When
Hispalis
became a Roman
?
?
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
They kept up a standing force of foreign
mercenaries, but they made no change in the laws or
the form* of the constitution, only taking care to fill
the most important offices with their own friends.
Thev even reduced the tax imposed by Pisistratus to
a twentieth, and, without laying on any fresh burdens,
provided for the exigences of the state, and continued
the great works which their father bad begun. The
language of a later writer (the author of the Hippar-
chus, p. 229), who speaks of their dominion as hav-
ing recalled the happiness of the golden age, seems
almost justified by the sober praise of Thucydides,
when . 10 says that these tyrants most diligently culti-
vated r. t. ue and wisdom. The country was flourish-
ing, the people, if not perfectly contented, were cer-
tainly not impatient of the yoke, and their rule seemed
likely to laat for at least another generation, when an
event occurred which changed at once the whole as-
pect of tho government, and led to its premature over-
throw. This was the affair of Harmodius and Aristo-
giton, in which Hipparchus lost his life, and the par-
ticulars of which have been given under a different
article. (Vid. Harmodius. ) Previous to this occur-
rence, Hippias had shown himself a mild, affable, and
beneficent ruler, but ho now became a suspicious,
stern, and cmel tyrant, who regarded all his subjects
as secret enemies, and, instead of attempting to con-
ciliate them, aimed only at cowing them by rigour.
He was now threatened not only by the discontent of
the people at home, but by the machinations of power-
ful enemies from without. The banished Alcmxonidae,
with tho aid of the oracle at Delphi, induced the La-
cedemonians to espouse their cause, and Hippias was
compelled to leave Attica in the fourth year after his
brother's death. Having set sail for Asia, he fixed
tea residence for a time in his hereditary principality
af Sigeum. The Spartans, subsequently repenting of
what they had done, sent for Hippias, and, on his arri-
val, summoned a congress of deputies from their Pclo-
potinesian allies, and proposed, as the only means of
curbing the growing insolence of the Athenian people,
to unite their forces and compel Athens to receive
iter former ruler. All, however, with one accord,
loudly excla --jd against the proposition of Sparta,
and Hippias soon after returned to Sigeum, whence he
proceeded to the court of Darius Hystaspis. Here he
remained for many years; and when the expedition of
Datis and Artaphernes took place, an expedition which
he himself had strenuously urged, he guided the bar-
barian armament against bis country, and the Persian
fleet, by his advice, came to anchor in the bay of
Marathon. --The subsequent history of Hippias is in-
volved in uncertainty. Thucydides (6,59) merely says
that he was present at the battle of Marathon, without
informing ua whether he lost his life there or not.
(Compare Herodotus, 6, 107. ) Justin (2, 9) states
that he waa killed in the fight, and Cicero (JSp. ad All. ,
9,10) confirms this. Suidas, however, informs us, that
Hippias fled to Lemnos, where, falling sick, he died,
the blood issuing from his eyes. (Consult Larchcr,
*d Herod. , 6, 117. ) ? *
Hippo, I. Rcoius ('Imruv BaoiXtudc), a city of Af-
rica, in that part of Numidia called the western prov-
ince. It was situate near the sea, on a bay in the vi-
cinity of the promontory of Hippi. It was called Hip-
po Regiua, not only in opposition to Hippo Zarytus
? ? mentioned below, but also from its having been one of
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? HIPPOCRATES.
HIPPOCRATES.
falm Mrolls, 'jecause the description ho gives of the
nanners and mode of life of the Scythians is extreme-
ly exact and faithful. According to Soranus, the cities
of Athens and Abdera owed to Hippocrates the bene-
fit of having been delivered from a plague which had
caused great ravages. It ia uncertain whether the
frightful epidemic is here meant which desolated Ath-
ens during tho Peloponnesian war, and which Thucyd-
ides has so faithfully described, or some other malady;
ftr tho historian, who was an eyewitness of the rav-
ages of the disease, makes no mention of Hippocrates.
However this may be, the Athenians, grateful for the
services which this distinguished physician had ren-
dered, either in delivering them from a pestilential
scourge, or in publishing valuable works on the art of
preserving life, or in refusing the solicitations of the
enemies of Greece, decreed that he should be initiated
into the mysteries of Ceres, should be gifted with a
golden crown, should enjoy the rights of citizenship,
should be supported all his days at the public expense
in the Prytaneum, and, finally, that all the children
bom in Cos, the native island of Hippocrates, might
come and pass their youth at Athens, where they would
be . rested as if offspring of Athenian citizens. Ac-
cording to Galen, it was by kindling large fires, and
burning everywhere aromatic substances, that Hippoc-
rates succeeded in arresting the pestilence at Athens.
