No More Learning

I have selected these examples because they are most famil-
iar; but whoever will extend the comparison between the
different nations of the world, will perceive that the position
I have laid down is supported by universal experience.
stated. On the 4th of March, he voted, in common with all the other Vir.
ginia members, first to postpone the consideration of this resolution, and
then to reject it. --i J. C. 170.
<< February 24, 1783.
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? HAMILTON.
51
"The truth is, the ability of a country to pay taxes, de-
pends on infinite combinations of physical and moral
causes, which can never be accommodated to any general
rule; climate, soil, productions, advantages for navigation,
government, genius of the people, progress of arts, and
industry, and an endless variety of circumstances. The
diversities are sufficiently great in these states to make an
infinite difference in their relative wealth, the proportion of
which can never be found by any common measure whatever.
"The only possible way, then, of making them contribute
to the general expense in an equal proportion to their means,
is by general taxes imposed under continental authority.
"In this mode, there would no doubt be inequalities, and
for a considerable time material ones; but experience,
and the constant operation of a general interest, which, by
the very collision of particular interests, must in the main
prevail in a continental deliberative body, would at length
correct those inequalities, and balance one tax that should
bear hard upon one state, by another that should have a
proportional weight in others. This idea, however, was
not at the period of framing the confederation, and is not
yet agreeable to the spirit of the times. To futurity we
must leave the discovery how far this spirit is wise or
foolish. One thing, only is now certain, that congress,
having the discretionary power of determining the quantum
of money to be paid into the general treasury towards de-
fraying the common expenses, have in effect the constitu-
tional power of general taxation. The restraints upon
the exercise of this power amount to the perpetuating a
rule for fixing the proportions, which must of necessity pro-
duce inequality, and by refusing the federal government a
power of specific taxation and of collection, without substitu-
ting any other adequate means of coercion, do in fact leave
the compliance with continental requisitions to the good-
will of the respective states. Inequality is inherent in the
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THE LIFE OP
theory of the confederation; and in the practice, that ine-
quality must increase in proportion to the honesty or dis-
honesty of the component parts. This vice will either in its
consequences reform the federal constitution, or dissolve it.
"If a general standard must be fixed, numbers were pre-
ferable to land. Modes might be devised to ascertain the
former with tolerable precision; but I am persuaded, the
experiment will prove that the value of all the land, in
each state, cannot be ascertained with any thing like ex-
actness. Both these measures have the common disad-
vantage of being no equal representative of the wealth
of the people; but one is much more simple, definite, and
certain than the other.
"I have indulged myself in these remarks, to show that
I have little expectation of success from any mode of car-
rying the article in question into execution upon equitable
principles. I owe it, however, to myself to declare, that
my opposition did not arise from this source. The con-
federation has pointed out this mode, and though I would
heartily join in a representation of the difficulties (of which
every man of sense must be sensible on examination) that
occur in the execution of the plan, to induce the states to
consent to a change; yet as this was not the disposition
of a majority of congress, I would have assented to any
mode of attempting it, which was not either obviously
mischievous or impracticable.
"The first plan proposed, as your excellency will see,
was an actual valuation of each state by itself. This was
evidently making the interested party judge in his own
cause. Those who have seen the operation of this prin-
ciple between the counties in the same state, and the dis-
tricts in the same county, cannot doubt a moment that the
valuations on this plan would have been altogether un-
equal and unjust. Without supposing more liberality in
one state than another, the degree of care, judgment, and
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? HAMILTON.
53
method, employed in the execution, would alone make
extreme differences in the results.
"This mode had also the further inconvenience of
awakening all the jealousies of the several states against
each other. Each would suspect that its neighbour had
favoured itself, whether the partiality appeared or not. It
would be impossible to silence these distrusts, and to make
the states sit down satisfied with the justice of each other.
Every new requisition for money, would be a new signal
for discussion and clamour, and the seeds of disunion,
already sown too thick, would be not a little multiplied.
