Ger-
many looks to Bagdad with the same
insistence as England ; Armenia and Kur-
distan, claimed by Russia, are at the
same time included in the most popular
schemes of " Drang nach Osten " ; Con-
stantinople is coveted at least from three
different sides.
many looks to Bagdad with the same
insistence as England ; Armenia and Kur-
distan, claimed by Russia, are at the
same time included in the most popular
schemes of " Drang nach Osten " ; Con-
stantinople is coveted at least from three
different sides.
Jabotinsky - 1917 - Turkey and the War
ark:/13960/t9f503c3n Public Domain / http://www.
hathitrust.
org/access_use#pd
? TURKEY AND THE WAR
ing to Salonika such literary evidence is
not abundant. Acts are more eloquent
than words or absence of words. Even
admitting for a moment that Austria would
politically stop at Salonika we see the
prospect unchanged. From this harbour
Austria would overflow Western Asia's
ports with her own and German products
and thus cut a thoroughfare for both her-
self and Germany. Austrian and German
policy in the Orient has always been con-
sidered as one and the same thing, Austria
playing the part of propeller on tracts
which were beyond Germany's immediate
reach. Be it for herself or for her ally,
Austria coveted the borderless spaces and
the bottomless resources of Asiatic Turkey,
not the strip of second-rate land leading
to a third-rate coast town on the iEgean.
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
The case of Germany is even clearer.
Here there is no lack of plain words either.
Beginning with Moltke and up to Professor
Hasse, the Pan-Germanists have always
pointed to Syria, Palestine, Anatolia, Ar-
menia, even Mesopotamia as to future
German dominions. * In the well-known
series of Pan-Germanist pamphlets pub-
lished by Lehmann in Munich under the
general heading " Kampf urns Deutsch-
tum," a special issue written by a good
specialist has been dedicated to these
ambitions. It dwelt especially upon the
* Cf. The excellent book of Mr. P. Evans Lewin,
" The German Road to the East," 1916. -- Mr. Barker
in the Nineteenth Century, June, 1916, produces the
* following list of authors who at different times advo-
cated the idea of " Deutsch Kleinasien " : Wilhelm
Roscher, Friedrich List, Paul de Lagarde, Lassalle,
Rodbertus, Karl Rittel, Moltke, Ernst Hasse, Dehn,
Rohrbach, Sprenger, Sachau, von der Golz, Kaerger,
Nauman, Schlagintweit. . . .
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
value of the German colonies in Palestine
and Anatolia as forerunners of the coming
German rule. Another pamphlet of the
same series wore the suggestive title :
" Germany's claim on the Turkish heri-
tage " (" Deutschlands Anspruch an das
Tiirkische Erbe "). * To these full-mouthed
* Other suggestive titles : Amicus Patriae, . . " Ar-
menien und Kreta -- eine Lebensfrage fur Deutsch-
land," 1896 ; Dr. Karl Kaerger, " Kleinasien, ein
deutsches Kolonisationsfeld," 1892. We read in
this pamphlet : " Nicht Hunderte und Thausende,
nein, Millionen von Kolonisten konnen hier eine
zweite Heimath finden " -- and, in order to get
Turkey's permission for such a flood, the author
suggests that Germany should, in recompense, guar-
antee Turkey's integrity " gegeniiber fremden
Angriffen. " -- A. Sprenger, " Babylonien, das reichste
Land in der Vorzeit und das lohnendste Kolonisations-
feld fur die Gegenwart," 1886. M. A. Cheradame
quotes from this book the following lines which we
give in his translation : " De toutes les terres du
globe il n'y en a pas invitant davantage a la colonisa-
tion que la Syrie ou l'Assyrie. . . . Si l'Allemagne
ne manque pas l'occasion . . . elle aura dans le
partage du monde acquis la meilleure part. " The
same French writer quotes from the famous review
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
manifestations we can add the Kaiser's
journey to Palestine in 1898. Before the
war we used to treat as nothing such
pamphlets and visits. Now we have seen
that what pamphlets said and visits fore-
shadowed Governments really meant and
were preparing for. Some people tried
even to deny the political intention under-
lying the colossal project of the Bagdad
railway : recent events, we hope, have
told them the truth. Germany was per-
haps not exactly aiming at the partition
of Turkey, because she would prefer to
swallow Turkey as a whole.
