23 For the starting point of the later debate, see Edward Young, 'Con- jectures on Original Composition' (1759), in
Complete
Works (Lon- don, 1854; repr.
Luhmann-Niklas-the-Reality-of-the-Mass-Media
Heinrich Popitz, Uber die Prdventivwirkung des Nichtwissens: Dunkelziffer, Norm und Strafe (Tubingen, 1968).
If one includes the mass media's reporting of individual cases, then the con- clusion can easily be drawn that it is precisely the scandalization of isolated cases which leads to the distribution of such behaviour being underestimated and attention being drawn rather to the norm itself.
? 11 Cf. e. g. Giinther Kaiser, Jugendrecht und Jugendkriminalitat: Jugendkriminologische Untersuchungen iiber die Beziehungen zwischen Gesellscbaft, Jugendrecht und Jugendkriminalitat
(Weinheim, 1973), p. 43.
12 Richard Miinch, 'Moralische Achtung als Medium der Kommuni-
kation', in id. , Dynamik der Kommunikationsgesellschaft (Frank- furt, 1995), pp. 214ff, infers from this that, as a symbolically generalized medium of modern society, morality is prone to inflationary and deflationary trends. Presumably both apply simul- taneously (and not just alternately): there is much talk of morality, and more recently even of ethics, but no one dares rely on it, instead keeping a low profile by 'dispensing' moral symbols in everyday life.
13 This, however, does not begin to explain why the sociological theory of action stubbornly holds fast to this error, why there is this curious resistance to criticism. It seems to be a case of the subject putting up a line of defence as a pretext, preventing it from having to name itself or present its ideas.
14 On this, see John W. Meyer, John Boli and George M. Thomas, 'On- tology and Rationalization in the Western Cultural Account', in George M. Thomas et al. , Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society, and the Individual (Newbury Park, Calif. , 1987), pp. 12-37.
15 This corresponds, incidentally, to an old etymology and conceptual history of persona/person. On this, see also Niklas Luhmann, 'Die Form "Person'" in id. , Soziologische Aufklarung, vol. 6 (Opladen, 1995), pp. 142-54.
16 Case studies on this in more recent organizational research have been available since the publication of James C. March and Johan P. Olsen, Ambiguity and Choice in Organizations (Bergen, 1976). Cf. also Martha S. Feldman, Order without Design: Information Processing and Policy Making (Stanford, Calif. , 1989). Previously, ambiguity had been dealt with principally as a solution to stress or to role conflicts.
17 See Hans Mathias Kepplinger and Uwe Hartung, Storfall-Fieber: Wie ein Unfall zum Schliisselereignis einer Unfallserie wird (Freiburg, 1995); Hans Mathias Kepplinger and Johanna Habermeier, 'The Impact of Key Events on the Presentation of Reality', European Jour- nal of Communication, 10/3 (1995), pp. 371-90.
18 Even this has long been observed with mistrust. In Ben Jonson, The Staple of Newes (n. 2 above), we read: 'See divers men opinions! Unto some, / The very printing of them, makes them Newes; / That ha' not the heart to beleeve any thing, / But what they see in print' (i.
? v. 51-4; p. 295).
19 It is a separate question whether the media themselves, either qua
organization or qua journalistic ethos, also get involved in this kind of mixing, or whether here at least importance is attached to a strict division of news and commentary, as is customary in the Anglo- Saxon press in particular.
20 On this, see Manfred Riihl, Die Zeitungsredaktion als organisiertes soziales System (Bielefeld, 1969), and id. , Journalismus und Gesellschaft: Bestandsaufnabme und Theorieentwurf {Mainz, 1 9 8 0 ) . Following Riihl there have been a number of empirical studies which confirm his theory of routine selection of newsworthy items. For an overview, see Marcinkowski, Publizistik (ch. 2 n. 10), pp. 98ff. What is particularly surprising here is the extent to which the sensational comes about as a product of routines.
21 See Heinz von Foerster, 'Objects: Tokens for (Eigen-)Behaviors', in id. , Observing Systems (Seaside, Calif. , 1981), pp. 274-85.
22 For the neuronal and psychic memory, reverting to macromolecular units of the calculation of consistency, see Heinz Forster, Das Gedachtnis: Eine quantenphysikalische Untersucbung (Vienna, 1948). See also id. , 'Quantum Mechanical Theory of Memory', in id. , ed. , Cybernetics: Circular Causal, and Feedback Mechanisms in Biological and Social Systems. Transactions of the Sixth Conference 1949 (New York, 1950), pp. 112-34; id. , 'Was ist Gedachtnis, dal? es Riickschau und Vorschau ermoglicht', in id. , Wissen und Gewissen: Versuch einer Briicke (Frankfurt, 1993), pp. 299-336.
23 For the beginnings of this in Italian debates on art of the sixteenth century (in the seventeenth century it is already a commonplace that only the new is pleasing), see Baxter Hathaway, Marvels and Commonplaces: Renaissance Literary Criticism (New York, 1968), pp. 158ff.
24 Clearly this is in accordance with an ancient monastic tradition in- terested in augmenting the intensity of religious experience by avoid- ing communication. At the same time, i. e. in the seventeenth century, the Jansenists equate non-transparency of others' motives with the non-transparency of an individual's own motives.
25 On this, cf. Wlad Godzich, 'Language, Images, and the Postmodern Predicament', in Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht and K. Ludwig Pfeiffer, eds, Materialities of Communication (Stanford, Calif. , 1991), pp. 355-70.
? Chapter 6 Ricupero
1 This name might foster the error that this was a political party which had its own organizational identity independently of the outcome of the elections. However, this is not the case in Brazil (with the excep- tion of the workers' party).
2 Reports in all Brazilian newspapers from 3 September 1994.
3 In the conversation, for example, he said: 'The only way in which I can prove my distance from the PDSB is to criticize the PDSB. ' Quoted from the magazine Veja (7 September 1994), p. 32. The magazine spoke of 'Ricupero's striptease' and commented: 'He stripped his
brain. '
4 Cardoso 41. 6% (previously 42. 8%); Lula 20. 3% (previously 21%).
Only those undecided increased, from 11% to 12. 9%.
5 It should be noted, however, that conclusions about other countries with a longer-standing experience of democracy and a less alienated
underclass cannot be drawn from this.
6 The magazine Veja also comments as follows, loc. cit. p. 33: 'It is
obvious that everyone says one thing in public and others in private to people they can trust. What is embarrassing for the minister is that everyone knows from experience that private conversations are much more sincere than public declarations. '
Chapter 7 Advertising
1 This is, incidentally, one of the elements in which advertising distin- guishes itself from art - even if there are borrowings in terms of design.
2 This term appears in a different context (but still directed at para- dox) in Dieter Schwanitz, 'Laurence Sternes Tristram Shandy und der Wettlauf zwischen Achilles und der Schildkrote', in Paul Geyer and Roland Hagenbiichle, eds, Das Paradox: Eine Herausforderung des abendlandischen Denkens (Tubingen, 1992), pp. 409-30; id. , 'Kommunikation und BewuEtsein: Zur systemtheoretischen Rekonstruktion einer literarischen Bestatigung der Systemtheorie', in Henk de Berg and Matthias Prangel, eds, Kommunikation und Differenz: Systemtheoretische Ansatze in der Literatur- und
Kunstwissenschaft (Opladen, 1993), pp. 101-13.
