No More Learning

" By me kings reign, " were words Sixtus did not well comprehend, and
when the Ambassador Leonardo Donato returned to Venice, although he
could tell Fra Paolo of the good will of Sixtus towards himself, still he
was afraid that beneath the kiss of friendship lay the smothered fire of
anger against Venetia. The Spanish Ambassador had dared the Pope
to acknowledge King Henry IV. But Venice had acted wisely, and
can now look back with pride on the time when she gave strong aid
to France, when she commanded her Ambassador to destroy the bonds
she held of Henry of Navarre for large loans, and when she was foremost
in the cause of tolerance and of liberty amongst the nations which still
adhered to Rome. In acknowledgment of this act of generosity, in
the chivalrous spirit of the times, the King sent to the Republic of
Venice the sword which he had worn at the battle of Ivry, where the injur-
ed Monarch met his subjects, rebels by command of the Pope, and it was
there that Du Plessis Mornay proved himself worthy of the friendship of
Fra Paolo by his fidelity to his Sovereign. De Mornay knew that the
highest interests of his country consisted in the advocacy of a reformation
in religion, the riddance of the papal power; and the prevention of the
return of the Jesuits to France, he therefore rejected with disdain an offer
Which was made to him of an allowance for life from the Grand Duke of -
1 From a fine copy of Davila's, Guerre Civili di Francia.
3 M'ocenigo.
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? 68 THE LIFE OF [A. D 1590.
Tuscanyl if he would prevail upon King Henry IV to join the commu-
nion of the Church of Rome; neither Fra Paolo nor Du Plessis Mornay was
to be bought by gold. Early in the year the Pope appeared to be softened
towards the King, but as the King of Spain still persisted in treating
this monarch as a heretic, and in refusing to recognize him as King of
France, Sixtus actually dismissed the French Ambassador from his Court.
Italy, however, showed strong symptoms of resistance to the Pope, but
his eventful career was near its close. He died on the 27th of August and
Was succeeded by the Cardinal Castagna, from whose lowly and gentle
character great expectations were raised; and during his short government
of thirteen days, as Urban VII, he employed himself in the reform of
the Dataria, not in bestowing favors. This estimable man had corresponded
with Fra Paolo since their acquaintance at Rome, and having a high
opinion of his piety and talents, would probably have given him prefer-
ment, if his life had been prolonged, but Fra Paolo expressed no selfish
regret on learning the premature death of Urban. One who Was present
told Fra Fulgenzio that he exclaimed: " Ideo raptus est ne malitia mu-
taret intellectum ejus, " almost an echo of the words of Urban himself,
who died, thanking God " for taking him from earth ere he had been
guilty of faults into which his high position might have led him. " The
Spanish faction prevailed in the next Conclave, and news arrived at Ve-
nice that the Cardinal Sfrondato was elected Pope, by the name of Gre-
gory XIV. He was friendly to the League and to Spain, but after having
excited the people of France still further against King Henry IV, he died
and was succeeded by Innocent IX whose misrule only lasted two
months.
Amongst the Cardinals who had long aspired to the Popedom was the
Cardinal San Severina, with whom Fra Paolo had so long been asso-
ciated, and who now felt certain that he would obtain the triple crown;
but such was the severity of his temper that many of the Conclave so
dreaded his exaltation, that he lost his election. His disappointment
was so excessive, as he himself relates, that " his grief wrung blood from
his agonized frame. " Sarpi was thus once more bereft of hope of advance-
ment, bnt the Romans had reason to rejoice that the stern spirit of San
Severina did not rule them.
The Cardinal Aldobrandino was chosen in his stead, and as Cle-
ment VIII, exercised strong control over all the kingdoms of Europe
which had not the courage to rid themselves of usurpation. The Venetians
now mediated for Henry IV, but although there was a _strong party for
the King in France, the Pope would not abate one iota of his pretensions,
and insisted that the King must renounce the form of worship in which
he had been educated. But were the lessons of Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of
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? E1'. 38. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 69
Navarre to be forgotten? And was Clement VIII to be victorious, and
link France to Rome even to this day?