Alldeatsche Blaetter, number for 8th December, 1895 :
" L'interet allemand demand que la Turquie d'Asie,
au moins, soit placee sous la protection allemande.
Le plus avantageux serait pour nous 1' acquisition
en propre de la Mesopotamie et Syrie et Fobtention
du protectorat de l'Asie Mineure habitee par les
Turcs. " -- (A. Cheradame, " Le chemin de fer de
Bagdad et les puissances," pp. 5 and 7. )
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
The French claim on Syria, the British
on Mesopotamia, the Russian on the Straits
and Armenia, the Italian on Adalia, Greece's
pretence upon Smyrna, and some other simi-
lar demands will be partially dealt with in
the last part of this book. Here it is enough
to mention them. They give us, in con-
junction with what we have said of Austria
and Germany, a whole net of political wills
and tendencies converging to the same
end : destruction of Turkey.
It is mere commonplace to say : Austria
sent the ultimatum to Serbia because she
wanted to get nearer to Salonika. But
if we look deeper we at once disclose what
this commonplace means. Austria sent
the ultimatum to Serbia because she wanted
to get nearer to the Turkish heritage in
Asia Minor. The real cause of the Austro-
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
Serbian conflict was the problem of further
partition of the Ottoman Empire.
It is mere commonplace to say : Russia
wanted to shield Serbia because the little
Slav kingdom was her main fortress in
the Balkans. If we look deeper we see
at once why Russia wants fortresses in
the Near East. She wants them because
of her need to push towards the warm
seas, through the Straits or through the
mountain chains of Armenia. The real
cause of the Russo-Austrian conflict was
the problem of further partition of the
Ottoman Empire.
It is mere commonplace to say : Ger-
many wanted to shield Austria because
Austria was her only reliable ally. Were
it only for this reason, then it would have
been much easier for Germany to advise
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
Austria to settle the Serbian conflict in
some peaceable way. Germany chose the
other more dangerous course, because she
wanted Austria to conquer the little Slav
kingdom. Why ? The answer is given
in the now fashionable battlecry : Berlin
to Bagdad. The real cause of the Russo-
German conflict was the problem of the
future domination of Asia Minor.
Now it would be, of course, an exaggera-
tion to say that France and England have
also been involved in the war because
of their respective " claims upon the
Turkish heritage/' The immediate con-
siderations which forced France to abide
with her ally and Great Britain to join
them were surely of quite another nature.
But this fact does not affect the truth
upon which we insist. When once the
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
whirlpool sets in movement, it is natural
that boats passing within the circle of its
force should be caught into the maelstrom.
What matters is to discover the thing which
started the vortex. Just in the same
way, had the initial conflict arisen because
of Alsace, Russia would probably have
been driven into the war, though she has
nothing to do with this particular question.
But Alsace did not and could not generate
the initial conflict. It was born in the
Near East by the peculiar problem of the
Near East, and this fact is the essential
feature of the whole situation.
That is not all. The problem of the
" Turkish heritage " is one which can be
settled only by war. Alsace-Lorraine con-
stitutes only one thirty-sixth of the Ger-
man territory, the Italian Irredenta is
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
not more than one-sixteenth of the Haps-
burg Monarchy. Their separation from
their present owners would not mean
destruction of the Central Empires. If one
day, by some unforeseen influences, perhaps
by a good bargain, Germany or Austria
could be persuaded to cede these provinces,
it would not mean their suicide. Whoever
is sanguine enough to believe in the miracles
of progress may also believe in the possi-
bility of this miracle. With Turkey the
situation is different. The " claims " cover
more than three-quarters of her present
area. No optimist in the world can dream
of a peaceable settlement for a litigation
of such character and size. Here it is no
question of bargain, cession, arrangement :
it is a question of " heritage/ ' To leave
a heritage the owner must die.
