Such were the
arguments
on one side.
Cambridge History of India - v4 - Indian Empire
Outside the capital
the government was responsible; and in April, 1843, the control and
management of educational institutions in the Upper Bengal or the
North-Western Provinces were made over to the lieutenant-governor,
Sir G. Clerk, who in August attacked the accepted policy, laying
stress on the difference between the habits and customs of the in-
fluential classes in the upper and the lower provinces. In the former
the native gentry neither countenanced nor supported the govern-
ment schools. In 1844 Lord Hardinge's government announced that
candidates qualified by a knowledge of English would be preferred
for the public service. 3 Examinations were instituted by the Council
of Education and students who qualified therein were enrolled as fit
for (although not necessarily entitled to) employment. The distinction
1 Adam, op. cit. pp. 341-2.
Sharp, op. cit. I, 160.
3 In 1830 the government of the Bengal Presidency had notified that in the nomination
of government vakils (agents) in the native courts and of agents with the Commissioners”,
familiarity with English would constitute a recommendation to preference unless on special
grounds this rule was disregarded. It is, however, doubtful if it was ever acted nr. History
of the Benares Sanskrit College, p. 73.
2
8-2
## p. 116 (#152) ############################################
116
EDUCATION AND MISSIONS TO 1858
was not appreciated, and those who were unsuccessful in obtaining
such posts as they desired resented the disappointment. Western
education, however, had been clearly declared a passport to govern-
inent service, the most coveted of all professions.
Anglo-vernacular schools were established in outlying districts of
Bengal, and in 1844 some vernacular village schools were started
which ended in failure. The indigenous vernacular schools were left
out in the cold; they neither improved in quality nor declined in
number. From considered reluctance to infringe in any way on social
custom and on long-standing ideas regarding the seclusion or sub-
jection of women, the government stood aside from the efforts of the
missionaries, of David Hare, and of a few private societies and in-
dividuals, to promote female education. The missionaries started day-
schools for girls, boarding establishments for orphans and domestic
instruction in the families of the middle and higher classes. The results
were small; but the main credit of a great initiative rests with them. 1
From Leitner's Report it appears that there was far more indigenous
female education in the Panjab than there was in the older provinces.
A school for girls was in 1849 established and maintained in Calcutta
by J. E. D. Bethune, member of the governor-general's council and
president of the Council of Education, who spent his money freely on
the undertaking. 2 Dalhousie considered that this generous example
was likely to be followed by Indian gentlemen and that schools for
girls could be promoted by district officers. The directors, however,
threw cold water on this idea as they were unwilling to alarm con-
servative Indian opinion. After Bethune's untimely death, the ex-
penses of his school were borne first by Dalhousie and afterwards by
a fund raised by public subscription to carry on Bethune's work.
While Western education was acquiring increasing momentum
among the Hindus of Bengal, it progressed very slowly in inland
provinces where government servants were practically the only
European residents. James Thomason, lieutenant-governor of the
North-Western Provinces from 1843 to 1853, was anxious to promote
rural education: “enlisting the persons whom the people may them-
selves select as teachers, and support for that purpose". Enquiries
had disclosed the fact that in these provinces only 64,335 (50,026
Hindus and 14,309 Muhammadans) out of a population of 21,630, 167
were in receipt of any education. Eventually a halqabandi (circle)
school system was devised whereby villages were grouped in circles
of five, the land-holders of each group undertaking to pay for a school
by a voluntary cess of i per cent. on the land-revenue. This system
was in 1852-3 introduced into eight districts and was afterwards
1 Richey, Selections from the Educational Records, p. 34; Adam, op. cit. pp. 335–7.
• Calcutta Review, xxi, 513.
• Richey, op. cit. p. 61; also a memorandum by R. Burn, Census Superintendent North-
Western Provinces and Oudh (unpublished).
## p. 117 (#153) ############################################
LACK OF A UNIFORM POLICY
117
6
extended as other districts came under land-revenue settlement. The
scheme, as sanctioned by the directors, involved the levy of a cess of
i per cent. on the rent, which was deducted before the revenue was
calculated, so that payment was shared by the government and the
land-holder. In Bombay the government ignored the filtration theory,
and endeavoured primarily to promote education through the ver-
nacular, admitting to education in English those who sought it and
“had the capacity to acquire European learning”. Throughout the
southern presidency missionary enterprise was busy. English, Scotch,
Americans and Irish Presbyterians vied with each other in honourable
rivalry. 2 In 1839 Lord Elphinstone, governor of Madras, advocated
the establishment of a university open to students who possessed some
knowledge of English. The institution came into existence as a school
which in 1852 bore the title of the “Madras University High School”.
It was then the only state or state-controlled school or college in the
presidency. But the gap left by the government had been filled by
missionaries of various denominations, Jesuit fathers, Wesleyans and
the English, Scottish and American Churches. The number of mis-
sionary schools in Madras exceeded those in all other presidencies put
together. 3
Kaye tells us that the state educational expenditure in 1853
amounted to about £70,000. For many years, as Dalhousie observed,
the public finances had been “in a condition which clogged the action
of the government”. 4 In Bengal the government was maintaining
thirty colleges and schools in which English was taught, but only
thirty-three vernacular schools against Bombay's 233. Among the
most successful government institutions were the Medical College
started by Bentinck in Calcutta, and the Thomason Engineering
College at Rurki in the North-Western Provinces. Throughout India
the Hindu aristocracy held aloof from the new learning. Their literary
tastes were satisfied by the poetry of their race; and they had no
inclination to send their sons to schools where social contact with boys
of a lower order would mean contamination. The Muhammadans, as
a body, also stood outside. They had never felt disposed to do anything
else. Proud of an imperial past, attached to their own classics, they
held that religious and secular instruction should go together. Their
young men were freely employed in administrative posts, but despised
clerical and office work.
As the time approached for another revision of the Company's
charter, it became more and more apparent that uniformity and
constancy of aim were lacking in the educational policies of the various
provincial governments. The situation was reviewed by Dalhousie,
· Richey, p. 18.
* Report of the Education Commission of 1882, pp. 12–13.
* Madras Administrative Report, 1855-6; Richey, op. cit. p. 183. See also Satthianadhan,
History of Education in Madras, pp. 38-9, and Report of the Education Commission of 1882, p. 10.
• Richey, op. cil. p. 113.
Report of ihe Education Commission of 1882, p. 483.
## p. 118 (#154) ############################################
118 EDUCATION AND MISSIONS TO 1858
66
who forwarded proposals to the directors. A parliamentary com-
mittee was appointed and examined a number of witnesses, including
such veterans as Trevelyan and Duff. Sir Charles Wood, president of
the Board of Control, after much deliberation, forwarded a scheme to
India through the court of directors (dispatch 49 of 19 July, 1854)
which imposed upon the government the task of creating a properly
“
articulated scheme of education, from the primary school to the
university". As state schools and colleges were intended to benefit
the general population, the instruction which they gave must ob-
viously be "exclusively sccular”; but
every honest educational agency, whether religious or not, should be encouraged
to the utmost, under the inspection and direction of a government department, and
with the encouragement and assistance of the local officers of government, upon
the value of which emphasis was laid. 1
The filtration theory was unsatisfying. The indigenous schools were
no longer to be left to themselves, but “made capable of imparting
correct elementary knowledge to the great mass of people”. The
methods adopted in the North-Western Provinces for promoting rural
education were commended for general imitation. A regular system
of scholarships must be instituted to connect lower schools with higher,
and higher schools with colleges. Voluntary effort must be supported
by grants-in-aid from the state awarded with entire impartiality.
Female education must be frankly and cordially supported. It might
be anticipated that eventually state education would become educa-
tion supported where necessary by state grants-in-aid.
Universities would be established at Calcutta? and Bombay and
would be allowed at Madras or elsewhere provided a sufficient number
of colleges were forthcoming. They would be examining bodies on
the model of the London University, depending, so far as teaching
was concerned, upon the various colleges, whether maintained by
government or voluntary effort. But professorships should be insti-
tuted for instruction in such subjects as law and civil engineering. It
would greatly encourage the cultivation of the vernaculars if chairs
were also founded for promoting the study of these languages and
perhaps also of Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian. The acquisition of
degrees would bring highly educated young men to the notice of the
government and facilitate selections for the public services.
The particular attention of the government should be given to the
diffusion through the schools of useful and practical knowledge
among the people generally. So far state energies had been too ex-
clusively directed toward "providing a very high degree of education"
for classes who were often able and willing to bear at least a con-
siderable portion of the cost themselves. More could be done to
i Calcutta University Commission Report, 1, 40.
: A scheme for a university at Calcutta had been proposed in 1845 by the Council of
Education, but had remained in abeyance.
## p. 119 (#155) ############################################
WOOD'S SCHEME AND THE MUTINY
119
prepare good vernacular class-books containing European informa-
tion. Teaching of English, where there was a demand for it, should be
combined with careful attention to the vernaculars, but English alone
possessed a sufficiently supple and extended vocabulary for conveying
the elements of Western sciences. This exhaustive dispatch concluded
with the observation that no sudden or speedy results could be
expected from the adoption of the wide measures prescribed. The
outcome depended far more on the people themselves than on the
government.