Although it will be seenin the sequel that Clement gave no reward to
Fra Paolo for his services, yet he consulted him on many occasions. His
opinion was asked as to a dispensation which was demanded by the Duke
de J oyeuse, who at the age of twenty had become a Capuchin, on the
death of his wife to whom he was tenderly attached; but his brother
dying five years after, and the recluse remaining the only heir of his
house, he wished to renounce his monastic vows. On a meeting of a Con-
gregation of Cardinals and Theologians to discuss the matter, such were
the exorbitant claims of the Pontiff, that of them the Cardinal Bellarminc
is reported to have whispered to Fra Paolo, " These are what lost Ger--
many to Rome, and what will cause her the loss of France and other
kingdoms. " However, the dispensation was granted.
The correspondence of Fra Paolo was now much extended, because he
had undertaken the study of that branch of jurisprudence which deter'
mines the boundaries of ecclesiastical and priestly law; and the rule of
Primes. He wished to understand " fully the great difference of opinion
of the Gallican Church with respect to beneficiary matters, as well as to
other particulars belonging to the royal jurisdiction which were raised by
the assembly of the States at Blois. " 1
He also continued his study of mathematics, and his progress in this
science might be deemed by some to be exaggerated, had not proof remain-
ed in the corrections which he made on the work of Vietq in the Library
of the Servi. It is however just to VietQ to add, that probably some of
these were typographical errors, as in the work published by Vietfi_1579,
he states that it is inaccurately executed. Fra Fulgenzio names Vieta
with great respect, and Dr. Hutton pronounces him not only to have
been one of the most respectable mathematicians of the sixteenth century,
or indeed of any age, but to have excelled in other branches of learning.
He adds, " His writings abound with marks of great originality and the
finest genius, as well as intense application. But the theorem, known as
Vieta's property of chords, is the only one. which connects his name with
the ordinary mathematics of the present day. The property connects the
chord of a circle drawn from a point. with the sums of the power of the
roots of a quadratic equation. " ' From mathematics, Paolo Sarpi passed to _
a minute study of the phenomena of the mind. Foscarini saw his MS. on
" The origin and decline of the opinions of men, " ' and thus writes of it.
1. MS.
2 For this I am indebted to the distinguished Professor of Mathematics in
the University of Edinburgh, (1863).
B Della Letteratura Veneziana, Foscarini, lib. 3. p. 310, n. 254. -
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? 70 ' THE LIFE OF [A-D. 1592.
" The system of the author -generally is as follows, he shows how external
objects act upon our senses, distinguishing the objects which cause sen-
sation from sensation itself, and he maintains that odours, tastes, and
sounds are affections of the mind, not properties of the body. Thus he
makes a distinction between sensation and the sensitive quality; with these
primary elements derived from the sensitive quality which is in the
nervous body and retained in the memory, the discursive or distinctive
faculty or the intellectual agent which forms the sequence of all other
ideas abstracting, composing, comparing, et cetera, and hence specie? s,
genera, axioms or general maxims, and argument. He proceeds to say,
that the sense is never at fault, as it conveys simply the sensation it has
received from a sensible object, but errors arise from relying on one
sense only, or from not rectifying by the other senses any idea falsely
produced by the first impression. As the senses, therefore, do not inform
the intellect as to what really exists in the sensible object, but only as to
that which is apparent, therefore we cannot always reach truth by these
means. If from the general idea of such a system, we go on to consider it
in its parts, we. meet with much that is worthy of admiration in his
argumentative and geometrical method of reasoning, his procession from
one subject to another, and many of his discoveries, which were called new
after his time. The observation, for example, that sensations do not exist in
objects but in our intellect, although Plato pointed it out and it appears new
in modern philosophy, Sarpi demonstrates in a series of arguments which
fully convince without other proofs; holding with Aristotle, that all we
have in the intellect comes from or through the senses, in fact, he brings
into the field the principle of reflection which has done so much honor to
Locke and which frees this system of many difficulties hitherto insurmoun-
table. Thus from the primary ideas proceeding from the senses by means
of the intellectual or distinctive, Sarpi forms all the 'others which are
employed by the English author and divides into simple and compound.
Our philosopher does not omit one, and anticipates him also in his defini-
tion of substance, inasmuch as 'he makes it to result from the mul-
tiplicity of ideas which are shown without our being able to know the
foundation which sustains them. This occult foundation he says is pro-
perly whatwe call substance. He also shows the mode in which genera
and species are formed in the mind, on which Locke enlarges so much,
'particularly in the first chapters of his work on the Human Unders-
tanding.
