
mixes up poctical and obsolete expressions with his stagnant nature of the sea, loaded with sea weed,
prose, and seldom neglects an opportunity of dis- and the absence of wind, statements which do not
playing his learning.
spoak highly for his character as a discoverer. His
After the revival of letters, the productions of | voyage is said to have lasted four months, but it is
llimerius were very much neglected, for a com- impossible to judge how far it was extended.
plete edition of all that is still extant of them was Perhaps it was intentionally wrapt in obscurity by
never made till towards the end of last century. the commercial jealousy of the Carthaginians, and
Five orations had been published before ; one by the fabulous statements just alluded io may have
Fabricius (Bill. Gracc. ix. p. 420, &c. old edition), been designed to prevent navigators of other na-
another by J. H. Majus (Giessen, 1719, 8vo. ), and tions from following in the same track. We have
again three by the same Majus (Halle, 1720, fol. ), no clue to the period at which this expedition was
when G. Ch.
Harles edited one oration (the seventh undertaken: Pliny says only that it was during
in the present order), as a specimen and precursor the flourishing times of Carthage (Carthaginis
of all the others, with a commentary by G. Werns- potentia florente). Heeren (Ideen, vol. iv. p. 539)
dorf, Erlangen, 1784, 8vo. Wernsdorf now pre- and Bötticher (Gesch. d. Carthager, p. 17) are dis-
pared a complete collection of all the extant proposed to regard this Hinilco as the same with No.
ductions of Himerius, with commentary and in- 2, the grandson of Mago; but there are no suffi-
troduction, which appeared at length at Göttingen, cient grounds for this supposition.
1790, 8vo. , and is still the only complete edition of 2. A son of Hamilcar, and grandson of Mago,
Himerius. One fragment of some length, which mentioned by Justin (xix. 2 init. ), of whom nothing
has since been discovered, is contained in Boisson- more is known, for the Himilco subsequently men-
ade's Anecdot. Graec. vol. i. p. 172, &c. (Comp. tioned in the same chapter is clearly the same as
Wernsdorf's edition, p. xxxv. , &c. ; Westermann, the subject of the next article, though Justin seems
Gesch. der Griech. Beredtsamk. 101, and Beilage, to have confounded the two.
xiii. , where a complete list of Himerius's oratious 3. Son of Hanno, commander, together with
is given. )
Hannibal, the son of Gisco, in the great Carthagi-
2. The father of lamblichus, is mentioned in nian expedition to Sicily, B. c. 406. His father is
several of the letters of Libanius. (Wernsdorf, p. probably the same Hanno mentioned by Justin
xxxvii. , &c. )
(xix. 2) among the sons of Hamilcar, in which case
3. Bishop of Nicomedeia, where he succeeded Himilco and Hannibal were first cousins. Dio-
Nestorius, but was deposed by Maximian, in A. D. dorus (xiii. 80) expressly states them to have been
432. (Murat. in the Anecdot. Graec. ad Ep. Firmi. ) of the same family. It was probably this relation-
4. A Thracian, one of the generals of Justinian, ship that induced the Carthaginians, when Hannibal
whom we meet with at first in Africa, and after-manifested some reluctance to undertake the com-
wards at Rhegium in Italy. (Procop. Bell. Vandal. mand of a new expedition, to associate Himilco
iv. 23, Bull. Goth. iii. 39. )
with him. The forces placed under their joint
Nine more persons of the name of Himerius, command amounted, according to Timaeus and
concerning whom, however, nothing of interest is Xenophon, to 120,000 men: Ephorus, with his
known, are enumerated by Wernsdorf in the intro- usual exaggeration, stated them at 300,000. (Diod.
duction to his edition, and in Fabricius, Bill. xiii. 80; Xen. Hell. i. 5. $ 21. ) With this great
Graec. vol. vi. p. 55, note ww. (L. S. ] army the two generals formed the siege of Agri-
HI'MERUS ("Iuepus ), the personification of gentum, and directed their attacks against it on
longing love, is first mentioned by Hesiod (Thcog. several points at once. In the course of the works
201), where he and Eros appear as the companions they constructed for this purpose, they destroyed
of Aphrodite. He is sometimes seen in works of many sepulchres, a circumstance to which the
art representing erotic circles; and in the temple superstitious fears of the multitude attributed a
of Aphrodite at Megara, he was represented by pestilence that broke out in the camp soon after-
Scopas, together with Eros and Pothus. (Paus. i. wards, and which carried off many victims, Han-
43. S 6. )
[L. S. ) nibal among the rest. Himilco, now left sole
HIMILCO ("Tuinkwr). Considerable variations general, after attempting to relieve the religious ap-
are found in the MSS. (especially of Greek authors) prehensions of his soldiers by propitiatory sacrifices,
in the mode of writing this name, which is fre- continued to press the siege with vigour. The
quently confounded with Hamilcar, and written arrival of Daphnaeus with a body of Syracusan
'Aula kwr, 'Iulakas, or even 'Auinkas (see Wes- and other auxiliaries for a time changed the face of
seling, ad Diod. xiv. 49). It is probable indeed affairs, and Himilco was even blockaded in his
that Hamilcar and Himilco are only two forms of camp, and reduced to great straits for want of pro-
the same name: both were of common occurrence visions; but having, with the assistance of his
at Carthage.
fleet, intercepted a Syracusan convoy, he was re-


## p. 474 (#490) ############################################

474
HIMILCO.