3 It should also be noted that the paradox in turn camouflages itself by
using Latin, knowing full well it can no longer be assumed that peo-
ple know Latin.
4 See the report in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of 16 January
? 1993, p. 11, under the heading: 'Mixed results for sports advertising in the Olympic year: Sponsors remembered much more, but sports sponsorship criticized as well. We investigate. '
5 A must here is Pierre Bourdieu, La distinction: critique sociale de jugement de gout (Paris, 1975).
6 Cf. only Roland Barthes, Systeme de la mode (Paris, 1967).
7 'If a man becomes the object of public attention by favour, the mode, or a great action, ridicule vanishes,' we read in G. Senac de Meilhan,
Considerations upon Wit and Morals (London, 1788), p. 312.
8 For more on this, see Niklas Luhmann, Die Kunst der Gesellschaft
(Frankfurt, 1995).
9 Cf. Robert Goldman and Stephen Papson, 'Advertising in the Age of
Hypersignification', Theory, Culture and Society, 11/2 (1994), pp.
23-53.
10 Cf. Richard Miinch, Dynamik der Kommunikationsgesellschaft
(Frankfurt, 1995), pp. 94ff with evidence.
11 Source: Frankfurter Allgemeine Magazin of 1 September 1995, p. 28.
Chapter 8 Entertainment
1 It is different, of course, in the case of the dry recounting of winners and losers and the corresponding positions on points.
2 The reference is, of course, to the specially trained 'Kopulier-Katze' ('copulation cat') in Jean Paul, 'Die unsichtbare Loge', Werke, ed. Norbert Miiller, vol. 1 (Munich, 1960), pp. 7-469 (28ff).
3 The objection might be raised that the game concept is only being used metaphorically here, as one might speak of language games, for example. Very well, but metaphor is very often an intermediate stage in the development of general theory. One might just as well say: there is a general theory of the game, of which social games merely represent a special case.
4 Jacques Derrida discusses the ambivalent status of this marking (it is part of and not part of the game, it cannot be played), in The Truth in Painting (Chicago, 1987), pp. 37ff, using Kant's critique of the power of judgement and of the unresolved problem in it of the parerga, the frames, the ornaments.
5 Lennard J. Davis writes about the difficulties with the evolution of this (initially quite implausible) distinction in relation to the emer- gence of modern journalism and the modern novel in Factual Fic- tions: The Origins of the English Novel (New York, 1983). At the same time, incidentally, modern statistics emerges, based similarly
? 6 7
upon being able to distinguish the real reality of individual cases and the fictional reality of statistical aggregates.
'Let me tell you that it is upon this multitude of trivial things that illusion depends', as it says, for example, in Richardson's eulogy, quoted from Diderot, CEuvres (Pleiade edn; Paris, 1951), pp. 1089- 1104 (1094).
We owe the invention of this form of 'inferential entities' - both of the novel and of one's own real life - to the eighteenth century, to a curious dual development in the epistemology of Locke via Berkeley to Hume and Bentham as well as in the novel. It has reached its end in the art form of the novel and now seems to be reproduced only as a form of entertainment. On the eighteenth century and on reforms of the prison system in England inspired by it, based on 'narrative' biographies, and stimulated by literature, see John Bender, Imagin- ing the Penitentiary: Fiction and the Architecture of Mind in Eight- eenth-Century England (Chicago, 1987).
Of the many historical treatments of theatre, cf. in particular Jean- Christophe Agnew, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater in Anglo-American Thought, 1550-1750 (Cambridge, 1986). The links between the development of the market and that of the theatre in England in the sixteenth century, which Agnew seeks to prove, could also be illuminating for the connections between advertising and en- tertainment in the modern system of the mass media. What is in- volved in both cases is the fact of manipulation which is illusory but is nonetheless seen through, and the individuality behind it which controls itself and has access to its own motives and interests, rather than simply living and suffering through the course of nature or crea- tion. When reformulated in a systems-theoretical way, this parallel of market and theatre is ultimately based on the fact that differentia- tion frees up individuality and forces it into self-regulation.
For many of these, see Baltasar Gracian, The Critick (London, 1681). Cf. Davis, Factual Fictions.
See Jean Paul, 'Regeln und Winke fiir Romanschreiber', ? 74 of the 'Vorschule der Asthetik' (ch. 2 n. 11), p. 262.
On the other hand, the feeling of having wasted one's time with en- tertainment comes from a different world, the Puritans' world of spir- itual pastoral care and of business sense. See the treatment, rich in material, by Russell Fraser, The War Against Poetry (Princeton, 1970), esp. pp. 52ff.
See Ludwig Tieck, 'Peter Lebrecht: Eine Geschichte ohne Abenteuerlichkeiten' (Peter Lebrecht: a story without adventures),
8
9 10 11
12
13
? in id. , Friihe Erzahlungen und Romane (Munich, n. d. ), p. 136. The novel itself pursues the goal of dispensing with tension ('adventures') in order to be readable more than once as a 'good' text. As far as I am concerned: to no avail!
14 On this point, see Schwanitz, 'Sterne's Tristram Shandy' and 'Kommunikation und BewuEtsein' (ch. 7 n. 2).
15 The same applies to the modern 'ideologies' which were emerging at that time, as Davis, Factual Fictions, pp. 212ff, shows. It seems gen- erally to be the case, then, that the latency of the mechanism of gen- eration has a function of facilitating a clear division of self-referential and other-referential references in the texts disseminated by the mass media.
16 As described e. g. in Cleanth Brooks, The Well Wrought Urn: Studies in the Structure of Poetry (New York, 1947), or in Michael Riffaterre, Semiotics of Poetry (Bloomington, Ind. , 1978). Incidentally, this too is a reference to the differentiation of the system of the mass media and that of art.
17 This criterion in Christoph Menke-Eggers, Die Souveranitat der Kunst: Asthetische Erfahrung nach Adorno und Derrida (Frankfurt, 1988), p. 71 [tr. The Sovereignty of Art: Aesthetic Negativity in Adorno and Derrida (Cambridge, Mass. , 1998)], following M. C. Beardsley, Aes- thetics: Problems in the Theory of Criticism (New York, 1958), p. 414.
18 On this topic in general, see Alois Hahn and Riidiger Jacob, 'Der Korper als soziales Bedeutungssystem', in Peter Fuchs and Andreas Gobel, eds, Der Mensch - das Medium der Gesellschaft? (Frankfurt, 1994), pp. 146-88.
19 From The Education of Henry Adams: An Autobiography (1907), quoted from the Boston edn, 1918, p. 4. The entire text is one big illustration of the problem described here of an individual exposed to the ups and downs of his own career.
20 Michel Serres, The Parasite (Baltimore, 1982). This consequently means that the mass media themselves are second-order parasites, parasites which live parasitically on the parasiticality of their viewers.
21 This is not to deny that certain effects of imitation play a role, espe- cially in the fashionable domains of clothing, hairstyle, 'casual' ges- tures, open portrayal of sexual interests.