No time was lost in acting on these orders, which, in Dalhousie's
1
words, "set forth a scheme of education for all India far wider and
more comprehensive than the supreme or any local government could
have ventured to suggest". Departments of public instruction were
organised; and in 1857 examining universities were established at
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. But work had hardly begun when
the Mutiny intervened; and it is natural to enquire whether British
educational policy had contributed to produce that great struggle
Kaye replies in the affirmative, pointing out inter alia that the policy
of the dispatch of 1854, relying partly on missionary aid, and aiming
at penetrating even to the zenanas, was in fact a challenge to Brah-
manism, and that the tendency of educational measures from 1835
onwards had been to curtail Muhammadan emoluments and Muham-
madan dignity. Outram considered that the crusading, improving,
spirit of the past twenty-five years was bound to cause a resounding
clash. 3 It certainly gave the instigators of rebellion one of the prin-
cipal texts from which they preached. But features in various outbreaks
revealed unmistakably the full extent of the dangers which spring from
unbounded and credulous ignorance. Lord Canning had received
a disagrecable shock from the attitude of the Bengali press at the very
crisis of the empire's fate;' but he never faltered in pursuing the
educational policy laid down in 1854.
Among many subjects of importance none can have a stronger claim on our
attention than that of education. It is one of our most sacred duties to be the means,
as far as in us lics, of conferring upon natives of India those vast moral and material
blessings which flow from the diffusion of useful knowledge, and which India may,
under Providence, derive from her connection with England.
So ran the preamble of the dispatch of 1854. The pioneers of this
policy were Grant and Carey. Wilberforce lent his powerful aid; the
unremembered Robert Smith suggested the clause which proved the
starting-point for a great undertaking; Hare by his devoted labours
earned the lasting gratitude of Bengali Hindus;5 Ram Mohan Roy
i See Calcutta Review, 1860, XXXV, 401–26.
· History of the Indian Mutiny, I, 131-43.
• Lee-Warner, Dalhousie, 11, 355,
• Donogh, Law of Sedition in India, p. 182; Kaye and Malleson, History of the Mutiny,
III, 13.
Banerjee, A Nation in the Making, pp. 1-2.
## p. 120 (#156) ############################################
1 20 EDUCATION AND MISSIONS TO 1858
prepared the way for Bentinck and Macaulay. A Hindu movement
in Calcutta, due largely to the persevering efforts of the missionaries,
combined with the general trend of political thought in England, with
the eloquent pen of Macaulay and with the inclinations of the governor-
general to produce the decision of 1835 which was in the circumstances
natural but broke violently with the past, took no account of the
indigenous vernacular schools or of the importance of preserving as
far as possible their self-supporting character, and encouraged ten-
dencies which, as years went on, passed beyond control. The new
policy was carried into effect in Bengal by a brilliant Whig politician
who possessed no knowledge of the history of Indian thought and no
understanding of the Indian mind. The years which followed 1835
were years of varying opinion, uneven direction, and scanty expendi-
ture. Then a great governor-general found time to consider education
and corresponded with a president of the Board of Control, who, con-
vinced of the supreme importance of the subject, gave it elaborate
attention, and pricked out a chart for future guidance. His chief
desire was that England should do her duty by those many millions
for whose welfare she had undertaken responsibility, that they should
be less and less cramped and plagued by the evils which spring from
ignorance and tyrannical superstitions, that while the ancient learning
of India should still be held in honour, her peoples should no longer
be penned behind those barriers of stationary thought which for long
centuries had been so powerfully restrictive. But he saw clearly that
whatever the government might attempt, the eventual issues lay with
the people themselves.
## p. 121 (#157) ############################################
CHAPTER VII
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
By the charter of 1698 parliament provided for the maintenance of
ministers and schoolmasters in all the Company's garrisons and
superior factories. The ministers must learn Portuguese within one
year of their arrival in India and must apply themselves to acquire
knowledge of the native languages in order to be able “to instruct
the gentoos that shall be servants or slaves of the Company or of their
agents in the Protestant religion”. In 1700 the directors communi-
cated to their “commanders of ships and agents of factories” a form
of prayer, sanctioned by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
of London, which contained the supplication
that we adorning the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour in all things, these Indian
nations among whom we dwell, beholding our
good works may be won over to love
our most holy religion, and glorify thee, our Father which art in Heaven. "
Forty years before, when asking certain doctors of Oxford and Cam-
bridge for assistance in procuring the services of a chaplain for their
settlements, the directors had expressed a vague desire “to endeavour
the advance and spreading of the Gospel in India”;a but whatever
might be the views of the day in Leadenhall Street, the governors and
councils at Madras, Calcutta and Bombay were by no means inclined
to missionary enterprise. The records of the India Office contain a
bitter complaint written about 1702, by Benjamin Adams, chaplain
of “the Bay” (of Bengal), emphasising the great discouragement and
disadvantage under which the “missionary clergy” abroad were
living, and the opposition which they met from their own chiefs. 3 The
majority of the scanty staff of chaplains who were sent out were
engaged for periods of three, five, or seven years; they were often
incapacitated by illness; they often refrained from learning Portu-
guese, and in the ordinary course of their duties they had small
occasion to learn thoroughly any Indian language. A more pressing
care was the religious instruction of the “children of mixed parents
among their congregations. In Madras these would largely have been
left to French or Portuguese Roman Catholic priests, had not other
teachers come forward. For political and religious reasons the governor
and council were glad to obtain assistance from the Lutheran mis-
sionaries of Tranquebar, Danish and German, who received generous
financial support from the British Society for Promoting Christian
1 Hyde, Parochial Annals, Appendix A, and Penny, Church in Madras, 1, 125.
· Sainsbury, Court Minutes, 1655-9, p. 227.
• Hyde, op. cit. p. 75.
## p. 122 (#158) ############################################
I 22
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
1
Knowledge. In gratitude for services, both in teaching the children
of the Portuguese, Tamils and Eurasians employed by the Company's
merchants and factors, and in ministering to the Company's soldiers,
British, Swiss, Hanoverians and other Germans, these men received
free passages to India from the directors, and their goods were con-
veyed free of charge. The most notable among them was the German
Pietist, Christian Swartz, who was employed by Sir Thomas
Rumbold on a secret mission of peace to Hydar Ali in 1779, and
afterwards accepted a chaplaincy, continuing all his missionary
activities. 1 A monument erected after his death in the fort church at
Madras at the expense of the Company testifies that for fifty years he
'went about doing good”, and that in him "religion appeared not
with a gloomy aspect or forbidding mien, but with a graceful form
and placid dignity”.
While German and Danish missionaries were thus honoured in the
comparatively small presidency of Madras, the problems of managing
vast territories peopled by multitudes of various religions were pressing
heavily on the rulers of Bengal. By the regulations of 1793 the
governor-general in council promised to "preserve the laws of the
Shaster and the Koran, and to protect the natives of India in the free
exercise of their religion”. All rites and customs were to be tolerated;
all endowments were left untouched; all religious liabilities created
by former rulers were accepted as trusts. As we saw in our last chapter,
when in 1793 the Company's charter came up for renewal, Wilber-
force failed to persuade parliament to impose missionary responsi-
bilities on the court of directors, and William Carey and his coadjutors
made their way to India without licences from that body. Once at
Serampur they could claim protection from the Danish flag. But they
owed their subsequent success very largely to Lord Wellesley's favour,
for he not only appointed Carey teacher of languages in the new
college for young civil servants, but personally subscribed £8002 to
the building of a church at Serampur, subsidising too the translation
of the Christian Scriptures into Indian languages, “to give the learned
natives access to the sacred fountain of divine truth”. He “thought
that a Christian governor could not have done less, and knew that a
British governor ought not to do more". 3
In religion as in other matters Wellesley pursued a policy of his
own; but he left India in 1805 and his successors were inclined to
reverse this policy. The Serampur missionaries, too, had been greatly
encouraged and conducted their operations with less discretion.
Friction with the government began, and was intensified by the news
of the mutiny at Vellore in 1806. There was no apparent connection
between this event and any missionary activities, but the Madras
authorities stated that malicious reports had been current that it
1 See v, 282, supra.
2 Marshman, Carey, Marshman and Ward, p. 170.
3 Hansard, xxv, 697-8.
• Mill and Wilson, History of British India, vii, 101.
1
a
4
## p. 123 (#159) ############################################
MISSIONARY ENTHUSIASM
123
was the wish of the British Government to convert the people of the
country to Christianity by forcible means. From 1807 to 1813 mission
work was an object of nervous apprehension to the government at
Calcutta; and missionaries without licences from the directors were
on various occasions deported from or refused permission to land in
British India. Meantime, however, Methodists and Evangelicals
were vigorously stimulating religious enthusiasm in England. The
“Particular Baptist Society” which supported Carey and his col-
leagues had received subscriptions from Christians of other de-
nominations and a remarkable testimonial from the Quarterly Review;a
Wilberforce and the Clapham sect had procured the stoppage of the
slave-trade. The Church Missionary Society, the Bible Society, the
London Missionary Society and other religious associations, new and
old, were gathering increased support. Charles Grant's influence was
powerful in Leadenhall Street. When Lord Minto's government sent
home an account of its differences with the Serampur missionaries,
it had been told that the directors were not averse to the introduction
of Christianity, but to any imprudent or injudicious attempt to
introduce it by methods which irritated other religious prejudices.
It was enjoined to abstain from all unnecessary and ostentatious
interference with the proceedings of the missionaries.