The reputation of this eminent physician extended far
and wide, and Artaxerxes Longimanus even sent for
him to stop the progress of a malady which was com-
mitting great ravages among the forces of that mon-
arch. Hippocrates declined the offer and the splendid
presents that accompanied it; and Artaxerxes endeav-
oured to accomplish his object by menacing the inhab-
itants of Cos, but in vain. Though the correspond-
ence which took place on this point between Hippoc-
rates and the satrap Hystanes, and which has reached
our days, must be regarded as altogether unauthentic,
jet it appears that credit was given to the story by an-
cient writers, two of whom, Galen and Plutarch, re-
late lbs circumstance. Stobauis also makes mention
xf it, but commits, at the same time, an anachronism
in giving the name of the monarch as Xerxes, and
not Artaxerxes. Certain Arabian authors affirm, that,
in the course of his travels, Hippocrates spent some
time at Damascus; there is no authority, however,
for :his, and the assertion is altogether destitute of
probability. An individual named Andreas or An-
dron, who lived under Ptolemy Philopator, and who
was a disciple of Hcrophilus, undertook, nearly three
centuries after the death of Hippocrates, to assign
a very disgraceful motive for the travels of this phy-
sician. He says that Hippocrates was compelled to
flee for having set fire to the library at Cnidus,
after having copied the best medical works con-
tained in it Tzetzes, agreeing in this accusation,
slates that it was the library at Cos wl. lrh became
? prey to the flames; and Pliny, without charging
Hippocrates with the deed, and without speaking of
any library, reduces the loss to that of a few votive
tablets, which were consumed together with the tem-
ple of iEsculapius. The discrepance of these state-
ments alone is sufficient to show the falsity of the ac-
cusation. Besides, all contemporaneous history is si-
lent on the subject; nor would Plato have shown so
much esteem for the physician of Cos, nor Athens and
Greece, in general, have rendered him so many and so
? ? high honours, had he been guilty of the disgraceful
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? H IP
HIP
lud purity of morals. In his Oath, he exacts from
. hose who enter on the profession a solemn promise
never to indulge in libertine practices, nor to degrade
their art by applying it to any criminal purposes. In
his other works he is at great pains to inculcate the
necessity of attention to address and apparel; and
gives particular directions to assist in forming a cor-
rect prognostic. With regard to his descriptions of
the phenomena of diaeaae, one may venture to affirm,
that even at the present day they are perfectly unri-
valled. As a guide to practice, he may be followed
with great confidence; for his indications are always
derived from personal observation, and his principles
are ne\cr founded on vague hypothesis. Indeed, as
an intelligent American author, Dr. Hosack, remarks,
his professional researches were conducted according
to the true principles of the Baconian philosophy; and
his late editor, Kiihn, relates, that a zealot for the Bru-
nonian theory of medicine waa convinced of its being
untenable by an attentive perusal of the works of Hip-
pocrates. His treatment of acute diseases may be
instanced as being so complete that the experience of
more tlftn two thousand yean has scarcely improved
upon it. Nay, in some instances, the correctness of
his views outstripped those of succeeding ages, and
we now only begin to recognise the propriety of them.
Thus, in acute attacks of anasarca, he approved of
bloodletting, which is a mode of practice now ascer-
tained to be highly beneficial in such cases, but against
which great and unfounded prejudices have existed,
not only in modem times, but even as far back as the
days of Galen, who found great difficulty in enforcing
the treatment recommended by Hippocrates. In his
work on Airs, Places, and Waters, he has treated of
the effects of the seasons and of situation on the hu-
man form, with a degree of accuracy which has never
been equalled. His Epidemics contain circumstantial
reports of febrile cases highly calculated to illustrate
the causes, symptoms, and treatments of these dis-
eases. Though he has not treated of the capital op-
erations of Surgery, which, if practised at all in his
day, most probably did not come within his province,
he has given an account of Fractures and Dislocations,
to which little has been added by the experience of
after ages. He has also left many impcrtant remarks
ipon the treatment of wounds and ulcers, and the
American author alluded to above ventures to assert,
'. hat the surgeons of the present day might derive an
important lesson from him on the use of the Actual
Cautery. The following aphorism points out the class
of diseases to which he considered this mode of prac-
tice applicable. 'Those complaints which medicines
will not cure, iron will cure; what iron will not cure,
fire will cure; what fire will not cure arc utterly in-
curable. ' In his treatise on the Sacred Disease, he
has shown himself superior to the superstition of his
age; for he maintains that the epilepsy is not occa-
sioned by demoniacal influence, but by actual disease
of the brain; and he mentions, what is now well
known to be the fact, that when the brains of sheep or
goats that are affected with this complaint are opened,
they are found to contain water. Of the anatomical
treatises attributed to him it is unnecessary to say any-
thing, as it appears highly probable that all, or most of
them, at least, are not genuine. Dr. Alston counted,
in his Materia Medica, 36 mineral, 300 vegetable, and
150 animal substances; in all 586, and he could not
? ? pretend to have overlooked none. Hippocrates ap-
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? HIP
HIR
-Htynt, ad Inc. --Ovid, Mel. , 15, 492, seqq. -- Virg. ,
? n , 7, 761, jf? ? . --Consult Buttmann, Mythologus,
vol 2, p. 145, scq. )
HiproMiDoN, a son of Nisimachus and Mythidice,
was one of ihe seven chiefs tbat went against Thebes
He was killed bv Ismarus, sou of Acastus. (Apollod. ,
3, 6. --Pausan. ', 2, 36. )
Hippomenks, son of Megareua, was, according to
some authorities, the successful suiter of Atalanta.