"To guard against these evils, the plan proposes a revi-
sion by congress; but it is easy to be seen, that such a
power could not be exercised. Should any states return
defective valuations, it would be difficult to find sufficient
evidence to determine them such; to alter would not be
admissible, for congress could have no data which could
be presumed equivalent to those which must have gov-
erned the judgment of commissioners under oath, on an
actual view of the premises. To do either this or to re-
ject, would be an impeachment of the honour of the states,
which it is not probable there would be decision enough
to hazard, and which, if done, could not fail to excite
serious disgusts. There is a wide difference between a
single state exercising such a power over its own counties,
and a confederated government exercising it over sovereign
states which compose the confederacy. It might also
happen, that too many states would be interested in the
defective valuations, to leave a sufficient number willing
either to alter or to reject. These considerations pre-
vailed to prevent the plan being adopted by a majority.
"The last plan may be less mischievous than the first, but
it appears to me altogether ineffectual. The mere quan-
tity of land granted and surveyed, with the general species
of buildings upon them, can certainly be no criteria to
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? 54 THE LIFE OF
determine their value. The plan does not even distinguish
the improved from the unimproved land, the qualities of
soil, or degrees of improvement; the qualities of the
houses and other buildings are entirely omitted. These,
it seems, are to be judged of by the commissioners to be
appointed by each state ; but I am unable to conceive how
any commissioner can form the least estimate of these
circumstances with respect even to his own state, much
less with respect to other states, which would be neces-
sary to establish a just relative value. If even there was
a distinction of improved from unimproved land, by sup-
posing an intrinsic value in the land, and adopting general
rates, something nearer the truth might be attained; but
it must now be all conjecture and uncertainty.
"The number of inhabitants, distinguishing white from
black, is called for. This is not only totally foreign to the
confederation, but can answer no reasonable purpose. It
has been said that the proportion of numbers may guide
and correct the estimates; an assertion purely verbal, and
which has no meaning. A judgment must first be formed
of the value of the lands upon some principle. If this
should be altered by the proportion of numbers, it is plain,
numbers would be substituted to land.
"Another objection to this plan is, that it lets in the par-
ticular interests of the states, to operate in the returns of
the quantities of land, number of buildings, and number
of inhabitants. But the principle of this objection applies
less forcibly here, than against the former plan.
"Whoever will consider the plain import of the eighth
article of the confederation, must be convinced that it in-
tended an actual and specific valuation of land, buildings,
and improvements--not a mere general estimate, according
to the present plan. While we insist, therefore, upon ad-
hering to the confederation, we should do it in reality, not
barely in appearance.
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? HAMILTON.
55
"Many of those who voted for this scheme, had as bad
an opinion of it as myself, but they were induced to ac-
cede to it by a persuasion that some plan for the purpose
was expected by the states; and that none better, in the
present circumstances of the country, could be fallen upon.
"A leading rule which I have laid down for the direc-
tion of my conduct, is this:--that while I would have a just
deference for the expectations of the states, I would never
consent to amuse them by attempts which must either
fail in the execution, or be productive of evil. I would
rather incur the negative inconveniences of delay, than
the positive mischiefs of injudicious expedients. A con-
trary conduct serves to destroy confidence in the govern-
ment, the greatest misfortune that can befall a nation.
There should, in my opinion, be a character of wisdom
and efficiency in all the measures of the fcederal council, the
opposite of a spirit of temporizing concession. I would
have sufficient reliance on the judgments of the several
states, to hope that good reasons for not attempting a
thing, would be more satisfactory to them than precipitate
and fruitless attempts.
"My idea is, that taking it for granted the states will ex-
pect an experiment on the principle of the confederation,
the best plan* will be to make it by commissioners, ap-
pointed by congress and acting under their authority.
* In 1 Mad. 318, Madison observes--" Mr. Hamilton concurred in" (his)
"views, and wished the valuation to be taken up, in order that its impraeli.
cability and futility might become manifest. " This statement is at variance
with these facts. It has been seen that on the 6th January, 1783, Hamilton
offered a resolution for "an eventual valuation. " Here again, he urges an
adherence to the confederation, as intending " an actual and specific valua-
tion;" and in notes for a speech, endorsed on a letter from Clinton, respect-
ing Vermont, he says--" We are not to suppose that those who made the
confederation, did not consider various plans. "--"The states do not pay
taxes, because we do not proceed according to the confederation. "--" Oo
according to confederation. "
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THE LIFE OF
Congress might, in the first instance, appoint three or more
of the principal characters in each state for probity and
abilities, with a power to nominate other commissioners
under them in each subdivision of the state. General
principles might be laid down for the regulation of their
conduct, by which uniformity in the manner of conduct-
ing the business would obtain. Sanctions of such solem-
nity might be prescribed, and such notoriety given to every
part of the transaction, that the commissioners could
neither be careless nor partial without a sacrifice of repu-
tation.