“On the other land”, wrote the court, “it will be your bounden duty vigilantly
to guard the public tranquillity from interruption, and to impress upon the minds
of all the inhabitants of India, that the British faith, upon which they rely for the
free exercise of their religion, will be inviolably maintained. ”3
When the Company's charter came under revision in 1813 the tide
in England was flowing in favour of the missionaries. It was urged
that the real question was not whether the natives of India should
continue to enjoy complete religious toleration, but whether that
toleration should be extended to the teachers of Christianity. Quite
apart from any doctrinal considerations, the spread of Christianity
had always meant moral progress; and the existence of such customs
as widow-burning and female infanticide showed that moral progress
was urgently required in the interests of humanity. It had been said
that the British empire in India was insecure and might easily be
upset by religious agitation. Indeed it was—a column upon sand
was but a feeble emblem of its insecurity. But even worldly policy
demanded that India should be "trained up in civilisation and
Christianity, like a child by its guardian, till such tutelage was no
longer needed”. At present
if England were dispossessed of its dominion in India nothing would be retained of
all we could have taught but that improved discipline which the people would
i Stock, History of the Church Missionary Society, 1, 99.
2 “Baptist Missions", Quarterly Review, February, 1809, 1, 225.
• Dispatch, 7 September, 1808; Kaye, History of Christianily in India, pp. 513-18;
Quarterly Review, March, 1813, ix, 236. .
## p. 124 (#160) ############################################
124
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
exercise first to our destruction and then to their own. Not a trace of our language
would remain; and for our religion the Hindoo historians would argue that we
had none.
Such were the arguments on one side. With variations they were
pushed so vehemently that petitions loaded the tables of the houses
of parliament from religious bodies of all kinds. 1 On the other hand
it was argued that in the matter of religion the natives of India were
peculiarly sensitive. Evidence on this point, taken by a committee
of the Commons so far back as 1781, had elicited the unanimous
opinion that “any interference with the religion of the natives would
eventually insure the total destruction of the British power". On no
account should missionaries be employed or maintained by the
government. They might go to India as they had gone heretofore or
under new restrictions; they might preach, translate and teach at
their own risk; but no sanction should be given by government to
their proceedings, and no attempt should be made to tie the hands of
government from restraining their activities.
As has been shown in the last chapter, Wilberforce had abated the
demands of 1793, and now gained his main point, for not only were
missionaries allowed to appeal to the Board of Control against refusals
by the directors to allow them to proceed to India, but resolutions
were incorporated in the new charter act which favoured the adoption
of a policy of promoting religious and moral improvement. The
Company's Anglican establishment was placed under the super-
intendence of a bishop and three archdeacons, for whose maintenance
adequate provision was to be made from Indian territorial revenues.
On 8 May, 1814, the first bishop of Calcutta was consecrated in
Lambeth Palace privately in order to avoid offending Indian religious
susceptibilities, which were in fact totally unruffled by this event. 2
Between the years 1813 and 1833 Christianity gained converts;
missionaries of various denominations considerably increased and
maintained friendly relations with the people and with the authorities.
When the charter was again renewed in 1833, arrangements were
made for the establishment of the episcopal sees of Madras and
Bombay. Missionaries were enabled to proceed to India without
licence from any authority, and rendered invaluable assistance to the
government in educational enterprise. Under the scheme of 1854
their schools became eligible for grants-in-aid. While, moreover, the
directors declared that education must be purely secular in state
schools and colleges, they understood that bibles were placed in the
libraries of these institutions, and had no desire to prevent any
explanations which pupils might spontaneously ask from teachers on
this subject provided that such information was given out of school
hours.
1 Mill and Wilson, op. cit. VII, 389-96, 401.
? Kaye, British India, pp. 646-7.
2
## p. 125 (#161) ############################################
INDIAN CHRISTIANS
125
But in other respects relations were less harmonious. Com-
plaints were made of the disabilities imposed on Indian converts to
Christianity by the government's regulations and of official en-
couragement accorded to idolatrous ceremonies and practices. The
fact was that succeeding to the thrones of Indian rulers, the British
Government had sanctioned by regulations certain usages repugnant
to Christian prejudices. Converts to Christianity were legally subject
to disinheritance; and native Christians, whether Protestants or the
Roman Catholics who were very numerous in Southern India,
suffered from civil disabilities and restrictions, while Hindu and
Muhammadan religious usages, institutions and ceremonies were
treated with profound official deference. Troops were turned out and
salutes were fired when festivals occurred. The British Government
administered Hindu and Muhammadan religious endowments and
levicd pilgrim taxes in order to pay for keeping temples in order, for
supporting priests and for providing guards on particular occasions;
it repaired sacred buildings and managed landed estates the net
proceeds from which went to ministers of temples and mosques. As
meantime only scanty sums were allotted to the service of the religion
which the rulers of the country themselves professed, the contrast gave
point to the charge that these rulers neither had nor cared for any
religion.
In the year 1832, however, with the object of affording relief to
Christian converts, the government passed a law which protected all
persons who should change their religion from consequent loss of
property. This measure evoked Hindu protests, although the Muham-
madans in the day of their power had not only protected but en-
couraged Muslim converts. The protests were disregarded; but the
new law applied only to the Bengal Presidency; and in 1845 the
bishop of Bombay represented that within his diocese native Christians
were indeed protected from violence by the courts of justice, but
derived no other benefit whatever from these institutions. Such
grievances were finally disposed of by Lord Dalhousie's government
in 1850, which passed an act rescinding all laws and usages throughout
India which inflicted upon any person forfeiture of rights and property
by reason of renunciation of or exclusion from the communion of any
religion. The act evoked loud complaints from Hindus, not un-
naturally, as under Hindu law inheritance of property was attended
by religious and ceremonial obligations. But the new measure stood.
The hopes and enthusiasm which animated the Board of Control
in 1833 stimulated general reform in India. Charles Grant, afterwards
Lord Glenelg, was president, and on 21 February addressed the
governor-general in council through the court of directors ordering
! E. g. Peggs, India's Cries to British Humanity, 1830.
• Tucker, Memorials of Indian Government, p. 358. See also Kaye, History of Christianity in
India, chap. x; Lyall, op. cit. chap. X.
## p. 126 (#162) ############################################
126
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
the abolition of the pilgrim tax in every province and the cessation
of the practice of employing government servants in the collection,
management of custody of religious funds or offerings. No public
servant was to receive any sort of emolument from any such source.
The police posted on duty at religious festivals with a view to the
peace and security of pilgrims and worshippers must be paid out of
general revenues. Indians should be left to themselves in all matters
relating to their temples, their worship, their festivals or their cere-
monial observances. The dispatch called for further information and
added :
We are holding up a standard to which you are ultimately to conform your
policy rather than laying down a rule to which you are instantly and without
respect of circumstances to conform. . . . Such explanations should be given to the
natives as shall satisfy them that so far from abandoning the principles of a just
toleration, the British Government is resolved to apply them with more scrupulous
accuracy than ever; and that this proceeding is in truth a recurrence to that state
of real neutrality from which we ought never to have departed. '
The dispatch, which had been long in incubation, was received by
the government of India without enthusiasm, and remained for some
time a dead letter. But regulations which insisted on the firing of
salutes, on official attendance and homage? at Hindu and Muham-
madan festivals, were resented not only by chaplains and missionaries
but by members of the Company's services, and a memorial which
received 200 signatures from official and non-official Europeans was
presented to the Madras Government through the bishop to be
forwarded to higher authority. The memorialists petitioned that the
instructions of 1833 should be carried out and were strongly supported
by Bishop Corrie, who thus incurred the displeasure of the local
government, but appealed to the governor-general. Strong feeling
was aroused both in India and England; and eventually on the
initiative of Sir John Cam Hobhouse, president of the Board of
Control, a dispatch was addressed by the directors to the government
of India dated 8 August, 1838, which insisted both that no more time
should be lost in obeying the instructions of 1833 and that arrange-
ments should be made
for relieving all our servants, whether Christians, Muhammadans or Hindus, from
the compulsory performance of acts which you may consider to be justly liable to
objection on the ground of religious scruples. 3
The government of India obeyed, and issued orders which put an end
to the attendance of troops or military bands at native religious
festivals or ceremonies and to all firing of salutes on such occasions.
Public officers were, as far as possible, to abstain from all connection
with the ceremonies of the Hindu and Muhammadan religions. But
1 Kaye, History of Christianity in India, p. 418.
2 Idem, p. 421 n. ; Peggs, op. cit. pp. 259-60.
3 Parl. Papers, 1839, xxxix, 189; Kaye, op. cit. pp. 428-9; also Tucker, op. cit.
pp. 353-69.
## p. 127 (#163) ############################################
SLAVERY
127
>
the administration of religious endowments was interwoven with the
revenue system of the country, and the tenants of landed estates which
belonged to religious establishments had always been accustomed to
look to the government as their working landlord and could not be
summarily handed over to unreliable substitutes. 1 New agencies of
a trustworthy nature were hard to find, and complaints were made
that, to the grave injury of the Hindu and Muhammadan religions,
obligations were being shuffled off which had always been considered
binding. It was not until the year 1863, when the government of
India had been transferred to the crown, that an act was passed
which relieved public servants from all duties which embraced the
superintending of lands assigned for pious uses or the management
in any form of religious establishments belonging to the Hindu or the
Muhammadan religions. The cry of “religion in danger” which
undoubtedly contributed to the outbreak of the Mutiny was partly
produced by a feeling that the ancient faiths of the country were losi
exclusive privileges. But it must be admitted that the Company's
conciliatory policy had been carried to extreme lengths and called
for modification.