22 This is exactly what Adam Smith's often misinterpreted concept of 'sympathy' means: 'Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view of the passion, as from that of the situation which excites it' (Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759; new edn (Lon- don, 1853; repr. New York, 1966), p. 7). This is backed up by mod-
? ern attribution research which for its part observes that actors un- derstand and explain their actions in relation to the situation they are in, whereas observers tend instead to attribute it to characteris- tics of the actor.
23 For the starting point of the later debate, see Edward Young, 'Con- jectures on Original Composition' (1759), in Complete Works (Lon- don, 1854; repr. Hildesheim, 1968), vol. 2, pp. 547-86. Cf. also Stendhal, De Vamour (1822), quoted from the Paris 1959 edn [cf. Stendhal, Love (Harmondsworth, 1975)]. Here, we find the problem as a contrast of types of the homme-copie (p. 276) and of authentic candeur ('cette qualite d'une ame qui ne fait aucun retour sur elle- meme', p. 99). See also the comparison of the characters of Titan and Roquairol, the latter spoiled by anticipated experience, that is, by reading, in Jean Paul's 'Titan', in Werke, vol. 2 (Munich, 1969), pp. 53-661. The entire concept must raise for the reader the counter- question of how he could manage to be unreflexively authentic and, in spite of reading, remain so.
Chapter 9 Unity and Structural Couplings
1 Mr Schultz-Tornau (a member of the regional government) pointed this out in the discussion following the lecture in the North Rhine- Westphalian Academy of Sciences.
2 On this context of emergence of the journalistic pathos of objective reporting, cf. Schudson, loc. cit. (1978). On the dominance of adver- tising in the American press, cf. also the experience of Henry Adams as editor of the North American Review from 1871: 'The secrets of success as an editor were easily learned; the highest was that of get- ting advertisements. Ten pages of advertising made an editor a suc- cess; five marked him as a failure' (The Education of Henry Adams: An Autobiography (Boston, 1918), p. 308).
3 This distinction of 'signal systems' in Raymond Williams, The Soci- ology of Culture (New York, 1982), pp. 130ff.
4 Just as the function of the economy does not lie in the creation of wealth, nor the function of politics in being in power, etc.
5 For more on this, see Niklas Luhmann, Die Wissenschaft der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1990), pp. 53ff, 181ff.
6 Incidentally, we are not asserting here that there is an equal distribu- tion of observers. In the case of advertising there may be more ob- servers who think the economy dominates advertising than who think the opposite. But this only means that one has to observe the observ-
? ers if one wants to reach any conclusions regarding the question of
how society breaks the circle.
7 The distinction is emphasized in a famous essay by Clement Greenberg,
'Avant-Garde and Kitsch' (1939), in id. , Art and Culture (Boston, 1961), pp. 3-21, obviously directed against Soviet and national so- cialist attempts to discipline art politically. But there had already long been attempts from modern art to bridge the gap between 'high' and 'low' art. On this, see Victor Burgin, The End of Art Theory: Criti- cism and Postmodernity (London, 1986), pp. 2 ff.
8 A remarkable exception is the carefully planned press and television treatment of the anti-corruption campaign led by Italian state pros- ecutors and judges. Some very conscious media-political work is be- ing done here, without political responsibility being taken for the consequences arising from it.
9 Such considerations do exist for the domain of the news. But then advertising and entertainment would be left over, and one would have to add them onto other systems, such as the economic system or a (poorly identifiable) system of consumption, 'leisure'.
10 See Niklas Luhmann, Das Recht der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1993). Chapter 10 Individuals
1 An early representation of this concept of motive, following Max Weber, is C. Wright Mills, 'Situated Actions and Vocabularies of Motive', American Sociological Review, 5 (1940), pp. 904-13. Cf. also ibid. , 'Language, Logic and Culture', American Sociological Review, 4 (1939), pp. 670-80. Also, in more detail, Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives (1945), and A Rhetoric of Motives (1950), quoted from the single-volume edition (Cleveland, 1962), and, ori- ented more to rules of attribution, Alan F. Blum and Peter McHugh, 'The Social Ascription of Motives', American Sociological Review, 36 (1971), pp. 98-109.
2 For more detail on this sense of 'interpenetration' see Niklas Luhmann, Social Systems (Stanford, Calif. , 1995), pp. 213ff.
3 For the 'homo oeconomicus' of the economic system and the 'homo iuridicus' of the legal system, see Michael Hutter and Gunther Teubner, 'Der Gesellschaft fette Beute: homo iuridicus und homo oeconomicus als kommunikationserhaltende Fiktionen', in Peter Fuchs and Andreas Gobel, eds, Der Mensch - das Medium der Gesellschaft? (Frankfurt, 1994), pp. 110-45. The same is true, incidentally, for so- called 'methodological individualism' and the concept of 'rational
? choice' in the social sciences. Here too the individuality of human individuals is not concretely taken into consideration, but rather only to the extent that it is necessary for the construction of explanations which function in accordance with methodological criteria.
4 The fashion of 'portraits' or 'caracteres' of the seventeenth and eight- eenth centuries, on which Diderot made ironic commentary, was in turn a product of book printing and therefore not to be taken seri- ously. See Denis Diderot, 'Satire I, sur les Caracteres et les Mots de Caracteres, de Professions, etc. ', quoted from CEuvres (Pleiade edn; Paris, 1951), pp. 1217-29.
Chapter 11 The Construction of Reality
1 Not until the middle of the nineteenth century, however, does one find this form of argumentation being used, and the everyday world, the lifeworld, folklore etc. being proposed as scientific concepts - at the same time, in other words, as metaphysical constructions of the world were collapsing and different foundations for the observation of 'reality' were being sought.
2 See Debra E. Meyerson, 'Acknowledging and Uncovering Ambigui- ties in Cultures', in Peter J. Frost et al. , eds, Reframing Organiza- tional Culture (Newbury Park, Calif. , 1991), pp. 254-70.
3 Cf. Niklas Luhmann, 'Das Risiko der Kausalitat', MS, 1995.
4 'To cut corners to catch the criminals', as Jonathan Culler, Framing the Signs: Criticism and its Institutions (Oxford, 1988), p. 50, for- mulates it - using Oliver North and the Iran-Contra affair as an
example.
5 A good piece of research about the moral attitudes of former Yugo-
slavia, still determined along tribal lines and only covered over by the official Marxist-Titoistic ideology disseminated by the mass me- dia, is the Bielefeld dissertation by Dusan Vrban, 'Culture Change and Symbolic Legitimation: Functions and Traditional Meaning of Symbols in the Transformation of Yugoslav Ideology', MS, 1985. It was not possible to find a publisher for it at the time.
6 See several contributions in Odo Marquard, Aesthetica und Anaesthetica: Philosophische Uberlegungen (Paderborn, 1989).
7 In 'Traum eines bosen Geistes vor seinem Abfalle', quoted from Jean Pauls Werke: Auswahl in zwei Banden (Stuttgart, 1924), vol. 2, pp. 269-73 (269).