"To carry this plan, however, into effect with sufficient
care and accuracy, would be a work both of time and
expense; and, unfortunately, we are so pressed to find
money for calls of immediate necessity, that we could not
at present undertake a measure which would require so
large a sum.
"To me it appears evident, that every part of a business
which is of so important and universal concern, should be
transacted on uniform principles, and under the direction
of that body which has a common interest. In general, I
regard the present moment, probably the dawn of peace,
as peculiarly critical; and the measures which it shall pro-
duce, as of great importance to the future welfare of these
states. I am, therefore, scrupulously cautious of assenting
to such as appear to me founded on false principles.
"Your excellency will observe that the valuation of the
lands is to be the standard for adjusting the accounts for
past supplies, between the United States and the particular
states. This, if adhered to without allowance for the cir-
cumstances of those states which have been more imme-
diately the theatre of the war, will charge our state for
the past according to its future ability, when in an entire
condition, if the valuation should be made after we regain
possession of the parts of the state now in the power of
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? HAMILTON.
57
the enemy. I have, therefore, introduced a motion for re-
peating the call in a more earnest manner upon the states
to vest congress with a power of making equitable abate-
ments, agreeably to the spirit of the resolution of the
twentieth of February last, which few of the states have
complied with. This motion has been committed. I
know not what will be its fate.
'* Notwithstanding the opposition I have given, now the
matter has been decided in congress, I hope the state will
cheerfully comply with what is required. Unless each
state is governed by this principle, there is an end of the
union. Every state will no doubt have a right, in this
case, to accompany its compliance with such remarks as
it may think proper.
"After the plan was agreed upon, it was committed to
be put into form; and when reported, instead of commis-
sioners, an alteration was carried for making the estimate
by a grand committee. "
"February twenty-seventh. --Mr. Morris has signified to
congress his resolution to resign by the first of June, if
adequate funds are not by that time provided. This will
be a severe stroke to our affairs. No man fit for the
office will be willing to supply his place for the very rea-
sons he resigns. 'Tis happy for us we have reason to
expect a peace. I am sorry that by different accounts it
appears not to have been concluded late in December. "
While this subject was under consideration, the question
of providing for the public debt was again brought for-
ward. The temper of congress led Hamilton to doubt
whether its policy would be such as the interests of the
nation demanded. He believed that the influence of pub-
lic opinion might be beneficially exerted, and he resolved
to endeavour to cause it to be felt.
It is known that the deliberations of the congress of the
confederation were secret. During the earlier periods of
8
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? 58
THE LIFE OP
the revolution, this precaution in an assembly exercising
not only legislative but executive powers, was absolutely
necessary. But this necessity was felt by discerning men
not to be the least of the evils attending a government by
a single body. The salutary control of public sentiment
was not felt, intrigues often prevailed over the maturest
counsels, and the highest talent mourned the absence of
that great support--the warm sympathies of the people.
Obvious as the consequences of this secrecy were, no at-
tempt had been made, during all the long period of the
revolution, to break through it.
It remained for Hamilton to make the first effort in
favour of open debate. He saw the congress sinking
rapidly in public esteem, its recommendations disregarded,
its resolves disobeyed, its counsels misrepresented; the
fears of the timid, stimulated by the arts of the factious,
viewing it as the theatre of cabals, hostile to liberty, when
in fact, the jealousies of particular states prevented the
exercise of those powers which were essential to the chief
object of its institution--the common defence. He saw
these influences at this moment unusually active, while the
clamours of the public creditors and of the army were
heard at their doors demanding an audience.
He had resorted in vain to private solicitation; in vain
had he exerted all the powers of eloquent persuasion to
induce a compliance with their just demands. The stern
prejudices of New-Hampshire could not be overcome;
Connecticut was not to be soothed. By those states it
was intended that a most solemn pledge for a most sacred
debt, the price of their independence, should be deliber-
ately violated.
On the eighteenth of February, the day appointed to
consider the proposition to raise substantial funds, a call,
which Hamilton seconded, for an estimate of the principal
of the liquidated and unliquidated debt, was followed by
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? HAMILTON. 59
a motion, in pursuance of instructions from Connecticut,
asking an account of the names and titles of all civil and
diplomatic officers, and a statement of the amount of all
grants for the pay, half-pay, and gratuities, for their past
services.