(Firs'. Atalanta, and consult Heync, ad Apollod. , 3, 9,
2, and the authorities there cited. )
Hippomolgi, or, more correctly, Hippemolgi ('It-/,-
KoXyoi), a people of Scythia, who, as the name im-
ports, lived on the milk of mares. (Dionys. 1'erieg. ,
309. --Bcrnhardy, ad loc. )
Hippona, a goddess who presided over horses. Her
itatucs were placed in horses' stables. (Juc, 8, 157.
--Consult Ruperti, ad loc. , who gives Eporta as the
reading demanded by the line. )
Hipponax, a Greek poet, who flourished about the
60th Olympiad, or 540 B. C. He was bom at Ephe-
sus, and was compelled by the tyrants Athenagoras
and Comas to quit his home, and to establish him-
self in another Ionian city, Clazomenre. This politi-
cal persecution (which affords a presumption of his
vehement love of liberty) probably laid the foundation
for some of the bitterness and disgust with which he
regarded mankind. Precisely the same fierce and in-
dignant scorn, which found an utterance in the iam-
bics of Ai:hilochus, is ascribed to Hipponax. What
the family of Lycambes was to Archilochus, Bupalus
(a sculptor belonging to a family of Chios, which had
produced several generations of artists) was to Hip-
ponax. He had made his small, meager, and ugly
person the subject of caricature; an insult which Hip-
iwoax avenged in the bitterest and most pungent iam-
bics, of which some remains are extant. In this in-
stance, also, the satirist is said to have caused his en-
emy to hang himself. The satire of Hipponax, how-
ever, was not concentrated so entirely on certain in-
dividuals. From existing fragments it appears rather
U> have been founded on a general view of life, taken,
however, on its ridiculous and grotesque side His
language is filled with words taken from common life,
such as the names of articles of food and clothing, and
of ordinary utensils, current among the working peo-
ple. He evidently strives to make his iambics local
pictures, full of freshness, nature, and homely truth.
For this purpose, the change which Hipponax devised
in the iambic metre was as felicitous as it was bold.
He crippled the rapid, agile gait of the iambus, by
transforming the last foot from an iambic into a spon-
dee, contrary to the fundamental principle of the whole
mode of versification. The metre, thus maimed and
stripped of its beauty and regularity, was a perfectly
appropriate rhythmical form for the delineation of such
pictures of intellectual deformity as Hipponax de-
lighted in. Iambics of this kind (called choliambics,
or trimeter scazons) are still more cumbrous and halt-
ing when the fifth foot is also a spondee; which, in-
deed, according to the original structure, is not for-
bidden. These were called broken-backed (ischiorrho-
(He) iambics, snd a grammarian (ap TyrwMtt, Dissert.
it Babrio, p. 17) settles the dispute (which, accord-
ing lo ancient testimony, was so hard to decide), how
far the innovat on of this kind of verse ought to be as-
cribed to Hipponax, and how far to another iambogra-
? ? pher, Ananius, by pronouncing, that Ananius invented
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? HI S
HISPANIA.
lurii from ihu expedition, he eagerly courted the friend-
ship of Cicero, and accompanied him in bis retreat to
Tusculum. Here he exercised himself in declama-
tion, under the eyes of this illustrious orator, who
speaks highly of his talents in many of his letters, and
particularly in that addressed to Volumnius (8, 32).
Cicero sent Hirtius to Caesar, on the return of the lat-
ter from Africa, with the view of bringing about a rec-
onciliation with the dictator, whom the orator had of-
"ended by the freedom of some of his discourses.
Hirtius. either from affection or gratitude, was always
attached to the party of Caesar; but after the death of
the diLtaS. :. ', he declared against Antony. --Being cre-
ated consu, elect along with C. Vibius Pansa, he fell
sick soon after h! i election, and Cicero informs us
{Phil. , 37), that the people testified the warmest con-
cern in his ifcovcry. Hirtius was scarcely restored
to health, when he set out with his colleague to attack
Antony, who was besieging Brutus in Mutina, now
Modena. They gained a victory over Antony, near
the city, B. C. 43; but Hirtius fell in the battle, and
Pansa died a few days after of his wounds. The re-
port was spread abroad, that Oclavius had caused the
two consuls to be poisoned in order to appropriate
to himself all the glory of the day. (Sue/on. , Vit.