" What he says of axioms, called by him Ipolipsi (one cannot say why,
if there be not an error in the MS. ) he says also of first truths and of
syllogisms, and this appears to be the source from whence Locke has
copied or amplified his ideas. He examines the various causes of error
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? E1'. 40. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 71
which either arise from refering the object to a sensation not its own, or
from some particular defect in the sensorium, or from the discursive or
other faculties , and he moreover teaches how to shun errors as far
as human nature can do so. One remedy is, the repeated use of the
discursive faculty, or of the senses, and here h'e notes, men should be
careful how they associate ideas, because it often happens that an idea
called forth is accompanied by others, for the simple reason that we have
been accustomed to their union, not on account of any such relation sub-
sisting between them. The other method to correct error, Sarpi says, is
the information of others, he touches on the two modes of argumentation,
demonstration and probability, on the various degrees of which belief de-
pends. These two remedies are followed by the means by which those
errors may be avoided which he considers to arise from preconceived opi-
nions, from bad disposition of the will, a point which has been more largely
treated by others.
"In fine, our author does not take for granted, but deduces from true
principles the Aristotelian system, and anticipates Locke by many years,
by a method which even in the present day would have its admirers, and
that with a brevity Which detracts nothing from its lucidity. He concludes
with a few apposite remarks on words, and this is one of the most
essential parts of the work of Locke, that they do not signify things but
only the ideas of the speaker, regarding which we are unable to furnish
proof as this part of the work is not forth coming. "
This passage, having been deemed striking by several learned phi-
losophers, has been given entire, it is however beyond our limits to enter
upon a retrospective view of the philosophy of the sixteenth century in
Italy, but any one conversant with the subject must know the enormous
difficulties with which Sarpi had to contend. The freer political state of
Italy, and genius which would not be daunted were but clearing the way
to investigation over which the sable curtain of the dark ages had cast
its ample folds. But it was no easy task for Sarpi and Galileo to be the
pioneers on a road so rugged, and no traveller on a benighted way could
have been more gladdened by the light of the rising sun, than was Sarpi
when a sounder system of philosophy than had hitherto prevailed was
restored, and in some points introduced by himself and Galileo. They
facilitated inquiry to their successors as well as to their contempora-
ries, of whom the illustrious Lord Bacon was one of the most distinguished,
and with whom Sarpi held correspondence. There were two sections of
philosophers at the University of Padua, so Well known as scarcely to need
mention, Acquapendeute, Mercuriale, Prospero Alpino, and Santorio. The
opposing party was Piccolomoni, Bartolozzi,'Prevocio and Cremonino.
These last taught or believed the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, but
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? 72 THE LIFE OF [A D. 1593.
mingled with " the dark riddles " of their Arabic Commentators, and the
singular hypothesis of Pietro d'AJbano called the " Conciliatore, " and those
of Campanella, Pomponacius, an others who had-introduced Cabalisticism
and Rabbinicalism. It is sufficient to state here, that the opinions of the anta-
gonistic party were strongly opposed to the philosophy of Sarpi and Galileo.
It must not be omitted that during this year, Cardinal San Severina
honored Sarpi with an autograph letter, in which he told him that he had
recommended him to the Pope for the Bishopric of Melopotamo. This is
honorable to that prelate, and it is a curious fact that the stern head of
the Inquisition at Rome was earnest to promote the good and tolerant
Fra Paolo; but Clement VIII had no intention to bestow preferment upon
him. He was much occupied with the Jesuits, who ever since 1581 had
under Aquaviva embarked on the rough sea of politics. Gifted with
great talents and keen knowledge of human nature, Aquaviva formed
high notions for the aggrandizement of his Order. " That society was.
saints before, compared with what they were in the time of Aquaviva, "
writes Sarpi, and their own historians have failed to show that the Ge-
neral and his Order did not meddle with state affairs, or that they did
not foment rebellion and sedition.
Lainez had greatly advanced their power, but it was little compared
with what they acquired under Aquaviva. Some of the members remon-
strated, and at the instance of Father Tayre a learned Scot, Aquaviva cal-
led a General Convocation of the Jesuits, and a decree was passed at Rome
to interdict their interference in state affairs, on the fourth of November:
" To the end that we may abstain from all that may appear evil, and
that we may obviate as much as possible all complaints or false suspicions
that may rise against us, we command to all our society, by virtue of
their holy obedience, and under the penalty of their being declared in-
capable of all offices, dignities, superiorities, or of losing their votes or
suffrages , either active or passive, that- none presume in any matter
whatsoever, or at the desire or request of others, to meddle with the
public negotiations of secular princes, and we strictly enjoin and recom-
mend to all Superiors that they permit none of the society to involve
themselves in any manner in such affairs, and if they find any of them
inclined that way, that they immediately transport them to some other
country, if they see that there is reason or danger of being entangled in
such ditiiculties. " ' But little attention was paid to this injunction, the
Jesuits pursued their political schemes, and what was worse, leant to the
heretical opinions of Molina. '
1 Ribaden. Cat. scrip. Sos. Jes.
_3 Published 1588.