8 Cf. Rene Girard, Things Hidden since the Foundation of the World (Stanford, Calif. , 1987).
? 9 In sociological-social-psychological research on justice, which seems likewise to labour under this impression, this problem of distribution is foregrounded as well, and neither the old 'suum cuique\ which presupposes a class differentiation, nor the rule, which refers to the legal system, that equal cases should be decided equally and unequal ones unequally. On social science research on justice, see e. g. Elaine Walster, G. William Walster and Ellen Berscheid, Equity: Theory and Research (Boston, 1978); Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defence of Pluralism and Equality (Oxford, 1983); Volker H. Schmidt, 'Lokale Gerechtigkeit - Perspektiven soziolo- gischer Gerechtigkeitsanalyse', Zeitschrift fiir Soziologie, 21 (1992), pp. 3 - 1 5 ; Bernd Wegener, 'Gerechtigkeitsforschung und Legiti- mationsnormen', Zeitschrift fiir Soziologie, 21 (1992), pp. 269-83.
10 'Reading novels has the result, along with many other mental disor- ders, of making distraction habitual,' according to Immanuel Kant, Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View ? 47 (The Hague, 1974), p. 79. According to Kant, this diversion occurs in spite of the systematicity of the representation, that is, in spite of its internal plau- sibility, by the reader being able to 'drift away' whilst reading - pre- sumably in directions which allow him or her to draw conclusions about his or her own life situation.
11 For a cautionary view, cf. Jacques du Bosq, L'honneste femme (new edn, Rouen, 1639), pp. 17ff, or, more critically, Pierre Daniel Huet, Traite de I'origine des romans (Paris, 1670). These treatments do, however, refer to a literary genre which at the time was called 'ro- mance' and was considerably different from what we have known as the novel since the eighteenth century - not least in its idealization of heroes and of situations under the conditions of 'decorum' and 'veri- similitude'. The modern novel will then seem much more seductive, albeit in a more indirect way.
12 This is often portrayed with negative connotations as life at one re- move, knowledge gained through second-hand experiences. An old issue, incidentally; see e. g. Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York, 1922). In addition to this, there is the indistinguishability of one's own and merely acquired experiences. But since it is not pos- sible to imagine knowledge without participation in communication, this value judgement itself requires analysis. Why are the effects of the mass media observed with precisely this distinction of non- authentic/authentic, without it being noticed that the desire to ex- perience things authentically for oneself is itself a desire suggested by this distinction?
? 13 This view is widespread nowadays. See Jean Baudrillard, Die Agonie des Realen (Berlin, 1983) or Martin Kubaczek, 'Zur Entwicklung der Imaginationsmachinen: Der Text als virtuelle Realitat', Faultline, 1 (1992), pp. 82-102.
14 Incidentally, this is an obvious paradox, which in Kant's day was capable of being hidden: the concept of se/f-reference contradicts generalizability within the perspective of a self-referential system - not, of course, as a topic for an external observer.
15 By way of comparison: in non-literate tribal societies communica- tion seems primarily to serve continual tests of solidarity, that is, to document belongingness, good will, peacefulness. The emphasis is on the self-characterization of the utterer (and this precisely because it does not become the content of utterance, does not become 'text'). Anyone who is silent draws suspicion upon himself, creates a dan- gerous impression - as if he had evil intentions he could not talk about. See also text and references in ch. 3 n. 9.
16 An expression taken from Roman Ingarden, The Literary Work of Art (Evanston, 111. , 1973), pp. 246ff.
17 As e. g. in Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (London, 1936; repr. 1997).
18 Among many others, see the novel by Peter Schneider, Couplings (Chicago, 1998) - focused on the bar where the story takes place, which ensures that stories are constantly interrupted which want to tell of something which is itself interrupted, namely love.
19 For tourism see e. g. Dean MacCannell, The Tourist (New York, 1976). Cf. also id. , 'Staged Authenticity: Arrangement of Social Space in Tourist Settings', American Journal of Sociology, 79 (1973), pp. 589-603.
20 Whilst visiting the pilgrimage church of Rocamadour, I entered by a second door and had to pay the entrance fee a second time. Noticing my surprise, the doorman explained: You haven't been able to get anything free here for centuries!
Chapter 12 The Reality of Construction
1 Indeed he did this with precise regard to the distinctions used for the description: 'The Here pointed out, to which I hold fast, is similarly a this Here which, in fact, is not this Here, but a Before and Behind, an Above and Below, a Right and Left. . . . The Here, which was supposed to have been pointed out, vanishes in other Heres, but these likewise vanish' (Hegel, Phenomenology of Spirit, tr. A. V. Miller
? (Oxford, 1977), p. 64).
2 'It is', as Wlad Godzich paraphrases Paul de Man's position, 'the
resistance of language to language that grounds all other forms of resistance'. See Foreword to Paul de Man, The Resistance to Theory (Minneapolis, 1986), p. xviii. This view will need to be supplemented by the dissonance of images already mentioned (Godzich, 'Language, images', ch. 5 n. 25).
3 Cf. latterly Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Spiral of Silence: Public Opinion, Our Social Skin (Chicago, 2nd edn, 1993).
4 Unless one wants to allow suppositions about correlations between the data distributions (variables) of this research to succeed as 'theory'.
5 Hamlet, i. i.
6 For this specifically, see Jurgen Ruesch and Gregory Bateson, Com-
munication: The Social Matrix of Psychiatry (New York, 1951, 2nd
edn, 1968), pp. 238ff.
7 Cf. Paul Watzlawick, 'Verschreiben statt Verstehen als Technik von
Problemlosungen', in Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht and K. Ludwig Pfeiffer, eds, Materialitat der Kommunikation (Frankfurt, 1988), pp. 878- 83, for recommendations as to how to move ahead on this uncertain terrain.
8 It is known that systems theory today still speaks in this specific sense of communicative paradoxes as a consequence of the lack of distinc- tion of logical 'levels' which ought in fact to be distinguished. See Ruesch and Bateson, Communication, pp. 222ff and, following on from this, the systems-therapeutic schools of Palo Alto and Milan.
9 It seems to be generally accepted in recent sociological literature that fundamentalisms are phenomena of only the last few decades and that they do not come from 'deeply rooted' traditional sensibilities, but are rather the persuasive successes of intellectuals, whom one would as- sume to be experiencing identity-related problems in any case. Both the motive behind the idea and its success might confirm the connec- tion asserted in the text with the way the mass media work.
10 On this see e. g. Susie I. Tucker, Enthusiasm: A Study in Semantic Change (Cambridge, 1972).
Chapter 13 The Function of the Mass Media
1 I have presented the definitions summarized briefly here in more de- tail elsewhere. See Niklas Luhmann, Die Wissenschaft der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1990), pp. 68ff.
2 See e. g. A. Moreno, J. Fernandez and A. Etxeberria, 'Computational
? Darwinism as a Basis for Cognition', Revue Internationale de
systematique, 6 (1992), pp. 205-21.
3 In George Spencer Brown's terminology, Laws of Form (ch. 2 n. 2),
p. 7 in conjunction with p. 5.
4 On the benefits of a digitalized, sequential way of working based on
'transmission capacity' in the face of huge amounts of information, see also W. Ross Ashby, 'Systems and their Informational Measures', in George J. Klir, ed. , Trends in General Systems Theory (New York, 1972), pp. 78-97.