Aug. , 11. )--It cannot be affirmed with any degree of
certainty thstt Hirtius was the author of the continua-
tion of Caesar's Commentaries which commonly goes
by his name. Even as far back as the time of Sueto-
nius, great difference of opinion prevailed on this point;
some, according to that writer, attributing the contin-
uation in question to Oppius, and others tp Hirtius:
the latter opinion, however, has, in general, gained the
ascendancy. , This continuation forms the eighth book
of the Gallic war. The author addresses himself, in a
letter, to Balbus, in which he apologizes for having
presumed to terminate a work so perfect in its nature,
that Caesar seems to have had in view, in composing
it, not so much the collecting together of materials, as
the leaving a model of composition to historical wri-
ters. We learn by the same letter, that the book on
the Alexandrine War, and that on the African War,
proceeded from the same pen; and these three works,
in a style at once simple and elegant, do not appear
unworthy of the friend of Caesar and Cicero. We
have also, under the name of Hirtius, a book on the
Spanish War, so inferior to the preceding that judi-
cious critics regard it as the mere journal of a soldier,
who was an eyewitness of the events which he relates.
(Biogr. Univ. , vol. 20, p. 423, seqq. --B'ahr, Getch.
Rom. Lit, vol. 1, p. 360. )
Hispalis, a famous city of Spain, situate on the
Uitis, and corresponding to the modern Seville.
Mannert thinks that it was the same as the ancient
Tarlessus. (Geogr. , vol. 1, p. 312. ) The name is
supposed to be of Phoenician origin, and, according to
Isidorus, has referenco to the city's being founded on
piles or stakes of wood, on account of the insecurity
of the ground where it stood. (Isidor. , lib. elymol. ,
15, 1. ) Some ascribe the origin of the place to Her-
cules; probably, however, it was a Phoenician colony.
It was a place of great commerce, the Bastis being
navigable in ancient times for the largest ships up to
the city. Now, however, vessels drawing more than
ten feet of water are compelled to unload eight miles
below the town, and the largest vessels stop at the
mouth of the river.
When Hispalis became a Roman
? ? colony, the name was changed to Julia Romulensis.
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? HISPANIA.
amcng all the citizens; the law punished with death
tbe person who appropriated more than his just share.
Thev were hospitable; nay, they considered it a spe-
cial favour to entertain a stranger, being convinced
that the presence of a foreigner called down the pro-
lection of the gods on the family that received him.
They sacrificed human victims to their divinities, and
the priests pretended to read future events in the pal-
pitating entrails. At every full moon, according to
? Strabo, they celebrated the festival of a god without a
name; from this circumstance, their religion has been
considered a corrupt deism. --The Phoenicians were
the first people who established colonies on the coast
of Spain: Tartessus was perhaps the most ancient;
at a later period they founded Gadcs, now Cadiz, on
me isle of Leon. They carried on there a very lucra-
tive trade, inasmuch as it was unknown to other na-
tions; but, in time, the Rhodians, the Samians, the
Phocanns, and other Greeks established factories on
different parts of the coast. Carthage had been found-
ed by the Phoenicians; but the inhabitants, regardless
of their connexion with that people, took possession of
the Phoenician stations, and conquered the whole of
maritime Spain. The government of these republi-
cans was still less supportable: the Carthaginians were
enable to form any friendly intercourse with the Span-
iards in the interior; their rapine and cruelty excited
the indignation of the natives. The ruin of Carthage
paved the way to new invaders, and Spain was con-
sidered a Roman province two centuries before the
Christian era. Those who had been the allies became
masters of the Spaniards, and the manners, customs,
and even language of the conquerors were introduced
into the peninsula. But Rome paid dearly for her
conquest; the north, or the present Old Castile, Ara-
gon, and Catalonia, were constantly in a state of revolt:
the mountaineers shook off the yoke, and it was not
before the reign of Augustus that the country was
wholly subdued. The peninsula was then divided into
Hispania Citerior and Ulterior. Hispania Citerior
>>as also called Tarraconensis, from Tarraco, its rap-
inl, and extended from the foot of the Pyrenees to the
mouth of the Durius or Douru, on the Atlantic shore;
comprehending all the north of Spain, together with
. he sooth as far as a line drawn below Carthago Nova
or Cartkagena, and continued in an oblique direction
to Salamantica or Salamanca, on the Durius. His-
pania Ulterior was divided into two provinces; BaHica,
on the south of Spain, between the Anas or Gaudtana,
and Citerior, and above it Lusitania, corresponding in
a great degree, though not entirely, to modern Portu-
gal. In the age of Dioclesian and Constantine, Tar-
raconensis was subdivided into a province towards the
limits of Baetica, and adjacent to the Mediterranean,
called Cjrthaginiensis, from its chief city Carthago
Nova, and another, north of Lusitania, called Gallsecia
from the Callaici. The province of Lusitania was
partly peopled by the Cynetes or Cynesii, the earliest
inhabitants of Algarvc. The Celtici possessed the
land between the Guadiana (Anas) and the Tagus.