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? -PARTITION AND WAR
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? IV
Partition and War
Is it, however, inevitable that the old
owner's death should be accompanied by
a fight between the heirs ? Can we not
imagine a joint European action against
Turkey based upon a previous compact
which should allot to every Power its fair
portion of the estate, thus excluding any
danger of a second European war ? Could
not the successful experience of the first
Balkan war be repeated on a greater scale ?
To this question, sad to say, we must reply
with a doubt. Let it never be forgotten
that the first Balkan war was followed
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
by the second, and the lesson of this ex-
perience is perhaps much more human
than the other. The claimants on Turkey's
future spoils are England, France, Russia,
Germany, Italy, perhaps Austria, then
also Greece and Bulgaria. Even forgetting
for a moment that they are divided into
two hostile camps, it needs too much
imagination and optimism to admit the
probability of an agreement conciliating
such a host of different wills in such a
delicate matter. When Venizelos suc-
ceeded (and only for a moment) in bringing
three little Balkan Powers to a mutual
accommodation in a question touching
historical national lusts, he was proclaimed
a genius ; and yet his task was so much
easier because the little Powers felt very
dubious about their own capacity to kill
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? PARTITION AND WAR
the Bear, and it is known that such doubts
make people more conciliatory. When
they saw the bearskin in their hands the
conciliatory spirit vanished and the only
voice heard was that of greed. For a
" concert " including all the great Euro-
pean Powers the acquisition of the bear's
skin would be a sure and easy job ; that is
why the voice of greed would be loud from
the very beginning. Where is the genius
able to conciliate half a score of mighty
appetites under these conditions ?
Ger-
many looks to Bagdad with the same
insistence as England ; Armenia and Kur-
distan, claimed by Russia, are at the
same time included in the most popular
schemes of " Drang nach Osten " ; Con-
stantinople is coveted at least from three
different sides. And what about Turkey
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
herself ? She would never submit to lie
still and " wait and see " how her neigh-
bours conspire against her : she would
conspire herself, she would make alluring
offers to one of them in order to keep him
apart from the others ; she would com-
plicate the game, mix the cards and render
a general concert impracticable, even if
it were feasible by itself. The partition
of Turkey can only be a result of a Euro-
pean war, not of a concerted European
expedition.
Some soft-hearted people may perhaps
ask: But is it not possible for all these
great Powers to renounce their claims
on Ottoman property ? We believe that
it is humanly impossible. Of course the
world knows instances of renounced and
forgotten claims. The best example is
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? PARTITION AND WAR
the Italian indifference to such parts of
the Terre Irredente which are under French
or Swiss rule. Corsica speaks an Italian
dialect ; Savoy is the cradle of the dynasty
which united Italy ; Garibaldi was born
in Nice and bitterly resented her non-
inclusion in the young State which he
more than helped to create. To-day all
those vindications are more than for-
gotten : they are dead, dead in Italy as
well as in Corsica, Nice and Savoy. The
canton of Ticino is Italian in tongue and
Swiss in soul, and no Italian Nationalist
dreams of annexing it. There is a power-
ful force in the world known by the much
abused name of Culture. This force se-
cures a State's dominions better than any
wall of bayonets. Culture is impervious.
Where its fertilizing presence is felt, where
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
it constantly produces higher standards
of life and work, where it unceasingly
causes all the vital energies to play, all
the germs to grow, there a foreigner's
claim, meeting no echo, is soon stifled,
worn out, drowned in indifference on both
sides. What excites and feeds again and
again a neighbour's greed is the emptiness
and lifelessness of waste ground that could
be turned into gardens, the consciousness
of rich possibilities which the present
owner is impotent to exploit. It has
something to do with the old belief that
Nature abhors a vacuum. The push
towards cultureless spaces is humanly
irresistible. Their desolation itself is a
constant provocation. That is why the
thirst for the " Turkish heritage " can
never die -- except through satisfaction.