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? . -Er. 41. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 73
In 1584 Aquaviva published his rule of studies, and from that may be
dated their further recedence from the doctrines of Saint Thomas and the
Dominicans; although Aquaviva leant more to the opinions of Molina
than any other of the Jesuits, still the charge of " novelty " in doctrine
imputed to them by Sarpi is fully borne out by their disputations with
the Dominicans at Valladolid, which were but the commencement of
the celebrated controversy on free will held before Clement VIII. '
It is now time to turn to the fact announced by M. Montmorency
to the Pope, that Henry IV, King of France had entered the com-
munion of the Church of Rome, ' and in " the hope of reforming
it, 3' had unwittingly and unwillingly succumbed to a foreign power.
But the Pope still refused to grant him absolution; the King had trium-
phed over his enemies in the field, but he had hidden foes; Sarpi did not
misjudge the Jesuits. All Europe was startled by the tidings of an attempt
on the life of the King by Jean Chastel, who had imbibed the doctrines
held by some of that society, that it was lawful to assassinate a monarch
who was not of the dominant Church. That the King knew from whence
this blow proceeded is evidenced by the following letter copied from the
original in his own hand writing. 3
LETTBE llll lllll A ll. llll PLESSIS.
De Janvier 5. 1595.
Je suis du tout fii de ma blessure, ce sont la des fruits des J e? suites,
mais ils vlrideront mon roiaume.
5 Paris.
4, / ? '/awekr /97! ' Henry
(escrite de la main de sa maleste? ).
The King of France recovered from his wound, but the Jesuits were
banished from the kingdom, a precedent Which the Venetians assisted
by the counsels of Sarpi were not slow in aftertimes to imitate.
After much delay, and having been warned that he might lose the
allegiance of France altogether if he persevered in his conduct to her
monarch, Clement granted absolution to Henry IV, and the ceremony of
his reception by proxy into the communion of the Church at Rome pre-
sented a humiliating sight to Europe, as it showed to what height the
d
1 1598. '
1 MS. Binda Papers. 1593, and MSS. Bib. Imp.
3 MS. Bib. Imperial, Paris.
Jwf
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? 74 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1595.
#0'
fl
power of the Pope had risen. But unfortunately for herself France did
not then, as she will not now, believe that the Pope is only Bishop of
Rome. 1
There were hours of sadness at Venice, Zthe Doge Cicogna, whose
probity had made him universally respected, died and was buried with
the accustomed ceremonial which it may not be uninteresting to describe.
The body was embalmed, and clothed in the gorgeous state robes of
crimson and gold, the ducal crown encircled the head, the baton of office
was placed in the hand, and golden spurs on the feet of the dead. The
body lay in state, and guards from the arsenal stood around.
On the evening of the day on which the Doge died, the corpse was
borne to the Salle Pioogo, and placed on a sumptuous catafalque, around
Which large lighted torches blazed, and there it remained for three days.
Some of the senators attended, attired in their robes of state; and on the
fourth day the funeral of the Doge took place. The procession which ac-
companied the body to the tomb was then formed.
The regular and secular clergy, six bodies of the scuole grandi, S.
Marco, S. Rocco, S.
Teodoro, della Passione, each carrying a lighted
torch; the heads of the navy and arsenal; the grand standard of the Doge,
with his armorial bearings; the bier on which lay the body of the Doge
covered with a pall, the cordons borne by men of high degree; servants
clothed in black; the commandori of the palace; the secretary of the
chancellor; the chancellor; the counsellors of the signory; the ambassadors;
to the left, the senators in their senatorial robes of crimson; on the
right, the relations of the Doge habited 'in black mantles.
Of this vast assemblage one half preceded the bier,. the other half
followed, and the procession closed by young girls and children from the
divers hospitals, each bearing a lighted torch.
This procession went by S. Marco. The bearers raised the coffin nine
times into the air as high as they possibly could before the great door of
the ducal chapel of S. Marco, that the body might render a sort of homage
to this church. Then the remains of the Doge (licogna were borne to the
church of S. Giuseppe, where the body was again placed on a very high
catafalque, covered with a pall, and surrounded by an immense number
of lights. A fine tomb was afterwards placed over the grave.