Hamilton felt that the honour of the nation was at stake,
and that it was a question for the nation to decide. He
proposed the following resolution:--" Whereas, it is the
desire of congress that the motives of their deliberations
and measures, (as far as they can be disclosed consistently
with the public safety,) should be fully known to their
constituents--therefore, resolved, That when the establish-
ment of funds for paying the principal and interest of the
public debt shall be under the consideration of this house,
the doors shall be opened. "
This resolution was postponed almost without a reply,
for the only answer given to so important a proposition,
was the remark of the delegate from Rhode Island, as to
whom he had reported a vote of censure, " that if the
member wishes to display his eloquence, he should address
the people from the balcony. "
Immediately after the defeat of this proposal, a report
was made to the house by the grand committee, which
contained a modification of Hamilton's resolution so as
to declare the necessity of permanent and adequate funds,
but omitted the provision that they should be collected by
congress. In this form it passed by the votes of seven
states, and, on the twenty-first of February, was referred
to a special committee. *
Congress nowf resumed the consideration of the claims
of the officers. The committee of which Hamilton was
a member, reported that the officers then in service, and
who should continue until the end of the war, should
* Fitzsimmons, Gorham, Hamilton, Madison, Rutledge. t Feb. 25.
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60 THE LIFE OF
receive in commutation of their half-pay, full pay for years, either in money, or securities at interest, giv-
ing to the lines of the respective states, and not to the
individual officers, the option of accepting such commuta-
tion. This provision was extended to all officers who had
retired on a promise of half-pay, and to the widows of
such as should die in the service.
A motion was made to postpone this report, with a
view to substitute a provision by the states, which was
rejected. * Hamilton then moved to. fill the blank with
five and a half years' pay, as nearer to an equivalent of
full pay, on the valuations of lives; but this motion failed,
and the commutation was established at five years' full
pay. The subject was resumed, and on the 28th of Feb-
ruary seven states voted in favour of it. It being a ques-
tion which required, by the confederation, the concur-
rence of nine states, the provision was not made.
Soon after this vote, Hamilton received a reply to his
letter to Washington, in which will be perceived the con-
currence of the commander-in-chief in the views he had
suggested as to the course to be pursued, though Washing-
ton appears not to have entertained equal apprehensions
of the impending commotions in the army.
Newburgh, 4th March, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
I have received your favour of February; I thank you
for the information and observations it has conveyed
to me. I shall always think myself obliged by a free com-
munication of sentiments, and have often thought, (but
suppose I thought wrong, as it did not accord with the
practice of congress,) that the public interest might be
? All of the New England members, one from New Jersey, and one from
Virginia, supported this proposition.
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? HAMILTON.
Gl
benefited, if the commander-in-chief of the army was let
more into the political and pecuniary state of our affairs
than he is. Enterprises and the adoption of military and
other arrangements that might be exceedingly proper in
some circumstances, would be altogether improper in
others.
It follows then by fair deduction, that where there is a
want of information, there must be chance-medley; and
a man may be upon the brink of a precipice before he is
aware of his danger, when a little foreknowledge might
enable him to avoid it. But this by the by.
The hint contained in your letter, and the knowledge I
have derived from the public gazettes, respecting the non-
payment of taxes, contain all the information I have re-
ceived of the danger that stares us in the face on account
of our funds; and so far was I from conceiving that our
finances were in so deplorable a state, at this time, that I
had imbibed ideas from some source or another, that with
the prospect of a loan from Holland we should be able to
rub along. To you who have seen the danger to which
the army has been exposed to a political dissolution for
want of subsistence, and the unhappy spirit of licentious-
ness which it imbibed by becoming in one or two in-
stances its own proveditors, no observations are necessary
to evince the fatal tendency of such a measure; but I shall
give it as my opinion, that it would at this day be pro-
ductive of civil commotions and end in blood. --Unhappy
situation this! God forbid we should be involved in it.
The predicament in which I stand, as citizen soldier, is
as critical and delicate as can well be conceived. It has
been the subject of many contemplative hours.