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? PARTITION AND WAR
And it can be satisfied in no other way
but through war. That is how the present
conflict was born. That is why, if this
war leaves Turkey undivided, a new war
of the same size will follow sooner or later,
with the inevitability of the tide.
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? PART II-- THE INNER STATE OF TURKEY
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? -AFTER SIX YEARS OF CONSTITUTION
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? \
V
After Six Years of Constitution
It is a painful duty to insist upon the
destruction of a living body. It is es-
pecially painful for a writer who knows
the people he dooms to death. If there
are good peoples and bad peoples, the
Turks certainly belong to the first sort.
As a rule they are honest, modest, hos-
pitable, chivalrous. Their ancient glory
as soldiers stands in spite of all. They
are fine statesmen -- of course for con-
ditions which are no more. It is hardly
possible to get in touch with them and
not to love them. If politics could -- or
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
should -- be based upon sympathy, nobody
would like the idea of destroying an Empire
founded and maintained by these nice
fellows. Unhappily politics are based upon
other factors.
The whole world hailed the Young
Turkish Revolution of 1908 in the sincere
hope that a new era of real progress had
opened before the Ottoman Empire. On
the eve of the Great War the disappoint-
ment was general and for ever incurable.
Experience has clearly shown that there
was practically no difference between the
Old Turkish and the Young Turkish regime.
The Parliament, almighty in the early
days of the Revolution, was reduced to
practical slavery. The administration was
as bad as in Abdul Hamid's days. The
condition of the Christian races " im-
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? AFTER SIX YEARS OF CONSTITUTION
proved " only in as much as they were
admitted to compulsory military service ;
but the most precious stronghold of their
national existence, the communal and edu-
cational autonomy which even Abdul
Hamid had respected, was made a target
for menaces and attempts. Never had
the Old Turk tried to interfere with the
national individuality of his non-Turkish
subjects : he was indifferent to the lan-
guage they spoke at home or in school.
The Young Turk did not hide his object
of gradually imposing his language upon
Arabs, Albanians, Armenians, Greeks and
Slavs of the Empire. Bribery in office,
muddle and corruption in court showed
no promise of disappearing -- rather the
opposite. The Albanians, the most loyal
of Ottomans in former days, were driven
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
into revolt by stupid governmental pro-
ceedings. The massacre of Armenians in
Adana left nothing to desire for one who
remembers the high standards of the
massacres of 1894-1896; and the Young
Turkish Government left the official cul-
prits unpunished like the Old Turkish.
Against all this not one step, not one act
of any progressive character can be written
on the credit side. We mean progress in
any sense -- political, social or economic.
The obsolete laws ruling the tenure of land
are still unchanged in spite of all efforts,
although they constitute the greatest
obstacle to the economic development of
the country. Mortgage of rural properties
is still practically impossible, and so no
sound system of agricultural credit can be
created. The recognition of the " persona
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? AFTER SIX YEARS OF CONSTITUTION
juridica/' indispensable condition to a free
immigration of foreign capital, is still a
pious wish.
It has been said that the Young Turkish
Government " had no time to do things. "
This is an exaggeration. The constitutional
regime was consolidated in the early sum-
mer of 1909 ; the Tripoli War began only
in the autumn of 1911. Two years are
sufficient to show a good will and a fair
understanding. Of course nobody pretends
that the Young Turks could have carried
out social reforms in two years ; but
it is an awful exaggeration to say
that such reforms could not have been
passed in Parliament. They were not even
proposed. Whoever witnessed in those
years the life of the Ottoman Chamber
will attest that it had plenty of time to
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
legislate ; but the time was spent in futile
intrigues behind the curtain. Was it lack
of patriotism ? Certainly not. Was it
lack of statecraft ? Perhaps. But first
of all the cause of this innate impotence
of the " new 99 r6gime is to be found in
the organic construction of the Turkish
Empire.