5 For more detail, see Niklas Luhmann, Social Systems (Stanford, Calif. , 1995), pp. 137ff.
6 Incidentally, this also applies in a quite different way to living organ- isms whose most elementary exemplars (single-celled organisms) can carry out cognition only via binary schematizations; sub-processes of the system, but not the whole system, are responsible for these and must carry out measurements for which there are no parallels in the environment.
? 11 Cf. e. g. Giinther Kaiser, Jugendrecht und Jugendkriminalitat: Jugendkriminologische Untersuchungen iiber die Beziehungen zwischen Gesellscbaft, Jugendrecht und Jugendkriminalitat
(Weinheim, 1973), p. 43.
12 Richard Miinch, 'Moralische Achtung als Medium der Kommuni-
kation', in id. , Dynamik der Kommunikationsgesellschaft (Frank- furt, 1995), pp. 214ff, infers from this that, as a symbolically generalized medium of modern society, morality is prone to inflationary and deflationary trends. Presumably both apply simul- taneously (and not just alternately): there is much talk of morality, and more recently even of ethics, but no one dares rely on it, instead keeping a low profile by 'dispensing' moral symbols in everyday life.
13 This, however, does not begin to explain why the sociological theory of action stubbornly holds fast to this error, why there is this curious resistance to criticism. It seems to be a case of the subject putting up a line of defence as a pretext, preventing it from having to name itself or present its ideas.
14 On this, see John W. Meyer, John Boli and George M. Thomas, 'On- tology and Rationalization in the Western Cultural Account', in George M. Thomas et al. , Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society, and the Individual (Newbury Park, Calif. , 1987), pp. 12-37.
15 This corresponds, incidentally, to an old etymology and conceptual history of persona/person. On this, see also Niklas Luhmann, 'Die Form "Person'" in id. , Soziologische Aufklarung, vol. 6 (Opladen, 1995), pp. 142-54.
16 Case studies on this in more recent organizational research have been available since the publication of James C. March and Johan P. Olsen, Ambiguity and Choice in Organizations (Bergen, 1976). Cf. also Martha S. Feldman, Order without Design: Information Processing and Policy Making (Stanford, Calif. , 1989). Previously, ambiguity had been dealt with principally as a solution to stress or to role conflicts.
17 See Hans Mathias Kepplinger and Uwe Hartung, Storfall-Fieber: Wie ein Unfall zum Schliisselereignis einer Unfallserie wird (Freiburg, 1995); Hans Mathias Kepplinger and Johanna Habermeier, 'The Impact of Key Events on the Presentation of Reality', European Jour- nal of Communication, 10/3 (1995), pp. 371-90.
18 Even this has long been observed with mistrust. In Ben Jonson, The Staple of Newes (n. 2 above), we read: 'See divers men opinions! Unto some, / The very printing of them, makes them Newes; / That ha' not the heart to beleeve any thing, / But what they see in print' (i.
? v. 51-4; p. 295).
19 It is a separate question whether the media themselves, either qua
organization or qua journalistic ethos, also get involved in this kind of mixing, or whether here at least importance is attached to a strict division of news and commentary, as is customary in the Anglo- Saxon press in particular.
20 On this, see Manfred Riihl, Die Zeitungsredaktion als organisiertes soziales System (Bielefeld, 1969), and id. , Journalismus und Gesellschaft: Bestandsaufnabme und Theorieentwurf {Mainz, 1 9 8 0 ) . Following Riihl there have been a number of empirical studies which confirm his theory of routine selection of newsworthy items. For an overview, see Marcinkowski, Publizistik (ch. 2 n. 10), pp. 98ff. What is particularly surprising here is the extent to which the sensational comes about as a product of routines.
21 See Heinz von Foerster, 'Objects: Tokens for (Eigen-)Behaviors', in id. , Observing Systems (Seaside, Calif. , 1981), pp. 274-85.
22 For the neuronal and psychic memory, reverting to macromolecular units of the calculation of consistency, see Heinz Forster, Das Gedachtnis: Eine quantenphysikalische Untersucbung (Vienna, 1948). See also id. , 'Quantum Mechanical Theory of Memory', in id. , ed. , Cybernetics: Circular Causal, and Feedback Mechanisms in Biological and Social Systems. Transactions of the Sixth Conference 1949 (New York, 1950), pp. 112-34; id. , 'Was ist Gedachtnis, dal? es Riickschau und Vorschau ermoglicht', in id. , Wissen und Gewissen: Versuch einer Briicke (Frankfurt, 1993), pp. 299-336.
23 For the beginnings of this in Italian debates on art of the sixteenth century (in the seventeenth century it is already a commonplace that only the new is pleasing), see Baxter Hathaway, Marvels and Commonplaces: Renaissance Literary Criticism (New York, 1968), pp. 158ff.
24 Clearly this is in accordance with an ancient monastic tradition in- terested in augmenting the intensity of religious experience by avoid- ing communication. At the same time, i. e. in the seventeenth century, the Jansenists equate non-transparency of others' motives with the non-transparency of an individual's own motives.
25 On this, cf. Wlad Godzich, 'Language, Images, and the Postmodern Predicament', in Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht and K. Ludwig Pfeiffer, eds, Materialities of Communication (Stanford, Calif. , 1991), pp. 355-70.
? Chapter 6 Ricupero
1 This name might foster the error that this was a political party which had its own organizational identity independently of the outcome of the elections. However, this is not the case in Brazil (with the excep- tion of the workers' party).
2 Reports in all Brazilian newspapers from 3 September 1994.
3 In the conversation, for example, he said: 'The only way in which I can prove my distance from the PDSB is to criticize the PDSB. ' Quoted from the magazine Veja (7 September 1994), p. 32. The magazine spoke of 'Ricupero's striptease' and commented: 'He stripped his
brain. '
4 Cardoso 41. 6% (previously 42. 8%); Lula 20. 3% (previously 21%).
Only those undecided increased, from 11% to 12. 9%.
5 It should be noted, however, that conclusions about other countries with a longer-standing experience of democracy and a less alienated
underclass cannot be drawn from this.
6 The magazine Veja also comments as follows, loc. cit. p. 33: 'It is
obvious that everyone says one thing in public and others in private to people they can trust. What is embarrassing for the minister is that everyone knows from experience that private conversations are much more sincere than public declarations. '
Chapter 7 Advertising
1 This is, incidentally, one of the elements in which advertising distin- guishes itself from art - even if there are borrowings in terms of design.
2 This term appears in a different context (but still directed at para- dox) in Dieter Schwanitz, 'Laurence Sternes Tristram Shandy und der Wettlauf zwischen Achilles und der Schildkrote', in Paul Geyer and Roland Hagenbiichle, eds, Das Paradox: Eine Herausforderung des abendlandischen Denkens (Tubingen, 1992), pp. 409-30; id. , 'Kommunikation und BewuEtsein: Zur systemtheoretischen Rekonstruktion einer literarischen Bestatigung der Systemtheorie', in Henk de Berg and Matthias Prangel, eds, Kommunikation und Differenz: Systemtheoretische Ansatze in der Literatur- und
Kunstwissenschaft (Opladen, 1993), pp. 101-13.
3 It should also be noted that the paradox in turn camouflages itself by
using Latin, knowing full well it can no longer be assumed that peo-
ple know Latin.