The country round the mountains of Grcdos belonged
to ths Vettones, a people that passed from a state
of inactivity and repose to the vicissitudes and hard-
ships of war. The Lusitani, a nation of freebooters,
were settled in the middle of Estrtmadura: they
were distinguished by their activity and patience of
fatigue; their food was flour and sweet acorns; beer
was their common beverage. They were swift in
? ? the race; they had a martial dance, which the men
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? HIS
HOM
Strabo enters into some details concerning the dress
of the ancient Spaniards. The Lusitani covered them-
selves with black mantles, because their sheep were
mostly of that colour. The Celtiberian women wore
iron collars, with rods of the uamo metal rising behind,
and bent in front; to these rods was attached the veil,
their usual ornament. Others wore a sort of broad
turban, and some twisted their hair round a small ring
about a foot above tho head, and from the ring was
appended a black veil. Lastly, a shining forehead was
considered a great beauty; on that account they pull-
ed out their hair and rubbed their brows with oil. --
The different tribes were confounded while the Ro-
mans oppressed the country ; but, in the beginning of
the fifth century, the Suevi, Vandals, and Visigoths
invaded the Peninsula, and, mixing with the Celts and
Iberians, produced the different races which the phys-
iologist still observes in Spain. The first-mentioned
people, or Suevi, descended the Durius or Ducro under
the conduct of Ermeric, and chose Braga for the cap-
ital of their kingdom. Genaeric led his Vandals to
the centre of the peninsula, and fixed his residence at
Toletum or Toledo; but fifteen years had not elapsed
after the settlement of the barbarous horde, when The-
odoric, conquered by Clovis, abandoned Tolosa or
Toulouse, penetrated into Spain, and compelled the
Vandals to fly into Africa. During the short period
that the Vandals remained in the country, the ancient
province of Bstica was called Vandalousia, and all the
country, from the Ebro to the Straits of Gibraltar, sub-
mitted to them. The ancient Celtiberians, who had
so long resisted the Romans, made then no struggle
for liberty or independence; they yielded without re-
sistance to their new masters. Powers and privileges
were the portion of the Gothic race, and the title of
kiy del Goda, or the son of the Goth, which the Span-
iards changed into hidalgo, became the title of a noble
oi a free and powerful man among a people of slaves.
A number of petty and almost independent states were
funned by the chiefs of the conquering tribes; but the
barons or freemen acknowledged a liege lord. Spain
and Portugal were thus divided, and the feudal sys-
tem was thus established. Among the Visigoths,
however, the crown was not hereditary, or, at least,
the law of regular succession was often set at defiance
by usurpers. The sovereign authority was limited by
the, assemblies of the great vassals, some of whom
were very powerful; indeed, the Count Julian, to
avenge himself on King Rodcric for an outrage com-
mitted on his daughter, delivered Spain to the Moham-
medan yoke. (Malic-Brun, Geog. , vol. 8, p. 18, seqq. ,
Am. ed. )
IIisti-ea. Vid. Oreus.
Histi. eotis. Vid. Esliasotis.
HisTiiEua, a tyrant of Miletus, who, when the
Scythians had almost persuaded the Ionian princes to
destroy the bridge over the Ister, in order that the
Persian army might perish, opposed the plan, and in-
duced them to abandon the design. His argument
was, that if the Persian army were deatroyed, and the
power of Darius brought to an end, a popular govern-
ment would be established in every Ionian city, and
the tyrants expelled. He was held in high estimation
on this account by Darius, and rewarded with a grant
of land in Thrace. But Megabyzua having convinced
the king that it was bad policy to permit a Grecian
settlement in Thrace, Darius induced Histisus, who
? ? was already founding a city there, to come to Susa,
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? HCMERUS.