Before we deal with this organic defect
of the country it will be of some use to
throw a glance upon the men. We said,
just now, that one of the reasons of the
failure was perhaps lack of statecraft.
Let us shortly recall the essential features
of the human element known by the name
of Young Turks.
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? VI-THE YOUNG TURKS
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? ? ?
? TURKEY AND THE WAR
ing to Salonika such literary evidence is
not abundant. Acts are more eloquent
than words or absence of words. Even
admitting for a moment that Austria would
politically stop at Salonika we see the
prospect unchanged. From this harbour
Austria would overflow Western Asia's
ports with her own and German products
and thus cut a thoroughfare for both her-
self and Germany. Austrian and German
policy in the Orient has always been con-
sidered as one and the same thing, Austria
playing the part of propeller on tracts
which were beyond Germany's immediate
reach. Be it for herself or for her ally,
Austria coveted the borderless spaces and
the bottomless resources of Asiatic Turkey,
not the strip of second-rate land leading
to a third-rate coast town on the iEgean.
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
The case of Germany is even clearer.
Here there is no lack of plain words either.
Beginning with Moltke and up to Professor
Hasse, the Pan-Germanists have always
pointed to Syria, Palestine, Anatolia, Ar-
menia, even Mesopotamia as to future
German dominions. * In the well-known
series of Pan-Germanist pamphlets pub-
lished by Lehmann in Munich under the
general heading " Kampf urns Deutsch-
tum," a special issue written by a good
specialist has been dedicated to these
ambitions. It dwelt especially upon the
* Cf. The excellent book of Mr. P. Evans Lewin,
" The German Road to the East," 1916. -- Mr. Barker
in the Nineteenth Century, June, 1916, produces the
* following list of authors who at different times advo-
cated the idea of " Deutsch Kleinasien " : Wilhelm
Roscher, Friedrich List, Paul de Lagarde, Lassalle,
Rodbertus, Karl Rittel, Moltke, Ernst Hasse, Dehn,
Rohrbach, Sprenger, Sachau, von der Golz, Kaerger,
Nauman, Schlagintweit. . . .
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
value of the German colonies in Palestine
and Anatolia as forerunners of the coming
German rule. Another pamphlet of the
same series wore the suggestive title :
" Germany's claim on the Turkish heri-
tage " (" Deutschlands Anspruch an das
Tiirkische Erbe "). * To these full-mouthed
* Other suggestive titles : Amicus Patriae, . . " Ar-
menien und Kreta -- eine Lebensfrage fur Deutsch-
land," 1896 ; Dr. Karl Kaerger, " Kleinasien, ein
deutsches Kolonisationsfeld," 1892. We read in
this pamphlet : " Nicht Hunderte und Thausende,
nein, Millionen von Kolonisten konnen hier eine
zweite Heimath finden " -- and, in order to get
Turkey's permission for such a flood, the author
suggests that Germany should, in recompense, guar-
antee Turkey's integrity " gegeniiber fremden
Angriffen. " -- A. Sprenger, " Babylonien, das reichste
Land in der Vorzeit und das lohnendste Kolonisations-
feld fur die Gegenwart," 1886. M. A. Cheradame
quotes from this book the following lines which we
give in his translation : " De toutes les terres du
globe il n'y en a pas invitant davantage a la colonisa-
tion que la Syrie ou l'Assyrie. . . . Si l'Allemagne
ne manque pas l'occasion . . . elle aura dans le
partage du monde acquis la meilleure part. " The
same French writer quotes from the famous review
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
manifestations we can add the Kaiser's
journey to Palestine in 1898. Before the
war we used to treat as nothing such
pamphlets and visits. Now we have seen
that what pamphlets said and visits fore-
shadowed Governments really meant and
were preparing for. Some people tried
even to deny the political intention under-
lying the colossal project of the Bagdad
railway : recent events, we hope, have
told them the truth. Germany was per-
haps not exactly aiming at the partition
of Turkey, because she would prefer to
swallow Turkey as a whole.