HIMILCO.
lieved from this difficulty, and soon recovered the to shut himself up with his army within the walls
advantage. The famine, which now made itself of that city. Himilco, thus finding no enemy to
felt in its turn in the besieged city, the dissensions oppose him in the field, advanced at once with his
of the Sicilian generals, and the incapacity or army to the very gates of Syracuse, and encamped
treachery of some among them, at length led to on the same ground previously occupied by the
the abandonment of Agrigentum, of which Himilco Athenians under Nicias, while his fieet of 208
thus became master, after a siege protracted for triremes, besides a countless swarm of transports,
nearly eight months. (Diod. xiij. 80-89; Xen. occupied, and almost filled, the great port. For
Hell. i. 5. $ 21, ii. 2. $ 24. ) Here he took up his 30 days Himilco ravaged the neighbouring country
quarters for the winter, and in the spring of 405 unopposed, and repeatedly offered battle to the
advanced against Gela, to which he laid siege. Syracusans; but though
made himself master of
Dionysius, then just established as tyrant of Syra- one of the suburbs, he does not appear to bave
cuse, led a large force to its relieſ, but was defeated made any vigorous attacks on the city itself.
in the first encounter, on which he at once with Meanwhile, a fever, caused by the marshy nature
drew, taking with him the whole population, not of the ground in which he was encamped and the
only of Gela, but of Camarina also. The cities, great heat of the summer, broke out in his army,
thus abandoned, naturally fell, without a struggle, and soon assumed the character of a malignant
into the hands of Ilimilco ; but of his farther ope- pestilence. This visitation was attributed by the
rations we know nothing, except that a pestilenco Greeks to the profanation of their temples; and
broke out in his army, which led him to make Dionysius took advantage of the confidence thus
offers of peace to the Syracusans. These were inspired to make a sudden attack upon the Cars
gladly accepted, and the terms of the treaty were thaginian camp both by sea and land, which proved
highly advantageous to Carthage, which retained, completely successful; a great part of their fieet
in addition to its former possessions, Selinus, Hi- was either sunk, burnt, or captured ; and Himilco,
mera, and Agrigentum, besides which Gela and despairing of retrieving his fortune, immediately
Camarina were to pay her tribute, and remain un- sent proposals to Dionysius for a secret capitula-
fortified. (Diod. xiii. 91, 108–114. )
tion, by which he himself, together with the native
Himilco now returned to Africa, but his army Carthaginians under his command, should be per-
carried with it the seeds of pestilence, which mitted to depart unmolested, on payment of a sum
quickly spread from the soldiers to the inhabitants, of 300 talents. These terms were gladly accepted
and committed dreadful ravages, which appear to by the Syracusans, and Himilco made his escape
have extended through a period of several years. under cover of the night, leaving all the forces of
Carthage was thus sorely weakened, and wholly his allies and mercenary troops at the mercy of
unprepared for war, when, in 397, Dionysius, who Dionysius. But though he thus secured his per-
had spent several years in preparations, sent a sonal safety, as well as that of the Carthaginian
herald to declare war in form against the Cartha- citizens in his army, a termination at once so igno-
ginians. They were thus unable to prevent his minious and so disastrous to a campaign that had
victorious progress from one end of the island to the promised so much, caused him, on his return to
other, or even to avert the fall of Motya, their Carthage, to be overwhelmed with obloquy, until
chief, and almost their last, strong-hold in Sicily. at length unable to bear the weight of odium that
All that Himilco, who still held the chief command, he had incurred, he put an end to his life by
and who was about this time advanced to the voluntary abstinence. (Diod. xiv. 41, 47-76;
dignity of king or suffete (Diod. xiv. 54), could Justin. xix. 2. )
do, was to attempt the destruction of Dionysius's 4. One of the generals appointed by the Car-
fleet, by attacking it suddenly with 100 triremes, thaginians to conduct the war in Africa against
when most of the ships were drawn up on shore ; Archagathus, the son of Agathocles. He totally
but foiled in this, he was obliged to return to defeated the division of the Syracusan forces under
Africa. Meanwhile, however, he had been actively the command of Eumachus, and put them almost
engaged in preparations, and by the following all to the sword. After this he occupied the passes
spring (B. C. 396), he had assembled a numerous and strongholds in the neighbourhood of Tunis, so
fieet and an army of 100,000 men, with which he as completely to blockade Archagathus in that
landed at Panormus, though not without heavy city. (Diod. xx. 60, 61. ) What part he took ia
loss, having been attacked on the voyage by Lep- the subsequent operations against Agathocles him-
tines, and many of his ships sunk. But once self is not mentioned.
arrived in Sicily, he quickly regained the advantage, 5. Commander of the Carthaginian forces at
recovered possession of Eryx and Motya, and com- Lilybaeum during the first Punic war. At what
pelled Dionysius to fall back towards the eastern time he was sent to Sicily does not appear, but we
side of the island, on which the Sicanians imme- i find him in command of Lily baeum when the
diately declared in favour of Carthage.