HOMKRUS-
lut. by assuming Smyrna as the central point of Ho-
mer'* life and celebrity, the claims of all the other cities
irhich rest on good authority, may be explained and
reconciled in a simple and natural manner. --If one
may venture to follow the faint light afforded by the
dawnings of tradition, and by the memorials that have
come down to us relative to the origin of the bard, the
following may be considered as the sum of our inqui-
ries. Homer was an Ionian, belonging to one of the
families which went from Ephesus to Smyrna, at a
time when . Eolians and Achaeans composed the chief
part of the population of the city, and when, more-
over, their hereditary traditions respecting the expedi-
tion of the Greeks against Troy excited the greatest
interest: whence he reconciles, in his poetical capaci-
ty, the conflict of the contending races, inasmuch as
he treats an Achaean subject with the elegance and
geniality of an Ionian. But when Smyrna drove out
the Ionians, it deprived itself of this poetical renown;
and the settlement of the Homeridae in Chios was, in
all probability, a consequence of the expulsion of the
lonian9 from Smyrna. It may, moreover, be observed,
thai, according to this account, founded on the history
of the colonies of Asia Minor, the time of Homer
would fall a few generations after the Ionic migration
1o Asia; and with this determination the best testi-
monies of antiquity agree. Such are the computa-
tions of Herodotus, who places Homer, with Hesiod,
400 years before his time (Herod. , 2, S3), and that
of the Alexandrean chronologists, who place him 100
years after the Ionic migration, 60 years before the le-
gislation of Lycurgus (Apollod. , Fragm. , 1, p. 410,
ti. Heyne); although the variety of opinions on this
subject, which prevailed among the learned writers of
antiquity, cannot be reduced within these limits. --It
ii said by Tatian (Fabr. , Bibl. Gr. , 2, 1, 3), that
Theagenes of Rhegium, in the time of Cambyses,
Stesimbrotus the Thasian, Antimachus tho Colopho-
nian, Herodotus of Halicamassus, Dionysius the Olyn-
tbian, Ephonis of Cumae, Philochorus the Athenian,
Metaclides and Chamaeleon the Peripatetics, and Zen-
odotus, Aristophanes, Callimachus, Crates, Eratosthe-
nes, Aristarchus, and Apollodorus, the grammarians,
all wrote concerning the poetry, the birth, and the age
of Homer. Of the works of all these authors nothing
now remains, with the nominal exception of a life ol
Homer attributed to Herodotus, but which, as well on
account of its minute and fabulous details, as of the in-
consistency of a statement in it with the undoubted
language of Herodotus, is now almost universally con-
sidered as spurious. Such as it is, however, the life
of Homer is a very ancient compilation, and the text
from which all subsequent stories have been taken or
altered. There is a short life of Homor, also, bearing
the name of Plutarch, but which is, like the former,
generally condemned as a forgery; a forgery, however,
->( this unusual nature, that there is reason to believe
it more ancient than its supposed author. Thus
Quintilian (10, 1) and Seneca (Ep. , 88), both more
ancient than Plutarch, seem clearly aware of this life
of Homer. Some account of the common traditions
about Homer will probably be looked for here, and
the story will explain the origin of several epithets
which are frequently applied to him, and the meaning
of many allusions to be met with in the Greek and
Latin writers. --There is, then, a general agreement
that the name of Homer's mother was Critheis; but the
? ? accounts differ a good deal as to his father. Ephorus
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? HUMbKLS
<<. es that the poet, being on his voyage to Thebes, to
attend a musical or poetical contest at the feast of Sat-
urn in that city, landed in the island of Io, and, while
sitting on a rock by the seashore, observed some young
fishermen in a boat; that Homer asked them if they
had anything (el ri Ixotev), and that the young wags,
who, having had no sport, had been diligently catch-
ing, and killing as many as they could catch, of cer-
tain personal companions of a race not even yet ex-
tinct, answered, "as many as we caught we left; as
many as we could not catch we carry with us. " The
catastrophe is, that Homer, being utterly unable to
guess the meaning of this riddle, broke his heart out
of pure vexation, and that the inhabitants of the island
buried him with great magnificence. --There has been
as much doubt and controversy about the age of Ho-
mer as about himself and his poems. According to
the argument of Wood (Essay on the Original Ge-
nius, CfC. , of Homer), Haller (Heyne, Exeurs. 4, ad II. ,
84), and Mitford (History of Greece, c. 1), he lived
about the middle of the ninth century before Christ;
which date agrees exactly with the conjecture of He-
rodotus, who wrote B. C. 444, and is founded on the
assumption that Homer must have lived before the re-
turn of the Heraclidas into Peloponnesus, an event
which took place within eighty years alter the Trojan
war. The Newtonian calculation is also adopted,
which fixes the capture of Troy as low as B. C. 904.
The argument is based upon the great improbability
that Homer, so minute as he is in his descriptions of
Greece, and so full of the histories of the reigning
dynasties in its various districts, should never notice
so very remarkable an occurrence as the almost total
abolition of the kingly government throughout Greece,
ind the substitution of the republican form in its stead.
Now this national revolution was coincident with, or
immediately consequent on, the return of the descend-
ants of Hercules. It is said, also, that the poet men-
tions the grandchildren of . 'Eneas as reigning in Troy,
in the prophecy of Neptune in the Iliad (20, 308), and
that, in another speech of Juno's, he seems to intimate
the insecure state of the chief existing dynasties of
the race of Pelops; and it is inferred from this, that
he nourished during the third generation, or upward of
sixty years after the destruction of Troy. Upon this
argument Heyneremarks (Exeurs. , ad 11. , 24), that, in
the first place, a poet who was celebrating heroes of
the Pelopid race had no occasion to notice a revolu-
tion by which their families were expatriated and their
kingdoms abolished; and next, which seems an in-
surmountable objection, that the Ionic migration took
place sixty years later than the return of the Herach-
dae; yet that Homer was an Ionian, and a resident in,
or at least perfectly conversant with, Ionian Asia, is
admitted on all hands, and is indeed incontestable;
and as he never notices this migration, though it was
certainly a very remarkable event, and one which he
must have known, he may just as well, for other or
the same reasons, have been silent on the subject of a
revolution by which that migration was caused. The
Arundelian marbles place Homer B. C. 907, the Ionian
migration B. C. 1044, the return of the Heraclidae B. C.