Alldeatsche Blaetter, number for 8th December, 1895 :
" L'interet allemand demand que la Turquie d'Asie,
au moins, soit placee sous la protection allemande.
Le plus avantageux serait pour nous 1' acquisition
en propre de la Mesopotamie et Syrie et Fobtention
du protectorat de l'Asie Mineure habitee par les
Turcs. " -- (A. Cheradame, " Le chemin de fer de
Bagdad et les puissances," pp. 5 and 7. )
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
The French claim on Syria, the British
on Mesopotamia, the Russian on the Straits
and Armenia, the Italian on Adalia, Greece's
pretence upon Smyrna, and some other simi-
lar demands will be partially dealt with in
the last part of this book. Here it is enough
to mention them. They give us, in con-
junction with what we have said of Austria
and Germany, a whole net of political wills
and tendencies converging to the same
end : destruction of Turkey.
It is mere commonplace to say : Austria
sent the ultimatum to Serbia because she
wanted to get nearer to Salonika. But
if we look deeper we at once disclose what
this commonplace means. Austria sent
the ultimatum to Serbia because she wanted
to get nearer to the Turkish heritage in
Asia Minor. The real cause of the Austro-
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
Serbian conflict was the problem of further
partition of the Ottoman Empire.
It is mere commonplace to say : Russia
wanted to shield Serbia because the little
Slav kingdom was her main fortress in
the Balkans. If we look deeper we see
at once why Russia wants fortresses in
the Near East. She wants them because
of her need to push towards the warm
seas, through the Straits or through the
mountain chains of Armenia. The real
cause of the Russo-Austrian conflict was
the problem of further partition of the
Ottoman Empire.
It is mere commonplace to say : Ger-
many wanted to shield Austria because
Austria was her only reliable ally. Were
it only for this reason, then it would have
been much easier for Germany to advise
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
Austria to settle the Serbian conflict in
some peaceable way. Germany chose the
other more dangerous course, because she
wanted Austria to conquer the little Slav
kingdom. Why ? The answer is given
in the now fashionable battlecry : Berlin
to Bagdad. The real cause of the Russo-
German conflict was the problem of the
future domination of Asia Minor.
Now it would be, of course, an exaggera-
tion to say that France and England have
also been involved in the war because
of their respective " claims upon the
Turkish heritage/' The immediate con-
siderations which forced France to abide
with her ally and Great Britain to join
them were surely of quite another nature.
But this fact does not affect the truth
upon which we insist. When once the
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? ASIATIC TURKEY
whirlpool sets in movement, it is natural
that boats passing within the circle of its
force should be caught into the maelstrom.
What matters is to discover the thing which
started the vortex. Just in the same
way, had the initial conflict arisen because
of Alsace, Russia would probably have
been driven into the war, though she has
nothing to do with this particular question.
But Alsace did not and could not generate
the initial conflict. It was born in the
Near East by the peculiar problem of the
Near East, and this fact is the essential
feature of the whole situation.
That is not all. The problem of the
" Turkish heritage " is one which can be
settled only by war. Alsace-Lorraine con-
stitutes only one thirty-sixth of the Ger-
man territory, the Italian Irredenta is
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
not more than one-sixteenth of the Haps-
burg Monarchy. Their separation from
their present owners would not mean
destruction of the Central Empires. If one
day, by some unforeseen influences, perhaps
by a good bargain, Germany or Austria
could be persuaded to cede these provinces,
it would not mean their suicide. Whoever
is sanguine enough to believe in the miracles
of progress may also believe in the possi-
bility of this miracle. With Turkey the
situation is different. The " claims " cover
more than three-quarters of her present
area. No optimist in the world can dream
of a peaceable settlement for a litigation
of such character and size. Here it is no
question of bargain, cession, arrangement :
it is a question of " heritage/ ' To leave
a heritage the owner must die.