4 See the report in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of 16 January
? 1993, p. 11, under the heading: 'Mixed results for sports advertising in the Olympic year: Sponsors remembered much more, but sports sponsorship criticized as well. We investigate. '
5 A must here is Pierre Bourdieu, La distinction: critique sociale de jugement de gout (Paris, 1975).
6 Cf. only Roland Barthes, Systeme de la mode (Paris, 1967).
7 'If a man becomes the object of public attention by favour, the mode, or a great action, ridicule vanishes,' we read in G. Senac de Meilhan,
Considerations upon Wit and Morals (London, 1788), p. 312.
8 For more on this, see Niklas Luhmann, Die Kunst der Gesellschaft
(Frankfurt, 1995).
9 Cf. Robert Goldman and Stephen Papson, 'Advertising in the Age of
Hypersignification', Theory, Culture and Society, 11/2 (1994), pp.
23-53.
10 Cf. Richard Miinch, Dynamik der Kommunikationsgesellschaft
(Frankfurt, 1995), pp. 94ff with evidence.
11 Source: Frankfurter Allgemeine Magazin of 1 September 1995, p. 28.
Chapter 8 Entertainment
1 It is different, of course, in the case of the dry recounting of winners and losers and the corresponding positions on points.
2 The reference is, of course, to the specially trained 'Kopulier-Katze' ('copulation cat') in Jean Paul, 'Die unsichtbare Loge', Werke, ed. Norbert Miiller, vol. 1 (Munich, 1960), pp. 7-469 (28ff).
3 The objection might be raised that the game concept is only being used metaphorically here, as one might speak of language games, for example. Very well, but metaphor is very often an intermediate stage in the development of general theory. One might just as well say: there is a general theory of the game, of which social games merely represent a special case.
4 Jacques Derrida discusses the ambivalent status of this marking (it is part of and not part of the game, it cannot be played), in The Truth in Painting (Chicago, 1987), pp. 37ff, using Kant's critique of the power of judgement and of the unresolved problem in it of the parerga, the frames, the ornaments.
5 Lennard J. Davis writes about the difficulties with the evolution of this (initially quite implausible) distinction in relation to the emer- gence of modern journalism and the modern novel in Factual Fic- tions: The Origins of the English Novel (New York, 1983). At the same time, incidentally, modern statistics emerges, based similarly
? 6 7
upon being able to distinguish the real reality of individual cases and the fictional reality of statistical aggregates.
'Let me tell you that it is upon this multitude of trivial things that illusion depends', as it says, for example, in Richardson's eulogy, quoted from Diderot, CEuvres (Pleiade edn; Paris, 1951), pp. 1089- 1104 (1094).
We owe the invention of this form of 'inferential entities' - both of the novel and of one's own real life - to the eighteenth century, to a curious dual development in the epistemology of Locke via Berkeley to Hume and Bentham as well as in the novel. It has reached its end in the art form of the novel and now seems to be reproduced only as a form of entertainment. On the eighteenth century and on reforms of the prison system in England inspired by it, based on 'narrative' biographies, and stimulated by literature, see John Bender, Imagin- ing the Penitentiary: Fiction and the Architecture of Mind in Eight- eenth-Century England (Chicago, 1987).
Of the many historical treatments of theatre, cf. in particular Jean- Christophe Agnew, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater in Anglo-American Thought, 1550-1750 (Cambridge, 1986). The links between the development of the market and that of the theatre in England in the sixteenth century, which Agnew seeks to prove, could also be illuminating for the connections between advertising and en- tertainment in the modern system of the mass media. What is in- volved in both cases is the fact of manipulation which is illusory but is nonetheless seen through, and the individuality behind it which controls itself and has access to its own motives and interests, rather than simply living and suffering through the course of nature or crea- tion. When reformulated in a systems-theoretical way, this parallel of market and theatre is ultimately based on the fact that differentia- tion frees up individuality and forces it into self-regulation.
For many of these, see Baltasar Gracian, The Critick (London, 1681). Cf. Davis, Factual Fictions.
See Jean Paul, 'Regeln und Winke fiir Romanschreiber', ? 74 of the 'Vorschule der Asthetik' (ch. 2 n. 11), p. 262.
On the other hand, the feeling of having wasted one's time with en- tertainment comes from a different world, the Puritans' world of spir- itual pastoral care and of business sense. See the treatment, rich in material, by Russell Fraser, The War Against Poetry (Princeton, 1970), esp. pp. 52ff.
See Ludwig Tieck, 'Peter Lebrecht: Eine Geschichte ohne Abenteuerlichkeiten' (Peter Lebrecht: a story without adventures),
8
9 10 11
12
13
? in id. , Friihe Erzahlungen und Romane (Munich, n. d. ), p. 136. The novel itself pursues the goal of dispensing with tension ('adventures') in order to be readable more than once as a 'good' text. As far as I am concerned: to no avail!
14 On this point, see Schwanitz, 'Sterne's Tristram Shandy' and 'Kommunikation und BewuEtsein' (ch. 7 n. 2).
15 The same applies to the modern 'ideologies' which were emerging at that time, as Davis, Factual Fictions, pp. 212ff, shows. It seems gen- erally to be the case, then, that the latency of the mechanism of gen- eration has a function of facilitating a clear division of self-referential and other-referential references in the texts disseminated by the mass media.
16 As described e. g. in Cleanth Brooks, The Well Wrought Urn: Studies in the Structure of Poetry (New York, 1947), or in Michael Riffaterre, Semiotics of Poetry (Bloomington, Ind. , 1978). Incidentally, this too is a reference to the differentiation of the system of the mass media and that of art.
17 This criterion in Christoph Menke-Eggers, Die Souveranitat der Kunst: Asthetische Erfahrung nach Adorno und Derrida (Frankfurt, 1988), p. 71 [tr. The Sovereignty of Art: Aesthetic Negativity in Adorno and Derrida (Cambridge, Mass. , 1998)], following M. C. Beardsley, Aes- thetics: Problems in the Theory of Criticism (New York, 1958), p. 414.
18 On this topic in general, see Alois Hahn and Riidiger Jacob, 'Der Korper als soziales Bedeutungssystem', in Peter Fuchs and Andreas Gobel, eds, Der Mensch - das Medium der Gesellschaft? (Frankfurt, 1994), pp. 146-88.
19 From The Education of Henry Adams: An Autobiography (1907), quoted from the Boston edn, 1918, p. 4. The entire text is one big illustration of the problem described here of an individual exposed to the ups and downs of his own career.
20 Michel Serres, The Parasite (Baltimore, 1982). This consequently means that the mass media themselves are second-order parasites, parasites which live parasitically on the parasiticality of their viewers.
21 This is not to deny that certain effects of imitation play a role, espe- cially in the fashionable domains of clothing, hairstyle, 'casual' ges- tures, open portrayal of sexual interests.
22 This is exactly what Adam Smith's often misinterpreted concept of 'sympathy' means: 'Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view of the passion, as from that of the situation which excites it' (Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759; new edn (Lon- don, 1853; repr. New York, 1966), p. 7). This is backed up by mod-
? ern attribution research which for its part observes that actors un- derstand and explain their actions in relation to the situation they are in, whereas observers tend instead to attribute it to characteris- tics of the actor.