1104, and the capture of Troy B. C. 1184. Heyne
approves of this calculation, as, upon the whole, the
most consistent with all the authorities; but it is at
variance with Newton's Chronology, and is therefore
a calculation, of the exactness of which we can never
feel confident --The vicissitudes to which Homer's
? ? reputation and influence have been subject, deserves
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? HOMiCRUS.
HUMERUS.
? ey Willi briel epic lays; such as in later times were
produced by several poets of the school of Hesiod.
Ii was also possible, if it were desired, to form from
'. ;,rm longer series of adventures of the same hero;
but they always remained a collection of independent
poems on the same subject, and never stained to that
uiiny of character and composition which constitutes
one poem. It was an entirely new phenomenon,
which could not fail to make the greatest impression,
when a poet selected a subject of the heroic tradition.
which (besides its connexion with the other parts of
the same legendary circle) had in itself the means of
? wakening a lively interest and of satisfying the mind;
and, at the same time, admitted of such a development,
that the principal personages could be represented as
acting each with a peculiar and individual character,
without obscuring the chief hero and the main action
of the poem. One legendary subject of this extent
and interest Homer found in the Anger of Achilles,
and another in the Return of Ulysses. The former
of these gave birth to the Iliad, the latter to the
Odyssey. Of the character of these two poems we
will treat in separate articles (vid. Ilias, Odyssea).
Our atteution will now *><< directed to other parts of
the main subject.
Origin and Preservation of the Homeric Poems.
Whether the Homeric poems were w reality the
work of a single bard or not, their intrinsic merit, and,
consequently, their rank in Greek literature, must re-
main the same, and be equally a worthy object of
studious inquiry. The decision of that question can-
not in the slighteat degree affect our estimate of their
quality. Whether all the poems that are now attrib-
uted to Homer were his production; whether the Iliad
and the Odyssey, both, or one of them only, can lay
claim to such parentage; or whether, lastly, any such
person as Homer, or, indeed, any individual author of
the poem ever existed, whichever of these propositions
he true, it seems to be a matter of little importance to
those whose object it is not to spell the inscriptions on
mouldering monuments, but to inhale the breath of an-
cient grandeur and beauty amid the undoubted- ruins
of the great. The Iliad and the Odyssey exist; we
have them in our hands; and we should not set them
the less in honour though we were to doubt the im-
press of any Homer's hand, any more than we should
cease to reverence the genius or the ruins of Rome,
because shepherds or worse may have laid the first
? lone of her walls. It is this very excellence, howev-
er, of the Homeric poetry, and the apparent peculi-
arity of the instance, together with the celebrity of the
controversy, to which the scepticism of some modern
scholars has given birth, that compels us to devote a
portion of this article to a notice of the points in ques-
tion. No trace appears of any doubt having ever been
entertained of the personal existence of Homer, as the
author of the Iliad, till the close of the 17th and be-
ginning of the 18th century, when two French writers,
Hedelin and Perrault, first suggested tho outlines of
a theory respecting the composition of that poem,
which has since been developed with so much learning
and talent by Heyne, Wolfe, and others, that its ori-
ginal authors are now almost forgotten. The substance
of this theory is, that, whether any such person as
Homer lived or not, the Iliad was not composed en-
tirely by him or by any other individual, but is a com-
pilation, methodized indeed and arranged by success-
? ? ive editors, but still a compilation of minstrelsies, the
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? HOMERuS.
HUMERUS.
I vaieil in the Homeric >>ge. It has likewise been
urged, that the structure of the Homeric verses fur-
nishes a decisive proof, that the state of the Greek
language, at the time when these poems were written,
was different from that in which they must have been
composed. And by others it has been thought incon-
sistent with the law of continual change, to which all
languages are subject, that the form in which these
works now appear should differ so slightly as it docs
from that of the Greek literature, if it really belonged
to the early period in which they were first recited.
Tbese difficulties are, it must be owned, in a great
measure removed by the hypothesis that each poem
is an aggregate of parts composed by different authors;
fcr then the poet's memory might not be too severely
taxed in retaining his work during its progress, and
might be aided by more frequent recitations. But this
hypothesis has been met by a number of objections,
some of which are not very easily satisfied. The ori-
ginal unity of each poem is maintained by arguments
derived partly from the uniformity of the poetical char-
acter, and partly from the apparent singleness of plan
which each of them exhibits. Even those who do not
think it necessary to suppose an original unity of de-
sign in the Iliad, still conceive that all its parts are
stamped with the style of the samo author. (Clinton,
Fast. Jit II. u, vol. 3, p. 375, 379. ) But with others,
from the time of Aristotle to our own day, the plan
itself has been an object of the warmest admiration;
and it is still contended, that the intimate coherence of
me parts is such as to exclude the hypothesis of a
multiplicity of authors. (Vid. Ilias. ) If the parts out
of which the Iliad or the Odyssey was formed are
supposed to have been at first wholly independent of
each other, the supposition that they could have been
so pieced together as to assume their present appear-
ance is involved in almost insurmountable difficulties.