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? -PARTITION AND WAR
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? IV
Partition and War
Is it, however, inevitable that the old
owner's death should be accompanied by
a fight between the heirs ? Can we not
imagine a joint European action against
Turkey based upon a previous compact
which should allot to every Power its fair
portion of the estate, thus excluding any
danger of a second European war ? Could
not the successful experience of the first
Balkan war be repeated on a greater scale ?
To this question, sad to say, we must reply
with a doubt. Let it never be forgotten
that the first Balkan war was followed
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
by the second, and the lesson of this ex-
perience is perhaps much more human
than the other. The claimants on Turkey's
future spoils are England, France, Russia,
Germany, Italy, perhaps Austria, then
also Greece and Bulgaria. Even forgetting
for a moment that they are divided into
two hostile camps, it needs too much
imagination and optimism to admit the
probability of an agreement conciliating
such a host of different wills in such a
delicate matter. When Venizelos suc-
ceeded (and only for a moment) in bringing
three little Balkan Powers to a mutual
accommodation in a question touching
historical national lusts, he was proclaimed
a genius ; and yet his task was so much
easier because the little Powers felt very
dubious about their own capacity to kill
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? PARTITION AND WAR
the Bear, and it is known that such doubts
make people more conciliatory. When
they saw the bearskin in their hands the
conciliatory spirit vanished and the only
voice heard was that of greed. For a
" concert " including all the great Euro-
pean Powers the acquisition of the bear's
skin would be a sure and easy job ; that is
why the voice of greed would be loud from
the very beginning. Where is the genius
able to conciliate half a score of mighty
appetites under these conditions ?
Ger-
many looks to Bagdad with the same
insistence as England ; Armenia and Kur-
distan, claimed by Russia, are at the
same time included in the most popular
schemes of " Drang nach Osten " ; Con-
stantinople is coveted at least from three
different sides. And what about Turkey
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
herself ? She would never submit to lie
still and " wait and see " how her neigh-
bours conspire against her : she would
conspire herself, she would make alluring
offers to one of them in order to keep him
apart from the others ; she would com-
plicate the game, mix the cards and render
a general concert impracticable, even if
it were feasible by itself. The partition
of Turkey can only be a result of a Euro-
pean war, not of a concerted European
expedition.
Some soft-hearted people may perhaps
ask: But is it not possible for all these
great Powers to renounce their claims
on Ottoman property ? We believe that
it is humanly impossible. Of course the
world knows instances of renounced and
forgotten claims. The best example is
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? PARTITION AND WAR
the Italian indifference to such parts of
the Terre Irredente which are under French
or Swiss rule. Corsica speaks an Italian
dialect ; Savoy is the cradle of the dynasty
which united Italy ; Garibaldi was born
in Nice and bitterly resented her non-
inclusion in the young State which he
more than helped to create. To-day all
those vindications are more than for-
gotten : they are dead, dead in Italy as
well as in Corsica, Nice and Savoy. The
canton of Ticino is Italian in tongue and
Swiss in soul, and no Italian Nationalist
dreams of annexing it. There is a power-
ful force in the world known by the much
abused name of Culture. This force se-
cures a State's dominions better than any
wall of bayonets. Culture is impervious.
Where its fertilizing presence is felt, where
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
it constantly produces higher standards
of life and work, where it unceasingly
causes all the vital energies to play, all
the germs to grow, there a foreigner's
claim, meeting no echo, is soon stifled,
worn out, drowned in indifference on both
sides. What excites and feeds again and
again a neighbour's greed is the emptiness
and lifelessness of waste ground that could
be turned into gardens, the consciousness
of rich possibilities which the present
owner is impotent to exploit. It has
something to do with the old belief that
Nature abhors a vacuum. The push
towards cultureless spaces is humanly
irresistible. Their desolation itself is a
constant provocation. That is why the
thirst for the " Turkish heritage " can
never die -- except through satisfaction.
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? PARTITION AND WAR
And it can be satisfied in no other way
but through war. That is how the present
conflict was born. That is why, if this
war leaves Turkey undivided, a new war
of the same size will follow sooner or later,
with the inevitability of the tide.