In tolerating all Indian rites and customs the British Government
soon found itself confronted by difficult problems. One was not felt
to be pressing. Slavery had long been an established institution not
only in India but in our American colonies. Mr Moreland, in his
valuable studies of economic conditions under thc Moghul Empire,
accepts it as
a Hindu institution, though in Akbar's time at least it did not secure the approval
of all Hindus, and the text-writers refine and distinguish according to their practice
regarding its origin and incidents.
The Ain-i-Akbari shows that slavery was also recognised by Muham-
madan law. In the first year of Warren Hastings's rule in Bengal a
regulation was passed which condemned the families of convicted
dacoits (brigands) to be sold as slaves. The “Committee of Circuit”,
in proposing this legislation, observed:
The ideas of slavery borrowed from our American colonies, will make every
modification of it appear in the eyes of our countrymen in England a horrible evil.
But it is far otherwise in this country; here slaves are treated as the children of the
families to which they belong and often acquire a much happier state by their
slavery than they could have hoped for by the enjoyment of liberty. 5
But these hues are too roseate, for we find Sir William Jones remarking
to a Calcutta jury in 1785:
Hardly a man or woman exists in a corner of this populous town who hath not
at least one slave child either purchased at a trilling price or saved for a life that
1 Parl. Papers, 1841 (5), XVII, 741-51.
? Lyall, op. cit. (ed. 1884), p. 282.
* See Macaulay's speech on the Gates of Somnauth, Speeches on Politics and Literature
(Everyman's Library), especially pp. 204-5.
Moreland, India at the death of Akbar, p. 91. Cf. also From Akbar lo Aurangzeb.
O'Malley, History of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, p. 359. Cf. Peggs, op. cit. pp. 366-8.
## p. 128 (#164) ############################################
128
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
a
seldom fails of being miserable. Many of you, I presume, have seen large boats
filled with such children coming down the river for open sale at Calcutta. Nor
can you be ignorant that most of them were stolen from their parents or bought for
perhaps a measure of rice, in time of scarcity.
The truth is that the treatment of slaves, domestic and agricultural,
varied in different parts of the country;a in most provinces, however,
it was common for very needy members of the humbler classes to sell
themselves or their children into slavery in order to obtain a bare
subsistence. But purchasers would often restore such children to their
parents in better times. The abolition of the slave-trade by the British
parliament in 1807 marked the beginning of a new era. In 1789 the
government of Lord Cornwallis had forbidden by proclamation the
collection of children and adults for the purpose of exporting them as
slaves to different parts of India or elsewhere, a practice in which
“many natives and some Europeans" had been involved. In 1811
the importation of slaves from any other country into India was
forbidden. Vigorous efforts were made to suppress the trade that had
grown up. * In 1832 the purchase and sale of slaves brought from
one district to another was made a penal offence. The charter act
of 1833 required the governor-general in council to take steps for
extinguishing slavery as soon as emancipation should be safe and
practicable. India Act V of 1843 prohibited the legal recognition of
slavery; and keeping of or trafficking in slaves became a criminal
offence under the Indian Penal Code enacted in 1860.
The abolition of slavery came gradually, pushed on by humanitarian
movements in England; but it appears that at no stage was emanci-
pation opposed by any section of Indian society, although it was
accompanied by no payment of compensation to slave-owners. We
pass on to two remarkable customs of another kind which from the
outset were strongly opposed to Western ideas of humanity and
civilisation. One was sanctioned by use and wont among a powerful
caste. It was from its nature elusive, practised in domestic privacy
and therefore most difficult to stop. But it was not authorised by
religion. The other was practised in public and was protected both
by religious tradition and by priestly authority.
In the year 1802 Lord Wellesley's government, after requesting
William Carey5 to investigate the nature of such religious sanction as
existed for throwing Hindu children, in fulfilment of vows, into the
sea at Sagor Island to be drowned or devoured by sharks, decided
to put a stop to the practice. Not only were children sacrificed in this
1 O'Malley, op. cit. p. 359.
Parl. Papers, 1831-2, ix, App. I, A, pp. 303-4, and 1834, XLIV, 171-211. Also
Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, 11, 227-9. Sir R. Burn writes: "The practice of taking a loan
and becoming practically adscriptus glebae' continued quite lately in Oudh”. Cf. Report,
Linlithgow Agricultural Commission, pp. 433-5.
3 Peggs, op. cit. p. 407 n. ; Ross, Cornwallis Correspondence, 1, 547.
Peggs, op. cit. pp. 423, 429.
Marshman, op. cit. p. 75.
1
1
## p. 129 (#165) ############################################
INFANTICIDE
129
manner at Sagor and other places for the supposed benefit of
survivors; but old men and women voluntarily threw away their lives
in this fashion, although the custom was little countenanced either
by the religious orders or by the great body of people who, on the
contrary, considered it a pious act to rescue and bring up a castaway
child. By Regulation vi of 1802 child sacrifice of this kind was
declared to be murder. 1
But when a practice of killing female children was discovered to be
widespread among varieties of Rajputs in different parts of the
country, a far more troublesome and elusive problem presented itself.
Jonathan Duncan, resident at Benares, when travelling on the frontier
of the Jaunpur district in 1789, discovered that murders of this kind
had long been systematically practised by a Rajput tribe called
Rajkumars through the simple method of causing mothers to refuse
nurture to some of their female children. The custom was freely
admitted in conversation and though general was not universal as
"paternal affection, or some other circumstances, had prevailed on
the fathers of Rajkumar families to bring up one or more of their
female issue"; but the instances where more than one daughter had
been spared were very rare, and only one village furnished a complete
exception to the general rule. The same practice prevailed, though
to a less degree, among a smaller tribe, also found within the province
of Benares, called Rajbanses. The motive of such crimes was desire
to shun the disgrace which must ensue from failure to provide
daughters with adequate marriage settlements. On 23 December,
1789, Duncan, writing that he had induced the Rajkumars to enter
into a covenant whereby they undertook to renounce “this horrid
practice”, forwarded a translation of the covenant which stated that
infanticide, although customary among the Rajkumars, was highly
sinful according to the “Bretim Bywunt Puran” and was held in
detestation by the British Government. The Rajkumars therefore
agreed not to commit any longer such detestable acts. Those who
committed them would be outcaste and would suffer the punish-
ments prescribed by the above-mentioned Purana and the Shastras.
Infanticide among the Rajkumars was declared to be murder by
Bengal Regulation xxi of 1795. Regulation 11 of 1804 extended this
declaration to the newly ceded provinces. But, in spite of covenants
and regulations, on 30 April, 1816, Shakespear, acting police super-
intendent of “the Western Provinces”, reported that Rajkumars were
still killing their female infants “to nearly the same degree as formerly,
though a greater degree of caution was preserved to prevent de-
tection". In the meantime Duncan, who had become governor of
Bombay, had learnt that the practice was very general among the
7
i Parl. Papers, 1824, XXIII, 137
* Parl. Papers, 1824, xxm, 7-8; Calcutta Review, 1844, I, 377; Kaye, British India, pp.
555-6; and Twining, Travels in India, p. 327.
9
CHI VI
## p. 130 (#166) ############################################
130
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
Jharija (Jadeja): Rajputs of Cutch and Kattiawar. The matter was
carefully investigated by Colonel Walker, political resident at
Baroda, who reported on 15 March, 1808, that throughout Cutch
there might be six or eight house wherein the masters of Jharija
families brought up their daughters; vtherwise female infanticide was
general among Jharijas not only in Cutch but throughout the province
of Gujarat. From the reports of natives best acquainted with the
country the number of Jharija families inhabiting Cutch and Kattia-
war was estimated at 125,000 and the number of female infants yearly
destroyed at 20,000. Colonel Walker also reported that infar. ticide
was practised among the Rahtor Rajputs of Jaipur and Jodhpur as
well as by Jats and Mewats. The practice had never been interfered
with by any previous government. From the Jharijas he succeeded
in obtaining a covenant whereby, like the Rajkumars, these people
pledged themselves to abandon such practices. Nine years later,
however, it was ascertained that the pledge had not been observed.
There could be no doubt that infanticide was still prevalent among
the Jharijas of Gujarat. In one taluka not one female child was to be
found among 400 families. 2
In spite of constant and varied efforts and activities which are
chronicled in the parliamentary papers of certain years, the preven-
tion of female infanticide among tribes and classes addicted to this
habit long baffled British officers and administrations, to the serious
concern of the court of directors. The difficulty, both in British
territory, and to a far greater degree in native states, was to bring
specific instances to light without espionage, or encroachment on
domestic privacy. In every case of infanticide the mother either
refused nurture to the child or rubbed the nipples of her breast with
opium. 8 The victim died in the home by order of the father, who was
apprehensive of being compelled later on to choose between the disa
grace of being unable to arrange her marriage and the ruinous expense
of accomplishing it satisfactorily.