23 For the starting point of the later debate, see Edward Young, 'Con- jectures on Original Composition' (1759), in Complete Works (Lon- don, 1854; repr. Hildesheim, 1968), vol. 2, pp. 547-86. Cf. also Stendhal, De Vamour (1822), quoted from the Paris 1959 edn [cf. Stendhal, Love (Harmondsworth, 1975)]. Here, we find the problem as a contrast of types of the homme-copie (p. 276) and of authentic candeur ('cette qualite d'une ame qui ne fait aucun retour sur elle- meme', p. 99). See also the comparison of the characters of Titan and Roquairol, the latter spoiled by anticipated experience, that is, by reading, in Jean Paul's 'Titan', in Werke, vol. 2 (Munich, 1969), pp. 53-661. The entire concept must raise for the reader the counter- question of how he could manage to be unreflexively authentic and, in spite of reading, remain so.
Chapter 9 Unity and Structural Couplings
1 Mr Schultz-Tornau (a member of the regional government) pointed this out in the discussion following the lecture in the North Rhine- Westphalian Academy of Sciences.
2 On this context of emergence of the journalistic pathos of objective reporting, cf. Schudson, loc. cit. (1978). On the dominance of adver- tising in the American press, cf. also the experience of Henry Adams as editor of the North American Review from 1871: 'The secrets of success as an editor were easily learned; the highest was that of get- ting advertisements. Ten pages of advertising made an editor a suc- cess; five marked him as a failure' (The Education of Henry Adams: An Autobiography (Boston, 1918), p. 308).
3 This distinction of 'signal systems' in Raymond Williams, The Soci- ology of Culture (New York, 1982), pp. 130ff.
4 Just as the function of the economy does not lie in the creation of wealth, nor the function of politics in being in power, etc.
5 For more on this, see Niklas Luhmann, Die Wissenschaft der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1990), pp. 53ff, 181ff.
6 Incidentally, we are not asserting here that there is an equal distribu- tion of observers. In the case of advertising there may be more ob- servers who think the economy dominates advertising than who think the opposite. But this only means that one has to observe the observ-
? ers if one wants to reach any conclusions regarding the question of
how society breaks the circle.
7 The distinction is emphasized in a famous essay by Clement Greenberg,
'Avant-Garde and Kitsch' (1939), in id. , Art and Culture (Boston, 1961), pp. 3-21, obviously directed against Soviet and national so- cialist attempts to discipline art politically. But there had already long been attempts from modern art to bridge the gap between 'high' and 'low' art. On this, see Victor Burgin, The End of Art Theory: Criti- cism and Postmodernity (London, 1986), pp. 2 ff.
8 A remarkable exception is the carefully planned press and television treatment of the anti-corruption campaign led by Italian state pros- ecutors and judges. Some very conscious media-political work is be- ing done here, without political responsibility being taken for the consequences arising from it.
9 Such considerations do exist for the domain of the news. But then advertising and entertainment would be left over, and one would have to add them onto other systems, such as the economic system or a (poorly identifiable) system of consumption, 'leisure'.
10 See Niklas Luhmann, Das Recht der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1993). Chapter 10 Individuals
1 An early representation of this concept of motive, following Max Weber, is C. Wright Mills, 'Situated Actions and Vocabularies of Motive', American Sociological Review, 5 (1940), pp. 904-13. Cf. also ibid. , 'Language, Logic and Culture', American Sociological Review, 4 (1939), pp. 670-80. Also, in more detail, Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives (1945), and A Rhetoric of Motives (1950), quoted from the single-volume edition (Cleveland, 1962), and, ori- ented more to rules of attribution, Alan F. Blum and Peter McHugh, 'The Social Ascription of Motives', American Sociological Review, 36 (1971), pp. 98-109.
2 For more detail on this sense of 'interpenetration' see Niklas Luhmann, Social Systems (Stanford, Calif. , 1995), pp. 213ff.
3 For the 'homo oeconomicus' of the economic system and the 'homo iuridicus' of the legal system, see Michael Hutter and Gunther Teubner, 'Der Gesellschaft fette Beute: homo iuridicus und homo oeconomicus als kommunikationserhaltende Fiktionen', in Peter Fuchs and Andreas Gobel, eds, Der Mensch - das Medium der Gesellschaft? (Frankfurt, 1994), pp. 110-45. The same is true, incidentally, for so- called 'methodological individualism' and the concept of 'rational
? choice' in the social sciences. Here too the individuality of human individuals is not concretely taken into consideration, but rather only to the extent that it is necessary for the construction of explanations which function in accordance with methodological criteria.
4 The fashion of 'portraits' or 'caracteres' of the seventeenth and eight- eenth centuries, on which Diderot made ironic commentary, was in turn a product of book printing and therefore not to be taken seri- ously. See Denis Diderot, 'Satire I, sur les Caracteres et les Mots de Caracteres, de Professions, etc. ', quoted from CEuvres (Pleiade edn; Paris, 1951), pp. 1217-29.
Chapter 11 The Construction of Reality
1 Not until the middle of the nineteenth century, however, does one find this form of argumentation being used, and the everyday world, the lifeworld, folklore etc. being proposed as scientific concepts - at the same time, in other words, as metaphysical constructions of the world were collapsing and different foundations for the observation of 'reality' were being sought.
2 See Debra E. Meyerson, 'Acknowledging and Uncovering Ambigui- ties in Cultures', in Peter J. Frost et al. , eds, Reframing Organiza- tional Culture (Newbury Park, Calif. , 1991), pp. 254-70.
3 Cf. Niklas Luhmann, 'Das Risiko der Kausalitat', MS, 1995.
4 'To cut corners to catch the criminals', as Jonathan Culler, Framing the Signs: Criticism and its Institutions (Oxford, 1988), p. 50, for- mulates it - using Oliver North and the Iran-Contra affair as an
example.
5 A good piece of research about the moral attitudes of former Yugo-
slavia, still determined along tribal lines and only covered over by the official Marxist-Titoistic ideology disseminated by the mass me- dia, is the Bielefeld dissertation by Dusan Vrban, 'Culture Change and Symbolic Legitimation: Functions and Traditional Meaning of Symbols in the Transformation of Yugoslav Ideology', MS, 1985. It was not possible to find a publisher for it at the time.
6 See several contributions in Odo Marquard, Aesthetica und Anaesthetica: Philosophische Uberlegungen (Paderborn, 1989).
7 In 'Traum eines bosen Geistes vor seinem Abfalle', quoted from Jean Pauls Werke: Auswahl in zwei Banden (Stuttgart, 1924), vol. 2, pp. 269-73 (269).
8 Cf. Rene Girard, Things Hidden since the Foundation of the World (Stanford, Calif. , 1987).
? 9 In sociological-social-psychological research on justice, which seems likewise to labour under this impression, this problem of distribution is foregrounded as well, and neither the old 'suum cuique\ which presupposes a class differentiation, nor the rule, which refers to the legal system, that equal cases should be decided equally and unequal ones unequally. On social science research on justice, see e. g. Elaine Walster, G. William Walster and Ellen Berscheid, Equity: Theory and Research (Boston, 1978); Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defence of Pluralism and Equality (Oxford, 1983); Volker H. Schmidt, 'Lokale Gerechtigkeit - Perspektiven soziolo- gischer Gerechtigkeitsanalyse', Zeitschrift fiir Soziologie, 21 (1992), pp. 3 - 1 5 ; Bernd Wegener, 'Gerechtigkeitsforschung und Legiti- mationsnormen', Zeitschrift fiir Soziologie, 21 (1992), pp. 269-83.