The Doge Cicogna was succeeded by Marino Grimani, and joy and
festivity were again visible throughout Venice.
It was customary on state occasions to bear eight embroidered stand-
ards before the Doge, two white, two red, two blue, and two green. If at
peace/ the standard bearers. walked first and bore white, if at war/ red, if
1 Appendix
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? mr. 43. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 75
leagued with any foreign power/blue, and if in trace green. The new Doge
was popular, and the pure white standard which floated before him made
all hearts glad, because it told that peace was concluded with Turkey.
Clement took every opportunity to flatter Henry IV', in the hope
of being able to restore the Jesuits to France, but as yet the King
would not listen. Clement, however, showed his power in a way which
Fra Paolo lamented most bitterly. The prohibition on books. con-
tinned, and although the Council of Ten made exceptions to the
stringent measures of the Popes as to this deadly blight over religion
and literature, it often drew from Sarpi a strong protest which certainly
ought to claim the acknowledgment of his countrymen. There is no
- doubt but that his voice, which reechoes through the lapse of ages, has
helped to unbar the bolts and bars of the Inquisition on those volumes,
which but for ignorance would have been eagerly sought after then. '
However, amidst war and discord abroad, fears of papal interference
at home, and the prolonged disturbances within his own Order, Fra
Paolo enjoyed peace, and that peace Was not broken either by Gabriello
or San Severina, notwithstanding the untoward events which follow.
About this time a friar, Giovanni Battista Perugino, who had been
guilty of several delinquencies, fled to Venice that he might escape
punishment by order of the General. Battista was a man of great cun-
ning, and had been surnamed Lagrimino, because he had always tears at
command. He had no need of concealment, because having fled from the
General, he was welcome to Gabriello the Provincial. In order to make
money, Lagrimino procured a license from the N uncio to practise exorcism,
as was the custom of many friars who, unwilling to obey the rules of
their Orders, took to this way of life to advance their interests.
" Amongst other adventures, our Lagrirnino attended the wife ofa trades-
man at the sign of the Gallo in the Merceria, and had not only been long
in attendance upon her, but had exorcised her in church and at her
own house. Shortly after, her husband missed a large quantity of satins
and other valuable stuffs, and his apprentice confessed that the friar had
taken a great part of these articles, with the knowledge of his wife, to
Gabriello the Provincial of the Servi, and no small quantity to the Court
of the Papal Nuncio. And so the mystery was solved. It was in vain
that the General insisted that Lagtimino was an apostate and deserved
imprisonment, neither Gabriello nor the N uncio Would listen to him, but
called him a " Persecutor. " The tradesman, Mazaro, related the above
matter to one of the Servi, and a deed was drawn out which was taken
to Rome by the General, where Gabriello then was. The General carried
1 Appendix.
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? 76 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1597.
the case before the Governor at Rome, who seeing the scandal and not
aware that Gabriello was in such favor, committed him to prison. I can
hardly believe that San Severina was ever in such a passion, but those
of the highest as well as those of the lowest rank are equally subject to
such aberrations. He screamed, stamped with his feet, cursed and
went to and from the Pope to the Governor, but he could not obtain
Gabriello's release from prison for several days. The Cardinal San Seve-
rina soon perceived the impossibility of creating Gabriello General in the
Chapter about to be held at Rome, but he placed him under arrest and
kept him in prison in S. Maria, and San Severina took such violent
measures against the Order of the Servi, as no one but an eye witness
could have believed. After this a Chapter was held at Verona, and Priuli
Bishop of Vicenza was nominated President. He had great judgment
and prudence, yet not knowing what side to- take, he listened to the
faction which had espoused the part of the Cardinal, and was persuaded to
consent to an innovation which Was, that the Rector would admit sbirri
into the convent. This was done under pretence of keeping order, but
in reality to intimidate the other party by their presence. This only
caused greater opposition, and the Chapter, which generally held its sitting
for one day only, sat for eight days. And these sbirri (seeing that all
was quiet; that there were only eight friars unarmed, they had not even
their knives) laid down their guns, and left them carelessly in the cloister,
went to the cellars to drink, made free with the stores of the convent, or
spent their time in sport on the Mount. The friars Were sorely chafed to
see such a company of idlers consume the goods of the convent, judging that
a proceeding so unusual would bring great scandal on their community.