“Although religion", says Tod, "nowhere authorizes this barbarity, the laws
which regulate marriage among the Rajputs powerfully promote infanticide. Not
only is intermarriage prohibited between families of the same clan (campa), but
between those of the same tribe (gota). . . . Many virtuous and humane princes have
endeavoured to mitigate an evil in the eradication of which every parental feeling
would co-operate.
the government was responsible; and in April, 1843, the control and
management of educational institutions in the Upper Bengal or the
North-Western Provinces were made over to the lieutenant-governor,
Sir G. Clerk, who in August attacked the accepted policy, laying
stress on the difference between the habits and customs of the in-
fluential classes in the upper and the lower provinces. In the former
the native gentry neither countenanced nor supported the govern-
ment schools. In 1844 Lord Hardinge's government announced that
candidates qualified by a knowledge of English would be preferred
for the public service. 3 Examinations were instituted by the Council
of Education and students who qualified therein were enrolled as fit
for (although not necessarily entitled to) employment. The distinction
1 Adam, op. cit. pp. 341-2.
Sharp, op. cit. I, 160.
3 In 1830 the government of the Bengal Presidency had notified that in the nomination
of government vakils (agents) in the native courts and of agents with the Commissioners”,
familiarity with English would constitute a recommendation to preference unless on special
grounds this rule was disregarded. It is, however, doubtful if it was ever acted nr. History
of the Benares Sanskrit College, p. 73.
2
8-2
## p. 116 (#152) ############################################
116
EDUCATION AND MISSIONS TO 1858
was not appreciated, and those who were unsuccessful in obtaining
such posts as they desired resented the disappointment. Western
education, however, had been clearly declared a passport to govern-
inent service, the most coveted of all professions.
Anglo-vernacular schools were established in outlying districts of
Bengal, and in 1844 some vernacular village schools were started
which ended in failure. The indigenous vernacular schools were left
out in the cold; they neither improved in quality nor declined in
number. From considered reluctance to infringe in any way on social
custom and on long-standing ideas regarding the seclusion or sub-
jection of women, the government stood aside from the efforts of the
missionaries, of David Hare, and of a few private societies and in-
dividuals, to promote female education. The missionaries started day-
schools for girls, boarding establishments for orphans and domestic
instruction in the families of the middle and higher classes. The results
were small; but the main credit of a great initiative rests with them. 1
From Leitner's Report it appears that there was far more indigenous
female education in the Panjab than there was in the older provinces.
A school for girls was in 1849 established and maintained in Calcutta
by J. E. D. Bethune, member of the governor-general's council and
president of the Council of Education, who spent his money freely on
the undertaking. 2 Dalhousie considered that this generous example
was likely to be followed by Indian gentlemen and that schools for
girls could be promoted by district officers. The directors, however,
threw cold water on this idea as they were unwilling to alarm con-
servative Indian opinion. After Bethune's untimely death, the ex-
penses of his school were borne first by Dalhousie and afterwards by
a fund raised by public subscription to carry on Bethune's work.
While Western education was acquiring increasing momentum
among the Hindus of Bengal, it progressed very slowly in inland
provinces where government servants were practically the only
European residents. James Thomason, lieutenant-governor of the
North-Western Provinces from 1843 to 1853, was anxious to promote
rural education: “enlisting the persons whom the people may them-
selves select as teachers, and support for that purpose". Enquiries
had disclosed the fact that in these provinces only 64,335 (50,026
Hindus and 14,309 Muhammadans) out of a population of 21,630, 167
were in receipt of any education. Eventually a halqabandi (circle)
school system was devised whereby villages were grouped in circles
of five, the land-holders of each group undertaking to pay for a school
by a voluntary cess of i per cent. on the land-revenue. This system
was in 1852-3 introduced into eight districts and was afterwards
1 Richey, Selections from the Educational Records, p. 34; Adam, op. cit. pp. 335–7.
• Calcutta Review, xxi, 513.
• Richey, op. cit. p. 61; also a memorandum by R. Burn, Census Superintendent North-
Western Provinces and Oudh (unpublished).
## p. 117 (#153) ############################################
LACK OF A UNIFORM POLICY
117
6
extended as other districts came under land-revenue settlement. The
scheme, as sanctioned by the directors, involved the levy of a cess of
i per cent. on the rent, which was deducted before the revenue was
calculated, so that payment was shared by the government and the
land-holder. In Bombay the government ignored the filtration theory,
and endeavoured primarily to promote education through the ver-
nacular, admitting to education in English those who sought it and
“had the capacity to acquire European learning”. Throughout the
southern presidency missionary enterprise was busy. English, Scotch,
Americans and Irish Presbyterians vied with each other in honourable
rivalry. 2 In 1839 Lord Elphinstone, governor of Madras, advocated
the establishment of a university open to students who possessed some
knowledge of English. The institution came into existence as a school
which in 1852 bore the title of the “Madras University High School”.
It was then the only state or state-controlled school or college in the
presidency. But the gap left by the government had been filled by
missionaries of various denominations, Jesuit fathers, Wesleyans and
the English, Scottish and American Churches. The number of mis-
sionary schools in Madras exceeded those in all other presidencies put
together. 3
Kaye tells us that the state educational expenditure in 1853
amounted to about £70,000. For many years, as Dalhousie observed,
the public finances had been “in a condition which clogged the action
of the government”. 4 In Bengal the government was maintaining
thirty colleges and schools in which English was taught, but only
thirty-three vernacular schools against Bombay's 233. Among the
most successful government institutions were the Medical College
started by Bentinck in Calcutta, and the Thomason Engineering
College at Rurki in the North-Western Provinces. Throughout India
the Hindu aristocracy held aloof from the new learning. Their literary
tastes were satisfied by the poetry of their race; and they had no
inclination to send their sons to schools where social contact with boys
of a lower order would mean contamination. The Muhammadans, as
a body, also stood outside. They had never felt disposed to do anything
else. Proud of an imperial past, attached to their own classics, they
held that religious and secular instruction should go together. Their
young men were freely employed in administrative posts, but despised
clerical and office work.
As the time approached for another revision of the Company's
charter, it became more and more apparent that uniformity and
constancy of aim were lacking in the educational policies of the various
provincial governments. The situation was reviewed by Dalhousie,
· Richey, p. 18.
* Report of the Education Commission of 1882, pp. 12–13.
* Madras Administrative Report, 1855-6; Richey, op. cit. p. 183. See also Satthianadhan,
History of Education in Madras, pp. 38-9, and Report of the Education Commission of 1882, p. 10.
• Richey, op. cil. p. 113.
Report of ihe Education Commission of 1882, p. 483.
## p. 118 (#154) ############################################
118 EDUCATION AND MISSIONS TO 1858
66
who forwarded proposals to the directors. A parliamentary com-
mittee was appointed and examined a number of witnesses, including
such veterans as Trevelyan and Duff. Sir Charles Wood, president of
the Board of Control, after much deliberation, forwarded a scheme to
India through the court of directors (dispatch 49 of 19 July, 1854)
which imposed upon the government the task of creating a properly
“
articulated scheme of education, from the primary school to the
university". As state schools and colleges were intended to benefit
the general population, the instruction which they gave must ob-
viously be "exclusively sccular”; but
every honest educational agency, whether religious or not, should be encouraged
to the utmost, under the inspection and direction of a government department, and
with the encouragement and assistance of the local officers of government, upon
the value of which emphasis was laid. 1
The filtration theory was unsatisfying. The indigenous schools were
no longer to be left to themselves, but “made capable of imparting
correct elementary knowledge to the great mass of people”. The
methods adopted in the North-Western Provinces for promoting rural
education were commended for general imitation. A regular system
of scholarships must be instituted to connect lower schools with higher,
and higher schools with colleges. Voluntary effort must be supported
by grants-in-aid from the state awarded with entire impartiality.
Female education must be frankly and cordially supported. It might
be anticipated that eventually state education would become educa-
tion supported where necessary by state grants-in-aid.
Universities would be established at Calcutta? and Bombay and
would be allowed at Madras or elsewhere provided a sufficient number
of colleges were forthcoming. They would be examining bodies on
the model of the London University, depending, so far as teaching
was concerned, upon the various colleges, whether maintained by
government or voluntary effort. But professorships should be insti-
tuted for instruction in such subjects as law and civil engineering. It
would greatly encourage the cultivation of the vernaculars if chairs
were also founded for promoting the study of these languages and
perhaps also of Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian. The acquisition of
degrees would bring highly educated young men to the notice of the
government and facilitate selections for the public services.
The particular attention of the government should be given to the
diffusion through the schools of useful and practical knowledge
among the people generally. So far state energies had been too ex-
clusively directed toward "providing a very high degree of education"
for classes who were often able and willing to bear at least a con-
siderable portion of the cost themselves. More could be done to
i Calcutta University Commission Report, 1, 40.
: A scheme for a university at Calcutta had been proposed in 1845 by the Council of
Education, but had remained in abeyance.
## p. 119 (#155) ############################################
WOOD'S SCHEME AND THE MUTINY
119
prepare good vernacular class-books containing European informa-
tion. Teaching of English, where there was a demand for it, should be
combined with careful attention to the vernaculars, but English alone
possessed a sufficiently supple and extended vocabulary for conveying
the elements of Western sciences. This exhaustive dispatch concluded
with the observation that no sudden or speedy results could be
expected from the adoption of the wide measures prescribed. The
outcome depended far more on the people themselves than on the
government.