The sufferings of a complaining army on one hand, and
the inability of congress and tardiness of the states on the
other, are the forebodings of evil, and may be productive
of events which are more to be deprecated than prevent-
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THE LIFE OF
ed; but I am not without hope, if there is such a disposi-
tion shown as prudence and policy dictates to do justice,
your apprehensions in case of peace are greater than there
is cause for. In this, however, I may be mistaken, if
those ideas which you have been informed are propagated
in the army should be extensive, the source of which may
be easily traced, as the old leaven, it is said, for I have no
proof of it, is again beginning to work, under the mask
of the most perfect dissimulation and apparent cordiality.
Be these things as they may, I shall pursue the same
steady line of conduct which has governed me hitherto,
fully convinced that the sensible and discerning part of
the army cannot be unacquainted (although I never took
pains to inform them) of the services I have rendered it
on more occasions than one. This, and pursuing the
suggestions of your letter, which I am happy to find coin-
cides with my own practice for several months past, and
which was the means of diverting the business of the
army into the channel it now is, leaves me under no great
apprehensions of its exceeding the bounds of reason and
moderation; notwithstanding, the prevailing sentiment in
the army is, that the prospect of compensation for past
services will terminate with the war.
The just claims of the army ought, and it is to be
hoped will have their weight with every sensible legisla-
ture in the union, if congress point to their demands, show
(if the case is so) the reasonableness of them, and the im-
practicability of complying without their aid. In any
other point of view, it would in my opinion be impolitic to
bring the army on the tapis, lest it should excite jealousy
and bring on its concomitants. The states cannot, surely,
be so devoid of common sense, common honesty, and com-
mon policy, as to refuse their aid on a full, clear, and can-
did representation of facts from congress, more especially
if these should be enforced by members of their own
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? HAM I LTO N.
63
body, who might demonstrate what the inevitable conse-
quences of failure must lead to. In my opinion, it is
worthy of consideration how far an adjournment of con-
gress for a few months is advisable. The delegates, in
that case, if they are in unison themselves . respecting the
great defects of their constitution, may represent them
fully and boldly to their constituents. To me, who know
nothing of the business before congress, nor of the arca-
num, it appears that such a measure would tend to pro-
mote the public weal; for it is clearly my opinion, unless
congress have powers competent to all general purposes,
that the distresses we have encountered and the blood we
have spilt in the course of an eight years' war, will avail
us nothing. --The contents of your letter is known only to
myself, and your prudence will dictate what should be
done with this.
With great esteem and regard.
On the day after the date of this letter, Hamilton wrote
to Washington, suggesting a plan, through a confidential
person, for arresting two men of the name of Knowlton
and Wells, residents of Vermont, charged with being in
correspondence with the enemy. A surmise that the vote
for their detection had been communicated to them by a
member of congress, added to the motives for their arrest.
A resolution was afterwards passed, requesting the execu-
tives of the states of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, and New-York, to take measures to bring to trial
the persons charged with these treasonable practices.
The deputation from the army, after an attendance on
congress of nearly two months, informed it, " that nothing
of any moment had been decided for them. " Their letter
reached the camp at the same time with the information
that preliminary articles of peace had been concluded.
This intelligence, hailed with delight throughout the coun-
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THE LIFE OF
try, gave to the army a keener sense of injury. Peace,
which their valour had won, they believed would dissipate
all prospect of the adjustment of their demands. Under
this impression, their discontents, which had been a long
time increasing, broke forth; and at this moment of dan-
gerous excitement, the event which Hamilton had antici-
pated in the preceding letter occurred.
On the tenth of March, an anonymous notice was cir-
culated, calling a meeting of the general and field-officers
and of a commissioned officer of each company, on the fol-
lowing day, "to consider what measures, if any, should
be taken to obtain that redress of grievances which they
seem to have solicited in vain. "
At the same moment another paper without a signature
was clandestinely circulated, addressed to the angered
feelings of the officers.
After remarking that "he had till lately, very lately,
believed in the justice of his country," the writer ap-
pealed to the resentment of the army, and asked--Is
it "a country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish
your worth, and reward your services? Is this the
case? Or is it rather a country that tramples upon
your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your dis-
tresses? If this be then your treatment while the swords
you wear are necessary for the defence of America, what
have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall
sink, and your strength dissipate by division ? --when
those very swords, the instruments and companions of
your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remain-
ing mark of military distinction left, but your wants, in-
firmities, and scars V--" If your spirits should revolt at
this; if you have sense enough to discover and spirit suf-
ficient to oppose tyranny, whatever garb it may assume,
--if you have yet learned to discriminate between a peo-
ple and a cause, between men and principles--awake, at-
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? II AMU TON.