And the language of the soldiers was very aggravating: they told
the friars that, if they did not yield soon to the Cardinal, they would
be thrown into prison, sent to the galleys, or otherwise disposed of. The
climax of this unhappy affair was, that the Bishop arrived one evening
at the Monastery of the Mount from Vicenza bearing a papal brief that
of his Presidentship. This brief was dispatched from Rome to Vicenza in
less than forty hours, empowering the President to expel the papal Vicar-
General from the Chapter, and to suspend, transfer, or prolong the Chapter
as he, the Bishop, judged proper. There were those who smiled that no
less than two papal briefs were required for a matter of such small moment
as the holding of a Chapter, and that not only the Pope took part in the
comedy, but a Cardinal, with the authority of S. Peter and S. Paul.
" The faction, so highly favoured by Rome, entered the convent in
triumph. Two swords were carried before them, with exclamations more
like those of the worst class of people than men of a religious Order. This
occasioned so great a change in matters that that night, the doors being
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? E'1'. 45. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 77
open, a party of young' men introduced a number of braves, Vicentini
with whom they held intelligence, into the chambers of the friars. This
was done in great silence; and these young men were resolved, when the
Chapter met next morning in the refectory, to attack the sbirri who were
about forty in number, and to revenge their insults.
" Fra Paolo had attended the Chapter held at the Monastery of the
Mount, near Vicenza. He was an eye-witness of all these provocations;
but such was the respect of these infuriated men for him, that the only
reason for their not taking arms against their foes was that they wished
some one to communicate their design to F. Paolo. "
Fra Fulgenzio believed " that he had insight into their designs: how-
ever, this one thing is certain, that he had the fatigue and anxiety of being
on the watch the greater part of the night, to some using the language
of entreaty, to others that of command, while he endeavoured to enlighten
all as to the danger which they would evoke, the trifling nature of the
matters in question, and the scandal which it would bring upon the Order;
but it was chiefly veneration for his authority that stilled the storm. "
What a picture! all these despfiadoes quieted by the calm of wise and
holy rectitude; one amongst many -proofs which Fra Paolo gave, that
" greater is he that ruleth his spirit, than he that taketh a city. " Without
such words of judgment and forgiveness, the sun would have dawned
upon bloodshed, and the Convent on the Mount, instead of being remem-
bered as that place where Fra Paolo led captive by his counsel men bent
on revenge, might have been chronicled as a place where the Friars of
the Servi had fallen in dark vengeance on their foes.
But Fra Paolo, having examined the cause of these contests narrowly,
saw that there was necessity for more stringent measures. He knew of no
other mode to abolish division, but to go to Rome.
This was a bold resolve. The letter in cypher before mentioned was a
hindrance, and by the manner in which it is noticed by Fulgenzio appears
not to have been forgotten by Fra Paolo; indeed he consulted his friends
on the danger of going to Rome, as he was likely to incur the displea-
sure of the Cardinal San Severina, who was still the Head of the Congre-
gation of the Holy Office, and as some considered the election of San
Severina to the Popedom to be valid, the Pope Clement allowed the
Cardinal to do as he pleased. The friends of Fra Paolo, however, were of
opinion that it would not be dangerous for him to go to Rome; but he
smilingly related the fable of the prudent fox, who on the proclamation
of banishment against all the horned animals hid himself, saying if the
lion mistook his ears for horns who could defend him, Jdevertheless he
resolved to go.
Though he was wont to be as confident in Divine Providence as if
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? 78 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1598.
second causes were of no moment, yet he was provided by his friends with
letters to the Venetian Ambassador at Rome, and to many of the
great Prelates at the Court; he also wrote to the Cardinal d'Ascoli with
whom he had always corresponded, and the Cardinal advised Fra Paolo
to go to Rome.
For the fifth time therefore he took up his residence there, and the first
notice given of the events which then took place is the mention of a general
Chapter of the Order of the Servi, in whichas the Cardinal San Severina
could not succeed in the appointment of Gabriello as General, he bestowed
the Generalship on an old priest who had been shut up in his chamber for
fifteen years, and was reputed a saint. This ecelesiastic did not wish Ga-
briello to succeed him, and he bitterly offended San Severina by addressing
a letter to him in which he blamed him for all the ill he had done to the
_ Order, crowning it all by wishing to raise a scoundrel to the Generalship,
but what touched San Severina to the heart was, that hesaid he had
not written to the Cardinal till after long consideration and special in-
spiration of the Holy Ghost. On which San Severina exclaimed in
the Neapolitan dialect, " Tu menti Santorello. Thou tellest not the
truth etc. " .