10 'Reading novels has the result, along with many other mental disor- ders, of making distraction habitual,' according to Immanuel Kant, Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View ? 47 (The Hague, 1974), p. 79. According to Kant, this diversion occurs in spite of the systematicity of the representation, that is, in spite of its internal plau- sibility, by the reader being able to 'drift away' whilst reading - pre- sumably in directions which allow him or her to draw conclusions about his or her own life situation.
11 For a cautionary view, cf. Jacques du Bosq, L'honneste femme (new edn, Rouen, 1639), pp. 17ff, or, more critically, Pierre Daniel Huet, Traite de I'origine des romans (Paris, 1670). These treatments do, however, refer to a literary genre which at the time was called 'ro- mance' and was considerably different from what we have known as the novel since the eighteenth century - not least in its idealization of heroes and of situations under the conditions of 'decorum' and 'veri- similitude'. The modern novel will then seem much more seductive, albeit in a more indirect way.
12 This is often portrayed with negative connotations as life at one re- move, knowledge gained through second-hand experiences. An old issue, incidentally; see e. g. Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York, 1922). In addition to this, there is the indistinguishability of one's own and merely acquired experiences. But since it is not pos- sible to imagine knowledge without participation in communication, this value judgement itself requires analysis. Why are the effects of the mass media observed with precisely this distinction of non- authentic/authentic, without it being noticed that the desire to ex- perience things authentically for oneself is itself a desire suggested by this distinction?
? 13 This view is widespread nowadays. See Jean Baudrillard, Die Agonie des Realen (Berlin, 1983) or Martin Kubaczek, 'Zur Entwicklung der Imaginationsmachinen: Der Text als virtuelle Realitat', Faultline, 1 (1992), pp. 82-102.
14 Incidentally, this is an obvious paradox, which in Kant's day was capable of being hidden: the concept of se/f-reference contradicts generalizability within the perspective of a self-referential system - not, of course, as a topic for an external observer.
15 By way of comparison: in non-literate tribal societies communica- tion seems primarily to serve continual tests of solidarity, that is, to document belongingness, good will, peacefulness. The emphasis is on the self-characterization of the utterer (and this precisely because it does not become the content of utterance, does not become 'text'). Anyone who is silent draws suspicion upon himself, creates a dan- gerous impression - as if he had evil intentions he could not talk about. See also text and references in ch. 3 n. 9.
16 An expression taken from Roman Ingarden, The Literary Work of Art (Evanston, 111. , 1973), pp. 246ff.
17 As e. g. in Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (London, 1936; repr. 1997).
18 Among many others, see the novel by Peter Schneider, Couplings (Chicago, 1998) - focused on the bar where the story takes place, which ensures that stories are constantly interrupted which want to tell of something which is itself interrupted, namely love.
19 For tourism see e. g. Dean MacCannell, The Tourist (New York, 1976). Cf. also id. , 'Staged Authenticity: Arrangement of Social Space in Tourist Settings', American Journal of Sociology, 79 (1973), pp. 589-603.
20 Whilst visiting the pilgrimage church of Rocamadour, I entered by a second door and had to pay the entrance fee a second time. Noticing my surprise, the doorman explained: You haven't been able to get anything free here for centuries!
Chapter 12 The Reality of Construction
1 Indeed he did this with precise regard to the distinctions used for the description: 'The Here pointed out, to which I hold fast, is similarly a this Here which, in fact, is not this Here, but a Before and Behind, an Above and Below, a Right and Left. . . . The Here, which was supposed to have been pointed out, vanishes in other Heres, but these likewise vanish' (Hegel, Phenomenology of Spirit, tr. A. V. Miller
? (Oxford, 1977), p. 64).
2 'It is', as Wlad Godzich paraphrases Paul de Man's position, 'the
resistance of language to language that grounds all other forms of resistance'. See Foreword to Paul de Man, The Resistance to Theory (Minneapolis, 1986), p. xviii. This view will need to be supplemented by the dissonance of images already mentioned (Godzich, 'Language, images', ch. 5 n. 25).
3 Cf. latterly Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Spiral of Silence: Public Opinion, Our Social Skin (Chicago, 2nd edn, 1993).
4 Unless one wants to allow suppositions about correlations between the data distributions (variables) of this research to succeed as 'theory'.
5 Hamlet, i. i.
6 For this specifically, see Jurgen Ruesch and Gregory Bateson, Com-
munication: The Social Matrix of Psychiatry (New York, 1951, 2nd
edn, 1968), pp. 238ff.
7 Cf. Paul Watzlawick, 'Verschreiben statt Verstehen als Technik von
Problemlosungen', in Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht and K. Ludwig Pfeiffer, eds, Materialitat der Kommunikation (Frankfurt, 1988), pp. 878- 83, for recommendations as to how to move ahead on this uncertain terrain.
8 It is known that systems theory today still speaks in this specific sense of communicative paradoxes as a consequence of the lack of distinc- tion of logical 'levels' which ought in fact to be distinguished. See Ruesch and Bateson, Communication, pp. 222ff and, following on from this, the systems-therapeutic schools of Palo Alto and Milan.
9 It seems to be generally accepted in recent sociological literature that fundamentalisms are phenomena of only the last few decades and that they do not come from 'deeply rooted' traditional sensibilities, but are rather the persuasive successes of intellectuals, whom one would as- sume to be experiencing identity-related problems in any case. Both the motive behind the idea and its success might confirm the connec- tion asserted in the text with the way the mass media work.
10 On this see e. g. Susie I. Tucker, Enthusiasm: A Study in Semantic Change (Cambridge, 1972).
Chapter 13 The Function of the Mass Media
1 I have presented the definitions summarized briefly here in more de- tail elsewhere. See Niklas Luhmann, Die Wissenschaft der Gesellschaft (Frankfurt, 1990), pp. 68ff.
2 See e. g. A. Moreno, J. Fernandez and A. Etxeberria, 'Computational
? Darwinism as a Basis for Cognition', Revue Internationale de
systematique, 6 (1992), pp. 205-21.
3 In George Spencer Brown's terminology, Laws of Form (ch. 2 n. 2),
p. 7 in conjunction with p. 5.
4 On the benefits of a digitalized, sequential way of working based on
'transmission capacity' in the face of huge amounts of information, see also W. Ross Ashby, 'Systems and their Informational Measures', in George J. Klir, ed. , Trends in General Systems Theory (New York, 1972), pp. 78-97.
5 For more detail, see Niklas Luhmann, Social Systems (Stanford, Calif. , 1995), pp. 137ff.
6 Incidentally, this also applies in a quite different way to living organ- isms whose most elementary exemplars (single-celled organisms) can carry out cognition only via binary schematizations; sub-processes of the system, but not the whole system, are responsible for these and must carry out measurements for which there are no parallels in the environment.