65
tend to your situation, and redress yourselves! If the
present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain, and
your threats then, will be as empty as your entreaties now.
I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final opin-
ion upon what you can bear and what you can suffer.
If your determination be in any proportion to your
wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears
of government--change the milk-and-water style of your
last memorial--assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively,
spirited, and determined; and--suspect the Man, who
would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. "
"That in any political event, the army has its alternative--
if peace, that nothing shall separate them from their arms
but death; if war, that, courting the auspices and inviting
the direction of their illustrious leader, they will retire to
some unsettled country, smile in their turn, and >" mock
when their fear cometh on. " "But were their requests
complied with--in war, they would follow the standard
of congress to the field; and when it came to an end,
would withdraw into the shade, and give the world an-
other subject of wonder and applause--an army, victorious
over its enemies, victorious over itself. "
To prevent any intemperate or dangerous resolutions
being taken at this perilous moment, while their passions
were all inflamed, Washington the following morning is-
sued a general order disapproving "these disorderly pro-
ceedings," and convening the officers on the 15th of March,
to exercise a " mature deliberation. "
The evening of the day on which this order was issued,
a second anonymous address was circulated. In this pa-
per, after urging that "suspicion, detestable as it is in
private life, is the loveliest trait of political characters,"
the writer artfully suggests that the general order of
Washington ought to be deemed an approval of his pre-
vious address, "as giving system to their proceedings and
9
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THE LIFE OF
stability to their resolves, and furnishing a new motive for
that energy which had been recommended. "
This insidious attempt to keep alive the irritation of the
army, and prepare them for violent measures, it required
all the address and the influence of the commander-in-
chief to parry. He at this moment unbosomed himself
to Hamilton, indicating that he had adopted the wise
course suggested to him, that " of taking the direction of
the measures to procure redress. "
Newburgb, March 12th, 1783.
DEAR SIR,
When I wrote to you last, we were in a state of tran-
quillity, but after the arrival of a certain gentleman, who
shall be nameless at present, from Philadelphia, a storm
very suddenly arose, with unfavourable prognostics, which,
though diverted for a moment, is not yet blown over, nor
is it in my power to point to the issue. The papers which
I send officially to congress, will supersede the necessity
of my remarking on the tendency of them. The notifica-
tion and address both appeared at the same instant; o'n
the day preceding the intended meeting, the first of these
I got hold of the same afternoon--the other, not ? till the
next morning.
There is something very mysterious in this business.
It appears, reports have been propagated at Philadelphia,
that dangerous combinations were forming in the army,
and this at a time when there was not a syllable of the
kind in agitation in camp.
It also appears, that upon the arrival in camp of the
gentleman above alluded to, such sentiments as these were
immediately circulated:--That it was universally expected
the army would not disband until they had obtained jus-
tice. That the public creditors "looked upon them for
redress of their own grievances, would afford them every
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? HAMILTON.
aid, and even join them in the field, if necessary; that
some -members of congress wished the measure might take
effect, in order to compel the public, particularly the de-
linquent states, to do justice; with many other suggestions
of a similar nature.
From this, and a variety of other considerations, it is
firmly believed by some, the scheme was not only planned,
but also digested and matured at Philadelphia; by oth-
ers, that it is the illegitimate offspring of a person in the
army; but my own opinion shall be suspended till I have
better ground to found one on. The matter was managed
with great art; for as soon as the minds of the officers
were thought to be prepared for the transaction, the
anonymous invitations and address to the officers . were
put in circulation through every state line in the army. I
was obliged, therefore, in order to arrest on the spot the
feet that stood wavering on a tremendous precipice, to
prevent the officers from being taken by surprise, while
the passions were all inflamed, and to rescue them from
plunging themselves into a gulf of civil horror from
which there might be no receding, to issue the order of
the eleventh. This was done upon the principle that it is
easier to divert from a wrong, and point to a right path,
than it is to recall the hasty and fatal steps which have
been already taken.