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? PART II-- THE INNER STATE OF TURKEY
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? -AFTER SIX YEARS OF CONSTITUTION
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? \
V
After Six Years of Constitution
It is a painful duty to insist upon the
destruction of a living body. It is es-
pecially painful for a writer who knows
the people he dooms to death. If there
are good peoples and bad peoples, the
Turks certainly belong to the first sort.
As a rule they are honest, modest, hos-
pitable, chivalrous. Their ancient glory
as soldiers stands in spite of all. They
are fine statesmen -- of course for con-
ditions which are no more. It is hardly
possible to get in touch with them and
not to love them. If politics could -- or
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
should -- be based upon sympathy, nobody
would like the idea of destroying an Empire
founded and maintained by these nice
fellows. Unhappily politics are based upon
other factors.
The whole world hailed the Young
Turkish Revolution of 1908 in the sincere
hope that a new era of real progress had
opened before the Ottoman Empire. On
the eve of the Great War the disappoint-
ment was general and for ever incurable.
Experience has clearly shown that there
was practically no difference between the
Old Turkish and the Young Turkish regime.
The Parliament, almighty in the early
days of the Revolution, was reduced to
practical slavery. The administration was
as bad as in Abdul Hamid's days. The
condition of the Christian races " im-
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? AFTER SIX YEARS OF CONSTITUTION
proved " only in as much as they were
admitted to compulsory military service ;
but the most precious stronghold of their
national existence, the communal and edu-
cational autonomy which even Abdul
Hamid had respected, was made a target
for menaces and attempts. Never had
the Old Turk tried to interfere with the
national individuality of his non-Turkish
subjects : he was indifferent to the lan-
guage they spoke at home or in school.
The Young Turk did not hide his object
of gradually imposing his language upon
Arabs, Albanians, Armenians, Greeks and
Slavs of the Empire. Bribery in office,
muddle and corruption in court showed
no promise of disappearing -- rather the
opposite. The Albanians, the most loyal
of Ottomans in former days, were driven
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
into revolt by stupid governmental pro-
ceedings. The massacre of Armenians in
Adana left nothing to desire for one who
remembers the high standards of the
massacres of 1894-1896; and the Young
Turkish Government left the official cul-
prits unpunished like the Old Turkish.
Against all this not one step, not one act
of any progressive character can be written
on the credit side. We mean progress in
any sense -- political, social or economic.
The obsolete laws ruling the tenure of land
are still unchanged in spite of all efforts,
although they constitute the greatest
obstacle to the economic development of
the country. Mortgage of rural properties
is still practically impossible, and so no
sound system of agricultural credit can be
created. The recognition of the " persona
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? AFTER SIX YEARS OF CONSTITUTION
juridica/' indispensable condition to a free
immigration of foreign capital, is still a
pious wish.
It has been said that the Young Turkish
Government " had no time to do things. "
This is an exaggeration. The constitutional
regime was consolidated in the early sum-
mer of 1909 ; the Tripoli War began only
in the autumn of 1911. Two years are
sufficient to show a good will and a fair
understanding. Of course nobody pretends
that the Young Turks could have carried
out social reforms in two years ; but
it is an awful exaggeration to say
that such reforms could not have been
passed in Parliament. They were not even
proposed. Whoever witnessed in those
years the life of the Ottoman Chamber
will attest that it had plenty of time to
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? TURKEY AND THE WAR
legislate ; but the time was spent in futile
intrigues behind the curtain. Was it lack
of patriotism ? Certainly not. Was it
lack of statecraft ? Perhaps. But first
of all the cause of this innate impotence
of the " new 99 r6gime is to be found in
the organic construction of the Turkish
Empire.
Before we deal with this organic defect
of the country it will be of some use to
throw a glance upon the men. We said,
just now, that one of the reasons of the
failure was perhaps lack of statecraft.
Let us shortly recall the essential features
of the human element known by the name
of Young Turks.
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? VI-THE YOUNG TURKS
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