The General was called to Rome where he shortly after died, some
said by his being overheated by his visits to the seven Churches/ a
penance then common, others assigned a different reason.
But Fra Paolo endeavored to mollify the Cardinal San Severina when
in conversation with him, and fortunately only two subjects were mooted,
the one that Fra Paolo had joined and fomented the late disputes, the
other that he would not he reconciled to Gabriello. To these Paolo answer-
ed" that he wished reconciliation, that as Lelio was created Provincial
and General by him, and as he favored him, he had always Wished his
friendship, and had corresponded with him on all that he thought was
for the service of God and of religion. that he considered that it was his
duty to honor one who was raised above others, without any curious
enquiry as to the reasons why it Was done, and that if things Were
changed, it was accidental. As to his having excited the General, as the
Cardinal had complained of Lelio's impetuosity/ Fra Paolo told him that
he Was sure all this was at the instigation of others, that the Cardinal had
both discernment and prudence, and that he knew when he saw a carriage
pass whether the carriage drew the horses or they it. " Upon this the
Cardinal appeared satisfied, told Fra Paolo he had observed his conduct,
and wished that he and Gabriello were friends. This the Cardinal effected,
and thus for a time peace was restored. Fra Paolo returned from Rome to
his Convent at Venice, but with some aggravation of his bodily disorders;
happily however he obtained relief by his knowledge of medicine and sur-
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? E1'. 46. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 79'
gery, and during the following years, though always weak in body, he was
in better health than previously.
His devotion to his religious duties and conversations with the learned
continued. He wrote notes on Aristotle and Plato, Fra Fulgenzio supposes
with the idea of embodying them in some future Work-, he also examined
the opinions of the schoolmeu, nominalists as well as realists. And these
notes all displayed what riches were hidden in that intellectual mine.
" He also continued the study of the most abstruse parts of mathematics
and physics. " 1
Both he and his learned friends experienced a severe loss in the death
of Aldus Manutius, whose fine library, which he wished to bequeath to
Venice and which contained 80,000 volumes, was entered on his death
by command of the Pope/and the most valuable part of them car-
ried away and now occupy the shelves of the Vatican. It was al-
leged that Manutius had incurred a debt to the Pope by receiving
part of his salary as Librarian of the Vatican in advance, and this was
the pretext for that unjust measure; but Fra Paolo must have obtained
all that he required from the Vatican and other libraries of Home
at this period, as he never again visited that City. But if there was
injustice at Rome, there were gleams of toleration elsewhere across the
dark sky of bigotry. Henry IV promulgated the edict of Nantes at the
head of his victorious troops; the air had often resounded with the voice
of triumph, but what was that triumph compared with the grateful ac-
clamations of the Reformed who learned that the stake, the gibbet, the
rack, the noisome dungeon, the heavy chains, and the still heavier pangs
of separation from all they held dear would no longer be theirs.
Let the reader now turn from the pleasure with which the heart
of Paolo Sarpi thrilled at these tidings to the death of Philip II,
Who was succeeded by his son Philip III, " a pious prince, but
one who did not apply himself to business and was content with the
outward signs of royalty. " To Clement, Europe was chiefly indebted for
the peace of Verviers, but he obliged Henry IV to give up his alliance
with England, this King was gradually becoming more reconciled to
the Jesuits, many of Whom had evaded his commands and remained in
France. The Spaniards restored what they had taken since 1559, the
disputes of Savoy and France terminated, with the exception of the
Pope's schemes against the Turks there appeared more prospect of a ge-
neral peace.
Fra Paolo, as usual, was absorbed in study, and for some time only met
with two interruptions, accompanying Leonardo Mocenigo to Ferrara, and
1- MS.