No time was lost in acting on these orders, which, in Dalhousie's
1
words, "set forth a scheme of education for all India far wider and
more comprehensive than the supreme or any local government could
have ventured to suggest". Departments of public instruction were
organised; and in 1857 examining universities were established at
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. But work had hardly begun when
the Mutiny intervened; and it is natural to enquire whether British
educational policy had contributed to produce that great struggle
Kaye replies in the affirmative, pointing out inter alia that the policy
of the dispatch of 1854, relying partly on missionary aid, and aiming
at penetrating even to the zenanas, was in fact a challenge to Brah-
manism, and that the tendency of educational measures from 1835
onwards had been to curtail Muhammadan emoluments and Muham-
madan dignity. Outram considered that the crusading, improving,
spirit of the past twenty-five years was bound to cause a resounding
clash. 3 It certainly gave the instigators of rebellion one of the prin-
cipal texts from which they preached. But features in various outbreaks
revealed unmistakably the full extent of the dangers which spring from
unbounded and credulous ignorance. Lord Canning had received
a disagrecable shock from the attitude of the Bengali press at the very
crisis of the empire's fate;' but he never faltered in pursuing the
educational policy laid down in 1854.
Among many subjects of importance none can have a stronger claim on our
attention than that of education. It is one of our most sacred duties to be the means,
as far as in us lics, of conferring upon natives of India those vast moral and material
blessings which flow from the diffusion of useful knowledge, and which India may,
under Providence, derive from her connection with England.
So ran the preamble of the dispatch of 1854. The pioneers of this
policy were Grant and Carey. Wilberforce lent his powerful aid; the
unremembered Robert Smith suggested the clause which proved the
starting-point for a great undertaking; Hare by his devoted labours
earned the lasting gratitude of Bengali Hindus;5 Ram Mohan Roy
i See Calcutta Review, 1860, XXXV, 401–26.
· History of the Indian Mutiny, I, 131-43.
• Lee-Warner, Dalhousie, 11, 355,
• Donogh, Law of Sedition in India, p. 182; Kaye and Malleson, History of the Mutiny,
III, 13.
Banerjee, A Nation in the Making, pp. 1-2.
## p. 120 (#156) ############################################
1 20 EDUCATION AND MISSIONS TO 1858
prepared the way for Bentinck and Macaulay. A Hindu movement
in Calcutta, due largely to the persevering efforts of the missionaries,
combined with the general trend of political thought in England, with
the eloquent pen of Macaulay and with the inclinations of the governor-
general to produce the decision of 1835 which was in the circumstances
natural but broke violently with the past, took no account of the
indigenous vernacular schools or of the importance of preserving as
far as possible their self-supporting character, and encouraged ten-
dencies which, as years went on, passed beyond control. The new
policy was carried into effect in Bengal by a brilliant Whig politician
who possessed no knowledge of the history of Indian thought and no
understanding of the Indian mind. The years which followed 1835
were years of varying opinion, uneven direction, and scanty expendi-
ture. Then a great governor-general found time to consider education
and corresponded with a president of the Board of Control, who, con-
vinced of the supreme importance of the subject, gave it elaborate
attention, and pricked out a chart for future guidance. His chief
desire was that England should do her duty by those many millions
for whose welfare she had undertaken responsibility, that they should
be less and less cramped and plagued by the evils which spring from
ignorance and tyrannical superstitions, that while the ancient learning
of India should still be held in honour, her peoples should no longer
be penned behind those barriers of stationary thought which for long
centuries had been so powerfully restrictive. But he saw clearly that
whatever the government might attempt, the eventual issues lay with
the people themselves.
## p. 121 (#157) ############################################
CHAPTER VII
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
By the charter of 1698 parliament provided for the maintenance of
ministers and schoolmasters in all the Company's garrisons and
superior factories. The ministers must learn Portuguese within one
year of their arrival in India and must apply themselves to acquire
knowledge of the native languages in order to be able “to instruct
the gentoos that shall be servants or slaves of the Company or of their
agents in the Protestant religion”. In 1700 the directors communi-
cated to their “commanders of ships and agents of factories” a form
of prayer, sanctioned by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
of London, which contained the supplication
that we adorning the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour in all things, these Indian
nations among whom we dwell, beholding our
good works may be won over to love
our most holy religion, and glorify thee, our Father which art in Heaven. "
Forty years before, when asking certain doctors of Oxford and Cam-
bridge for assistance in procuring the services of a chaplain for their
settlements, the directors had expressed a vague desire “to endeavour
the advance and spreading of the Gospel in India”;a but whatever
might be the views of the day in Leadenhall Street, the governors and
councils at Madras, Calcutta and Bombay were by no means inclined
to missionary enterprise. The records of the India Office contain a
bitter complaint written about 1702, by Benjamin Adams, chaplain
of “the Bay” (of Bengal), emphasising the great discouragement and
disadvantage under which the “missionary clergy” abroad were
living, and the opposition which they met from their own chiefs. 3 The
majority of the scanty staff of chaplains who were sent out were
engaged for periods of three, five, or seven years; they were often
incapacitated by illness; they often refrained from learning Portu-
guese, and in the ordinary course of their duties they had small
occasion to learn thoroughly any Indian language. A more pressing
care was the religious instruction of the “children of mixed parents
among their congregations. In Madras these would largely have been
left to French or Portuguese Roman Catholic priests, had not other
teachers come forward. For political and religious reasons the governor
and council were glad to obtain assistance from the Lutheran mis-
sionaries of Tranquebar, Danish and German, who received generous
financial support from the British Society for Promoting Christian
1 Hyde, Parochial Annals, Appendix A, and Penny, Church in Madras, 1, 125.
· Sainsbury, Court Minutes, 1655-9, p. 227.
• Hyde, op. cit. p. 75.
## p. 122 (#158) ############################################
I 22
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
1
Knowledge. In gratitude for services, both in teaching the children
of the Portuguese, Tamils and Eurasians employed by the Company's
merchants and factors, and in ministering to the Company's soldiers,
British, Swiss, Hanoverians and other Germans, these men received
free passages to India from the directors, and their goods were con-
veyed free of charge. The most notable among them was the German
Pietist, Christian Swartz, who was employed by Sir Thomas
Rumbold on a secret mission of peace to Hydar Ali in 1779, and
afterwards accepted a chaplaincy, continuing all his missionary
activities. 1 A monument erected after his death in the fort church at
Madras at the expense of the Company testifies that for fifty years he
'went about doing good”, and that in him "religion appeared not
with a gloomy aspect or forbidding mien, but with a graceful form
and placid dignity”.
While German and Danish missionaries were thus honoured in the
comparatively small presidency of Madras, the problems of managing
vast territories peopled by multitudes of various religions were pressing
heavily on the rulers of Bengal. By the regulations of 1793 the
governor-general in council promised to "preserve the laws of the
Shaster and the Koran, and to protect the natives of India in the free
exercise of their religion”. All rites and customs were to be tolerated;
all endowments were left untouched; all religious liabilities created
by former rulers were accepted as trusts. As we saw in our last chapter,
when in 1793 the Company's charter came up for renewal, Wilber-
force failed to persuade parliament to impose missionary responsi-
bilities on the court of directors, and William Carey and his coadjutors
made their way to India without licences from that body. Once at
Serampur they could claim protection from the Danish flag. But they
owed their subsequent success very largely to Lord Wellesley's favour,
for he not only appointed Carey teacher of languages in the new
college for young civil servants, but personally subscribed £8002 to
the building of a church at Serampur, subsidising too the translation
of the Christian Scriptures into Indian languages, “to give the learned
natives access to the sacred fountain of divine truth”. He “thought
that a Christian governor could not have done less, and knew that a
British governor ought not to do more". 3
In religion as in other matters Wellesley pursued a policy of his
own; but he left India in 1805 and his successors were inclined to
reverse this policy. The Serampur missionaries, too, had been greatly
encouraged and conducted their operations with less discretion.
Friction with the government began, and was intensified by the news
of the mutiny at Vellore in 1806. There was no apparent connection
between this event and any missionary activities, but the Madras
authorities stated that malicious reports had been current that it
1 See v, 282, supra.
2 Marshman, Carey, Marshman and Ward, p. 170.
3 Hansard, xxv, 697-8.
• Mill and Wilson, History of British India, vii, 101.
1
a
4
## p. 123 (#159) ############################################
MISSIONARY ENTHUSIASM
123
was the wish of the British Government to convert the people of the
country to Christianity by forcible means. From 1807 to 1813 mission
work was an object of nervous apprehension to the government at
Calcutta; and missionaries without licences from the directors were
on various occasions deported from or refused permission to land in
British India. Meantime, however, Methodists and Evangelicals
were vigorously stimulating religious enthusiasm in England. The
“Particular Baptist Society” which supported Carey and his col-
leagues had received subscriptions from Christians of other de-
nominations and a remarkable testimonial from the Quarterly Review;a
Wilberforce and the Clapham sect had procured the stoppage of the
slave-trade. The Church Missionary Society, the Bible Society, the
London Missionary Society and other religious associations, new and
old, were gathering increased support. Charles Grant's influence was
powerful in Leadenhall Street. When Lord Minto's government sent
home an account of its differences with the Serampur missionaries,
it had been told that the directors were not averse to the introduction
of Christianity, but to any imprudent or injudicious attempt to
introduce it by methods which irritated other religious prejudices.
It was enjoined to abstain from all unnecessary and ostentatious
interference with the proceedings of the missionaries.