Romans, after the great victory of Metellus over
Thus again master of the western part of Sicily, Hasdrubal (B. C. 250), determined to forin the siege
Himilco advanced along the north coast both with of that important fortress. Himilco appears to
his fleet and army; and having effected his march have done all that an energetic and able officer
without opposition as far as Messana, surprised could do : the forces under his command amounted
that city during the absence of most of the inhabit to only 10,000 regular troops, while the Romans
ants, and levelled it to the ground; after which he are said to have brought not less than 110. 000
directed his march southwards, against Syracuse men to the siege; but this must, of course, include
itself. Dionysius had advanced with a large army all who took part in the works, not merely the
to meet him, but the defection of his Sicilian fighting men. Both consuls (C. Atilius and L.
allies, and the total defeat of his fleet by that of Manlius) were with the Roman army, and they
the Carthaginiane under Mago, excited his appre carried on their operations with the utmost vigour,
bensions for the safety of Syracuse, and he hastened | endeavouring to block up the port by a great mole,


## p. 475 (#491) ############################################

HIMILCO
475
HIMILCO.
at the same time that they attacked the walls on | is first mentioned as commanding the fleet which
the land side with battering rams and other en- was sent over from Carthage in B. C. 214, about
gines. Himilco, on his side, thongh he had to the time that Marcellus first arrived in Sicily; but
contend with disaffection among the mercenaries he appears to have remained inactive at Cape
under his own command, as well as with the enemy Pachynus, watching the operations of the enemy,
without the walls, was not less active; but he was but without effecting any thing decisive (Liv. xxiv.
unable to prevent the progress of the Roman works 27, 35). From thence he returned to Carthage;
on the land : a great storm, however, swept away and having received from the government there,
the molc that the Romans were constructing; and who were now determined to prosecute the war in
Hannibal, the son of llamilcar, succeeded in run- Sicily with energy, an army of 25,000 foot and
ning into the port with 50 ships and a force of 3000 horse, he landed with this force at Heraclea
10,000 men, in the very teeth of the Roman fleet. Minoa, and quickly made himself master of Agri-
Thus reinforced, Himilco renewed his attacks upon gentum. Here he was joined by Ilippocrates from
the works of the besiegers; and though repulsed Syracuse ; and following Marcellus, who retreated
in a first sally, he ultimately succeeded in burning before him, he advanced to the banks of the
all the battering engines and other works of the Anapus. But the Roman camp was too strong to
Romans. This decisive blow compelled the con- be forced, and Ilimilco, feeling confident that the
suls to turn the siege into a blockade: nor werc Syracusans could be left to their own resources,
they able to make even this effectual, as they turned liis attention to the other cities of Sicily.
could not succeed in cutting off the besieged alto- The spirit of hostility to Rome was mpidly spread-
gether from their communications by sea. The ing among these, and several openly declared in
next year ( B. C. 249) the great victory of Adherbal favour of the Carthaginians. Murgantia, where
at Drepanum rendered the Carthaginians once great part of the Roman magazines had been col-
more masters of the sea; and Ilimilco is again lected, was betrayed into the hands of Himilco ;
mentioned as co-operating with Carthalo after that and the still more important fortress of Enna was
event, in the attempt to destroy the Roman squa- only prevented from following its example by the
dron, which still kept guard before Lilybaeum. barbarous massacre of its inhabitants by the orders
The enterprise was only partially successful; but of the Roman governor, Pinarius. [Pinarius. ]
from this time the communications of the city by Bat in the following spring (212) the surprise of
sea appear to have been perfectly open. The the Epipolae by Marcellus, which put him in pos-
name of Himilco occurs once more in the following session of three out of the five quarters of Syracuse,
year as opposing the operations of the consuls more than counterbalanced all these advantages of
Caecilius and Fabius, but this is the last we the Carthaginians. Himilco saw the necessity of
hear of him ; and we have no means of judging an immediate effort to relieve Syracuse, and again
how long he continued to hold the comnand of advanced thither in conjunction with Hippocrates.
Lilybaeum, or when he was succeeded by Gisco, But their attacks on the Roman lines were re-
whom we find in that situation at the conclusion pulsed; and a pestilence, caused by the marshy
of the war. (Polyb. i. 41-43, 53 ; Diod. Exc. ground on which they were encamped, broke out
Hoeschel. xxiv, 1; Zonar. viii. 15, 16. )
in their army, which carried off Himilco, as well as
6. A Carthaginian, who commanded the fleet his colleague, Hippocrates. (Liv. xxiv. 35-39,
of Hasdrubal in Spain in 217 B. C. He was at- xxv. 23, 26; Zonar. ix.