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? 8_0 ' THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1598.
l? '.
examining the controversy which was being then carried on between the
Dominicans and the Jesuits " on the efficacy of divine grace. "
Fra Fulgenzio observes that Sarpi would not open his lips on the subject,
that is as to his taking part in the discussion, but that he examined it at the
request of M. Ippolito da Lucca is proved by his friend Bedell, Bishop of
Kilmore's letter. Having mentioned the propositions of Molina opposed by
the Dominicans, and the letters of Rlppolytra de Monte-Peloso, he adds: " I
have sent Dr. Ward the originals which Fra fiaolo gave me upon occasion of
speech with him touching that controversy, reserving no copy to myself;
the occasion was the contention of the Jesuits and Dominicans before
Clement VIII, and all those letters were week by week sent from Rome to
Padre Paolo of the carriage of the business. When you find a trusty mes-
senger I desire you to send me them. " All trace of these MSS. is at present
lost, but his opinions on this subject may be gathered from a short analysis
noticed by Bergantini. These opinions were in direct opposition to those
held by the Jesuits, to whom neither the Pope nor his nephew bent; both,
with great blandness of manner but inflexibility of purpose, carried all be-
fore them, while Aquaviva the General of the Jesuits acted independently,
and employed all his talent to secure the return of his Order to France.
Clement frankly confessed they were beyond his ken, however Fra Paolo
tells us: " There is a Scotchman here who says he understands the Jesuits,
he must be very clever. " Notwithstanding the Pope's dislike to them, he
did not overlook the talents of Bellarmine, and Fra Paolo saw him elevated
to a position which aflbrded him great opportunity of advancing his Order.
If Paolo felt anger on the promotion of Bellarmine to the dignity of a
a Cardinal before he had himself attained to that office, however wrong,
it would have been natural, but no such failing on the part of Sarpi is re-
corded, although Clement on conferring this honor on Bellarinine ' said:
" Hunc eligirnus quia parem non habet in ecclesia quoad doctrinam. "
Many of the Cardinals lived in great state and were daily acquiring greater
power. To their luxurious mode of living, however, there were great excep-
tions, and amongst these may be named Bellarmine and Baronius. Sarpi
was too conversant with such matters not to know that the dignity of
Cardinal was unknown to the primitive Church, he traced this evil to its
source, and left these words of instruction which we extract from his treat-
ise on ecclesiastical henefices. .
" I come now to Italy, where for many ages no one was ordained to the
priesthood, who had not at the same time some particular cure assigned
him, unless in the case of some eminent one for piety and learning, who
would not accept the care of any parish at his ordination, that might di-
1 Paulin Ep. I, ad Severum num. 10.
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? E1. 46. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI _ 81
vert him from his sacred studies. S. Jerome and S. Paulinus were thus
ordained priests, one at Antioch, the other at Barcelona, and except on
this occasion, antiquity knew no distinction between ordination and a
benefice which was always assigned him, and which gave a right to be
entertained out of the common stock of the Church. But when church-
men of merit happened by the calamities of war to be driven from their
ministry and received into other churches, where they were maintained
out of the common purse, in the same manner with the clergy of the
place; as any vacancy happened, by death or otherwise, it was filled by
one of the strange clergy, who, being thus provided for, was called In-
cwrdinatus, 1 and he who stepped into a ministry, having none before, was
called Ordinatus.
" This custom began in Italy before the year 600, when many Bishops
and other clergymen were plundered and driven from their cures, by the
ravages of the Lomhards, and were thus replaced in other churches, as
they became vacant.
" The Bishops were called Episcopi Cardinales and the Priests Presby-
teri 0'0-rdinales. '
" Now, the greatest part of those who were so driven from their own
churches, betaking themselves to those of Rome and Ravenna, which were
the richest, and had the most employments in the ministry to give,
and these strangers, finding a welcome reception there, both in regard
of the abundance in those churches, and of the great concourse it drew to _
them of the most eminent persons of all kinds (which we see continued
to this day), it rarely happened that any of their own people were ordain-
ed, but commonly strangers. And this was the reason, why in these two
churches all who had any ministry were called Cardinales. A name which
still remains in the Church of Rome, but not in the Church of Ravenna,
which Paul III abrogated in the year 1543.
" Thus, the name of Cardinal," continues Fra Paolo, "which was at first
derived from a very low and abject condition, is, by a change of signifi-
cation, become a title so elevated, that Cardinals are now said to be
Quasi Oarrlines omnium terrarum. And that which at first was no degree
or order in the Church, but introduced by mere accident of calamity, is
exalted to that pitch of human grandeur and dignity, of which we see it
in possession at this day. But whoever will look into the most celebrated
Councils at Rome, will find that the Cardinal Roman Priests in their
public writings have always signed under the Italian Bishops; and that
even in after times no Bishop was made a Cardinal Priest.
1 Admitted into a Society, transferred or transplanted.
9 Liber Diurnus summ. Poutif, Tit. II, cap.