“On the other land”, wrote the court, “it will be your bounden duty vigilantly
to guard the public tranquillity from interruption, and to impress upon the minds
of all the inhabitants of India, that the British faith, upon which they rely for the
free exercise of their religion, will be inviolably maintained. ”3
When the Company's charter came under revision in 1813 the tide
in England was flowing in favour of the missionaries. It was urged
that the real question was not whether the natives of India should
continue to enjoy complete religious toleration, but whether that
toleration should be extended to the teachers of Christianity. Quite
apart from any doctrinal considerations, the spread of Christianity
had always meant moral progress; and the existence of such customs
as widow-burning and female infanticide showed that moral progress
was urgently required in the interests of humanity. It had been said
that the British empire in India was insecure and might easily be
upset by religious agitation. Indeed it was—a column upon sand
was but a feeble emblem of its insecurity. But even worldly policy
demanded that India should be "trained up in civilisation and
Christianity, like a child by its guardian, till such tutelage was no
longer needed”. At present
if England were dispossessed of its dominion in India nothing would be retained of
all we could have taught but that improved discipline which the people would
i Stock, History of the Church Missionary Society, 1, 99.
2 “Baptist Missions", Quarterly Review, February, 1809, 1, 225.
• Dispatch, 7 September, 1808; Kaye, History of Christianily in India, pp. 513-18;
Quarterly Review, March, 1813, ix, 236. .
## p. 124 (#160) ############################################
124
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
exercise first to our destruction and then to their own. Not a trace of our language
would remain; and for our religion the Hindoo historians would argue that we
had none.
Such were the arguments on one side. With variations they were
pushed so vehemently that petitions loaded the tables of the houses
of parliament from religious bodies of all kinds. 1 On the other hand
it was argued that in the matter of religion the natives of India were
peculiarly sensitive. Evidence on this point, taken by a committee
of the Commons so far back as 1781, had elicited the unanimous
opinion that “any interference with the religion of the natives would
eventually insure the total destruction of the British power". On no
account should missionaries be employed or maintained by the
government. They might go to India as they had gone heretofore or
under new restrictions; they might preach, translate and teach at
their own risk; but no sanction should be given by government to
their proceedings, and no attempt should be made to tie the hands of
government from restraining their activities.
As has been shown in the last chapter, Wilberforce had abated the
demands of 1793, and now gained his main point, for not only were
missionaries allowed to appeal to the Board of Control against refusals
by the directors to allow them to proceed to India, but resolutions
were incorporated in the new charter act which favoured the adoption
of a policy of promoting religious and moral improvement. The
Company's Anglican establishment was placed under the super-
intendence of a bishop and three archdeacons, for whose maintenance
adequate provision was to be made from Indian territorial revenues.
On 8 May, 1814, the first bishop of Calcutta was consecrated in
Lambeth Palace privately in order to avoid offending Indian religious
susceptibilities, which were in fact totally unruffled by this event. 2
Between the years 1813 and 1833 Christianity gained converts;
missionaries of various denominations considerably increased and
maintained friendly relations with the people and with the authorities.
When the charter was again renewed in 1833, arrangements were
made for the establishment of the episcopal sees of Madras and
Bombay. Missionaries were enabled to proceed to India without
licence from any authority, and rendered invaluable assistance to the
government in educational enterprise. Under the scheme of 1854
their schools became eligible for grants-in-aid. While, moreover, the
directors declared that education must be purely secular in state
schools and colleges, they understood that bibles were placed in the
libraries of these institutions, and had no desire to prevent any
explanations which pupils might spontaneously ask from teachers on
this subject provided that such information was given out of school
hours.
1 Mill and Wilson, op. cit. VII, 389-96, 401.
? Kaye, British India, pp. 646-7.
2
## p. 125 (#161) ############################################
INDIAN CHRISTIANS
125
But in other respects relations were less harmonious. Com-
plaints were made of the disabilities imposed on Indian converts to
Christianity by the government's regulations and of official en-
couragement accorded to idolatrous ceremonies and practices. The
fact was that succeeding to the thrones of Indian rulers, the British
Government had sanctioned by regulations certain usages repugnant
to Christian prejudices. Converts to Christianity were legally subject
to disinheritance; and native Christians, whether Protestants or the
Roman Catholics who were very numerous in Southern India,
suffered from civil disabilities and restrictions, while Hindu and
Muhammadan religious usages, institutions and ceremonies were
treated with profound official deference. Troops were turned out and
salutes were fired when festivals occurred. The British Government
administered Hindu and Muhammadan religious endowments and
levicd pilgrim taxes in order to pay for keeping temples in order, for
supporting priests and for providing guards on particular occasions;
it repaired sacred buildings and managed landed estates the net
proceeds from which went to ministers of temples and mosques. As
meantime only scanty sums were allotted to the service of the religion
which the rulers of the country themselves professed, the contrast gave
point to the charge that these rulers neither had nor cared for any
religion.
In the year 1832, however, with the object of affording relief to
Christian converts, the government passed a law which protected all
persons who should change their religion from consequent loss of
property. This measure evoked Hindu protests, although the Muham-
madans in the day of their power had not only protected but en-
couraged Muslim converts. The protests were disregarded; but the
new law applied only to the Bengal Presidency; and in 1845 the
bishop of Bombay represented that within his diocese native Christians
were indeed protected from violence by the courts of justice, but
derived no other benefit whatever from these institutions. Such
grievances were finally disposed of by Lord Dalhousie's government
in 1850, which passed an act rescinding all laws and usages throughout
India which inflicted upon any person forfeiture of rights and property
by reason of renunciation of or exclusion from the communion of any
religion. The act evoked loud complaints from Hindus, not un-
naturally, as under Hindu law inheritance of property was attended
by religious and ceremonial obligations. But the new measure stood.
The hopes and enthusiasm which animated the Board of Control
in 1833 stimulated general reform in India. Charles Grant, afterwards
Lord Glenelg, was president, and on 21 February addressed the
governor-general in council through the court of directors ordering
! E. g. Peggs, India's Cries to British Humanity, 1830.
• Tucker, Memorials of Indian Government, p. 358. See also Kaye, History of Christianity in
India, chap. x; Lyall, op. cit. chap. X.
## p. 126 (#162) ############################################
126
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
the abolition of the pilgrim tax in every province and the cessation
of the practice of employing government servants in the collection,
management of custody of religious funds or offerings. No public
servant was to receive any sort of emolument from any such source.
The police posted on duty at religious festivals with a view to the
peace and security of pilgrims and worshippers must be paid out of
general revenues. Indians should be left to themselves in all matters
relating to their temples, their worship, their festivals or their cere-
monial observances. The dispatch called for further information and
added :
We are holding up a standard to which you are ultimately to conform your
policy rather than laying down a rule to which you are instantly and without
respect of circumstances to conform. . . . Such explanations should be given to the
natives as shall satisfy them that so far from abandoning the principles of a just
toleration, the British Government is resolved to apply them with more scrupulous
accuracy than ever; and that this proceeding is in truth a recurrence to that state
of real neutrality from which we ought never to have departed. '
The dispatch, which had been long in incubation, was received by
the government of India without enthusiasm, and remained for some
time a dead letter. But regulations which insisted on the firing of
salutes, on official attendance and homage? at Hindu and Muham-
madan festivals, were resented not only by chaplains and missionaries
but by members of the Company's services, and a memorial which
received 200 signatures from official and non-official Europeans was
presented to the Madras Government through the bishop to be
forwarded to higher authority. The memorialists petitioned that the
instructions of 1833 should be carried out and were strongly supported
by Bishop Corrie, who thus incurred the displeasure of the local
government, but appealed to the governor-general. Strong feeling
was aroused both in India and England; and eventually on the
initiative of Sir John Cam Hobhouse, president of the Board of
Control, a dispatch was addressed by the directors to the government
of India dated 8 August, 1838, which insisted both that no more time
should be lost in obeying the instructions of 1833 and that arrange-
ments should be made
for relieving all our servants, whether Christians, Muhammadans or Hindus, from
the compulsory performance of acts which you may consider to be justly liable to
objection on the ground of religious scruples. 3
The government of India obeyed, and issued orders which put an end
to the attendance of troops or military bands at native religious
festivals or ceremonies and to all firing of salutes on such occasions.
Public officers were, as far as possible, to abstain from all connection
with the ceremonies of the Hindu and Muhammadan religions. But
1 Kaye, History of Christianity in India, p. 418.
2 Idem, p. 421 n. ; Peggs, op. cit. pp. 259-60.
3 Parl. Papers, 1839, xxxix, 189; Kaye, op. cit. pp. 428-9; also Tucker, op. cit.
pp. 353-69.
## p. 127 (#163) ############################################
SLAVERY
127
>
the administration of religious endowments was interwoven with the
revenue system of the country, and the tenants of landed estates which
belonged to religious establishments had always been accustomed to
look to the government as their working landlord and could not be
summarily handed over to unreliable substitutes. 1 New agencies of
a trustworthy nature were hard to find, and complaints were made
that, to the grave injury of the Hindu and Muhammadan religions,
obligations were being shuffled off which had always been considered
binding. It was not until the year 1863, when the government of
India had been transferred to the crown, that an act was passed
which relieved public servants from all duties which embraced the
superintending of lands assigned for pious uses or the management
in any form of religious establishments belonging to the Hindu or the
Muhammadan religions. The cry of “religion in danger” which
undoubtedly contributed to the outbreak of the Mutiny was partly
produced by a feeling that the ancient faiths of the country were losi
exclusive privileges. But it must be admitted that the Company's
conciliatory policy had been carried to extreme lengths and called
for modification.