It is commonly supposed, if the officers had met agree-
ably to the anonymous summons, with their feelings all
alive, resolutions might have been formed, the conse-
quences of which may be more easily conceived than
described. Now they will have leisure to view the mat-
ter more calmly, and will act more seriously. It is to be
hoped they will be induced to adopt more rational meas-
ures, and wait a while longer for a settlement of their
accounts, the postponing of which appears to be the most
plausible, and almost the only article of which designing
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THE LIFE OF
men can make an improper use, by insinuating (which
they really do) that it is done with the design that peace
may take place, and prevent any adjustment of accounts
which, say they, would inevitably be the case if the war
were to cease to-morrow; or supposing the best, you
would have to dance attendance at public offices at great
distances, perhaps, and equally great expenses to obtain a
settlement, which would be highly injurious, nay, ruinous
to you.
This is their language. Let me beseech you therefore, my
good sir, to urge this matter earnestly, and without further
delay. The situation of these gentlemen, I do verily believe,
is distressing beyond description. It is affirmed to me.
that a large part of them have no better prospect before
them than a jail, if they are turned loose without liquida-
tion of accounts, and an assurance of that justice to which'
they are so worthily entitled. To prevail on the delegates
of those states through whose means these difficulties oc-
cur, it may, in my opinion, with propriety be suggested
to them, if any disastrous consequences should follow by
reason of their delinquency, that they must be answerable
to God and their country for the ineffable horrors which
may be occasioned thereby.
P. S. --I am this instant informed that a second address
to the officers, distinguished No. 2, is thrown into circula-
tion. The contents evidently prove, that the author is in
or near camp, and that the following words, erased on the
second page of this letter, ought not to have met with this
treatment, viz. : "By others, it is the illegitimate offspring
of a person in the army. "
On the receipt of this communication, Hamilton replied,
giving a lively exhibition of his feelings and of the public
affairs.
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? HAMILTON.
69
Philadelphia, March 17th, 1783.
SIR,
I am duly honoured with your excellency's letters
of the fourth and twelfth instant. It is much to be regret-
ted, though not to be wondered at, that steps of so inflam-
matory a tendency have been taken in the army. Your
excellency has, in my opinion, acted wisely. The best
way is ever, not to attempt to stem a torrent, but to
divert it.
I am happy to find you coincide in opinion with me on
the conduct proper to be observed by yourself. I am
persuaded more and more, it is that which is most con-
sistent with your own reputation and the public safety.
Our affairs wear a most serious aspect, as well foreign as
domestic. Before this gets to hand, your excellency will
probably have seen the provisional articles between Great
Britain and these states. It might, at first appearance,
be concluded that these will be preludes to a general
peace. But there are strong reasons to doubt the truth
of such a conclusion. Obstacles may arise from different
quarters--from the demands of Spain and Holland, from
the hope in France of greater acquisitions in the east, and
perhaps still more probably, from the insincerity and du-
plicity of Lord Shelburne, whose politics, founded in the
peculiarity of his situation, as well as the character of the
man, may well be suspected of insidiousness. I am really
apprehensive, if peace does not take place, that the nego-
tiations will lead to sow distrust among the allies, and
weaken the force of the common league. We have, I
fear, men among us, and men in trust, who have a hanker-
ing after British connection. We have others, whose
confidence in France savours of credulity. The intrigues
of the former, and incautiousness of the latter, may be
both, though in different degrees, injurious to the Ameri-
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can interest, and make it difficult for prudent men to steer
a proper course.
There are delicate circumstances with respect to the
late foreign transactions, which I am not at liberty to re-
veal, but which, joined to our internal disorders, follies,
weaknesses, and prejudices, make this country stand upon
precarious ground. Some use, perhaps, may be made of
these ideas to induce moderation in the army. An opin-
ion that this country does not stand upon a secure footing,
will operate upon the patriotism of the officers against
hazarding any domestic commotions. When I make these
observations, I cannot forbear adding, that if no excesses
take place, I shall not be sorry that ill humours have ap-
peared. I shall not regret importunity, if temperate, from
the army.
There are good resolutions in the majority of congress,
but there is not sufficient wisdom or discretion. There
are dangerous prejudices in the particular states, opposed
to those measures which alone can give stability and
prosperity to the union. There is a fatal opposition to
continental views. Necessity alone can work a reform;
but how apply it, and how keep it within salutary bounds?
I fear we have been contending for a shadow.