In tolerating all Indian rites and customs the British Government
soon found itself confronted by difficult problems. One was not felt
to be pressing. Slavery had long been an established institution not
only in India but in our American colonies. Mr Moreland, in his
valuable studies of economic conditions under thc Moghul Empire,
accepts it as
a Hindu institution, though in Akbar's time at least it did not secure the approval
of all Hindus, and the text-writers refine and distinguish according to their practice
regarding its origin and incidents.
The Ain-i-Akbari shows that slavery was also recognised by Muham-
madan law. In the first year of Warren Hastings's rule in Bengal a
regulation was passed which condemned the families of convicted
dacoits (brigands) to be sold as slaves. The “Committee of Circuit”,
in proposing this legislation, observed:
The ideas of slavery borrowed from our American colonies, will make every
modification of it appear in the eyes of our countrymen in England a horrible evil.
But it is far otherwise in this country; here slaves are treated as the children of the
families to which they belong and often acquire a much happier state by their
slavery than they could have hoped for by the enjoyment of liberty. 5
But these hues are too roseate, for we find Sir William Jones remarking
to a Calcutta jury in 1785:
Hardly a man or woman exists in a corner of this populous town who hath not
at least one slave child either purchased at a trilling price or saved for a life that
1 Parl. Papers, 1841 (5), XVII, 741-51.
? Lyall, op. cit. (ed. 1884), p. 282.
* See Macaulay's speech on the Gates of Somnauth, Speeches on Politics and Literature
(Everyman's Library), especially pp. 204-5.
Moreland, India at the death of Akbar, p. 91. Cf. also From Akbar lo Aurangzeb.
O'Malley, History of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, p. 359. Cf. Peggs, op. cit. pp. 366-8.
## p. 128 (#164) ############################################
128
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
a
seldom fails of being miserable. Many of you, I presume, have seen large boats
filled with such children coming down the river for open sale at Calcutta. Nor
can you be ignorant that most of them were stolen from their parents or bought for
perhaps a measure of rice, in time of scarcity.
The truth is that the treatment of slaves, domestic and agricultural,
varied in different parts of the country;a in most provinces, however,
it was common for very needy members of the humbler classes to sell
themselves or their children into slavery in order to obtain a bare
subsistence. But purchasers would often restore such children to their
parents in better times. The abolition of the slave-trade by the British
parliament in 1807 marked the beginning of a new era. In 1789 the
government of Lord Cornwallis had forbidden by proclamation the
collection of children and adults for the purpose of exporting them as
slaves to different parts of India or elsewhere, a practice in which
“many natives and some Europeans" had been involved. In 1811
the importation of slaves from any other country into India was
forbidden. Vigorous efforts were made to suppress the trade that had
grown up. * In 1832 the purchase and sale of slaves brought from
one district to another was made a penal offence. The charter act
of 1833 required the governor-general in council to take steps for
extinguishing slavery as soon as emancipation should be safe and
practicable. India Act V of 1843 prohibited the legal recognition of
slavery; and keeping of or trafficking in slaves became a criminal
offence under the Indian Penal Code enacted in 1860.
The abolition of slavery came gradually, pushed on by humanitarian
movements in England; but it appears that at no stage was emanci-
pation opposed by any section of Indian society, although it was
accompanied by no payment of compensation to slave-owners. We
pass on to two remarkable customs of another kind which from the
outset were strongly opposed to Western ideas of humanity and
civilisation. One was sanctioned by use and wont among a powerful
caste. It was from its nature elusive, practised in domestic privacy
and therefore most difficult to stop. But it was not authorised by
religion. The other was practised in public and was protected both
by religious tradition and by priestly authority.
In the year 1802 Lord Wellesley's government, after requesting
William Carey5 to investigate the nature of such religious sanction as
existed for throwing Hindu children, in fulfilment of vows, into the
sea at Sagor Island to be drowned or devoured by sharks, decided
to put a stop to the practice. Not only were children sacrificed in this
1 O'Malley, op. cit. p. 359.
Parl. Papers, 1831-2, ix, App. I, A, pp. 303-4, and 1834, XLIV, 171-211. Also
Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, 11, 227-9. Sir R. Burn writes: "The practice of taking a loan
and becoming practically adscriptus glebae' continued quite lately in Oudh”. Cf. Report,
Linlithgow Agricultural Commission, pp. 433-5.
3 Peggs, op. cit. p. 407 n. ; Ross, Cornwallis Correspondence, 1, 547.
Peggs, op. cit. pp. 423, 429.
Marshman, op. cit. p. 75.
1
1
## p. 129 (#165) ############################################
INFANTICIDE
129
manner at Sagor and other places for the supposed benefit of
survivors; but old men and women voluntarily threw away their lives
in this fashion, although the custom was little countenanced either
by the religious orders or by the great body of people who, on the
contrary, considered it a pious act to rescue and bring up a castaway
child. By Regulation vi of 1802 child sacrifice of this kind was
declared to be murder. 1
But when a practice of killing female children was discovered to be
widespread among varieties of Rajputs in different parts of the
country, a far more troublesome and elusive problem presented itself.
Jonathan Duncan, resident at Benares, when travelling on the frontier
of the Jaunpur district in 1789, discovered that murders of this kind
had long been systematically practised by a Rajput tribe called
Rajkumars through the simple method of causing mothers to refuse
nurture to some of their female children. The custom was freely
admitted in conversation and though general was not universal as
"paternal affection, or some other circumstances, had prevailed on
the fathers of Rajkumar families to bring up one or more of their
female issue"; but the instances where more than one daughter had
been spared were very rare, and only one village furnished a complete
exception to the general rule. The same practice prevailed, though
to a less degree, among a smaller tribe, also found within the province
of Benares, called Rajbanses. The motive of such crimes was desire
to shun the disgrace which must ensue from failure to provide
daughters with adequate marriage settlements. On 23 December,
1789, Duncan, writing that he had induced the Rajkumars to enter
into a covenant whereby they undertook to renounce “this horrid
practice”, forwarded a translation of the covenant which stated that
infanticide, although customary among the Rajkumars, was highly
sinful according to the “Bretim Bywunt Puran” and was held in
detestation by the British Government. The Rajkumars therefore
agreed not to commit any longer such detestable acts. Those who
committed them would be outcaste and would suffer the punish-
ments prescribed by the above-mentioned Purana and the Shastras.
Infanticide among the Rajkumars was declared to be murder by
Bengal Regulation xxi of 1795. Regulation 11 of 1804 extended this
declaration to the newly ceded provinces. But, in spite of covenants
and regulations, on 30 April, 1816, Shakespear, acting police super-
intendent of “the Western Provinces”, reported that Rajkumars were
still killing their female infants “to nearly the same degree as formerly,
though a greater degree of caution was preserved to prevent de-
tection". In the meantime Duncan, who had become governor of
Bombay, had learnt that the practice was very general among the
7
i Parl. Papers, 1824, XXIII, 137
* Parl. Papers, 1824, xxm, 7-8; Calcutta Review, 1844, I, 377; Kaye, British India, pp.
555-6; and Twining, Travels in India, p. 327.
9
CHI VI
## p. 130 (#166) ############################################
130
SOCIAL POLICY TO 1858
Jharija (Jadeja): Rajputs of Cutch and Kattiawar. The matter was
carefully investigated by Colonel Walker, political resident at
Baroda, who reported on 15 March, 1808, that throughout Cutch
there might be six or eight house wherein the masters of Jharija
families brought up their daughters; vtherwise female infanticide was
general among Jharijas not only in Cutch but throughout the province
of Gujarat. From the reports of natives best acquainted with the
country the number of Jharija families inhabiting Cutch and Kattia-
war was estimated at 125,000 and the number of female infants yearly
destroyed at 20,000. Colonel Walker also reported that infar. ticide
was practised among the Rahtor Rajputs of Jaipur and Jodhpur as
well as by Jats and Mewats. The practice had never been interfered
with by any previous government. From the Jharijas he succeeded
in obtaining a covenant whereby, like the Rajkumars, these people
pledged themselves to abandon such practices. Nine years later,
however, it was ascertained that the pledge had not been observed.
There could be no doubt that infanticide was still prevalent among
the Jharijas of Gujarat. In one taluka not one female child was to be
found among 400 families. 2
In spite of constant and varied efforts and activities which are
chronicled in the parliamentary papers of certain years, the preven-
tion of female infanticide among tribes and classes addicted to this
habit long baffled British officers and administrations, to the serious
concern of the court of directors. The difficulty, both in British
territory, and to a far greater degree in native states, was to bring
specific instances to light without espionage, or encroachment on
domestic privacy. In every case of infanticide the mother either
refused nurture to the child or rubbed the nipples of her breast with
opium. 8 The victim died in the home by order of the father, who was
apprehensive of being compelled later on to choose between the disa
grace of being unable to arrange her marriage and the ruinous expense
of accomplishing it satisfactorily.
“Although religion", says Tod, "nowhere authorizes this barbarity, the laws
which regulate marriage among the Rajputs powerfully promote infanticide. Not
only is intermarriage prohibited between families of the same clan (campa), but
between those of the same tribe (gota). . . . Many virtuous and humane princes have
endeavoured to mitigate an evil in the eradication of which every parental feeling
would co-operate.