For how, it may be asked, did the different poets in
*ach instance happen to confine themselves to the
tame circle of subjects, as to the battles before Troy,
and the return of Ulysses 1 Must wo suppose, with a
modern critic (Hermann, Wiener- Jahrbiicher, vol. 54),
that in the Iliad and Odyssey we see the joint labours
of several bards, who drew their subjects from an ear-
lier Iliad and an earlier Odyssey, which contained no
more than short narratives of the same events, but yet
had gained such celebrity for their author, that the
greatest poets of the succeeding period were forced to
adopt his name, and to content themselves with filling
up his outline! This would be an expedient only to
be resorted to in the last emergency. Or must we
adopt the form which this hypothesis, by giving it a
different turn, has been made by others to assume, that
the Iliad and Odyssey, after the main event in each
had formed the subject of a shorter poem, grew un-
der the hands of successive poets, who, guided in
part by popular tradition, supplied what had been left
wanting by their predecessors, until in each case the
curiosity of their hearers had been gratified by a fin-
ished whole?
mercenaries, but they made no change in the laws or
the form* of the constitution, only taking care to fill
the most important offices with their own friends.
Thev even reduced the tax imposed by Pisistratus to
a twentieth, and, without laying on any fresh burdens,
provided for the exigences of the state, and continued
the great works which their father bad begun. The
language of a later writer (the author of the Hippar-
chus, p. 229), who speaks of their dominion as hav-
ing recalled the happiness of the golden age, seems
almost justified by the sober praise of Thucydides,
when . 10 says that these tyrants most diligently culti-
vated r. t. ue and wisdom. The country was flourish-
ing, the people, if not perfectly contented, were cer-
tainly not impatient of the yoke, and their rule seemed
likely to laat for at least another generation, when an
event occurred which changed at once the whole as-
pect of tho government, and led to its premature over-
throw. This was the affair of Harmodius and Aristo-
giton, in which Hipparchus lost his life, and the par-
ticulars of which have been given under a different
article. (Vid. Harmodius. ) Previous to this occur-
rence, Hippias had shown himself a mild, affable, and
beneficent ruler, but ho now became a suspicious,
stern, and cmel tyrant, who regarded all his subjects
as secret enemies, and, instead of attempting to con-
ciliate them, aimed only at cowing them by rigour.
He was now threatened not only by the discontent of
the people at home, but by the machinations of power-
ful enemies from without. The banished Alcmxonidae,
with tho aid of the oracle at Delphi, induced the La-
cedemonians to espouse their cause, and Hippias was
compelled to leave Attica in the fourth year after his
brother's death. Having set sail for Asia, he fixed
tea residence for a time in his hereditary principality
af Sigeum. The Spartans, subsequently repenting of
what they had done, sent for Hippias, and, on his arri-
val, summoned a congress of deputies from their Pclo-
potinesian allies, and proposed, as the only means of
curbing the growing insolence of the Athenian people,
to unite their forces and compel Athens to receive
iter former ruler. All, however, with one accord,
loudly excla --jd against the proposition of Sparta,
and Hippias soon after returned to Sigeum, whence he
proceeded to the court of Darius Hystaspis. Here he
remained for many years; and when the expedition of
Datis and Artaphernes took place, an expedition which
he himself had strenuously urged, he guided the bar-
barian armament against bis country, and the Persian
fleet, by his advice, came to anchor in the bay of
Marathon. --The subsequent history of Hippias is in-
volved in uncertainty. Thucydides (6,59) merely says
that he was present at the battle of Marathon, without
informing ua whether he lost his life there or not.
(Compare Herodotus, 6, 107. ) Justin (2, 9) states
that he waa killed in the fight, and Cicero (JSp. ad All. ,
9,10) confirms this. Suidas, however, informs us, that
Hippias fled to Lemnos, where, falling sick, he died,
the blood issuing from his eyes. (Consult Larchcr,
*d Herod. , 6, 117. ) ? *
Hippo, I. Rcoius ('Imruv BaoiXtudc), a city of Af-
rica, in that part of Numidia called the western prov-
ince. It was situate near the sea, on a bay in the vi-
cinity of the promontory of Hippi. It was called Hip-
po Regiua, not only in opposition to Hippo Zarytus
? ? mentioned below, but also from its having been one of
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? HIPPOCRATES.
HIPPOCRATES.
falm Mrolls, 'jecause the description ho gives of the
nanners and mode of life of the Scythians is extreme-
ly exact and faithful. According to Soranus, the cities
of Athens and Abdera owed to Hippocrates the bene-
fit of having been delivered from a plague which had
caused great ravages. It ia uncertain whether the
frightful epidemic is here meant which desolated Ath-
ens during tho Peloponnesian war, and which Thucyd-
ides has so faithfully described, or some other malady;
ftr tho historian, who was an eyewitness of the rav-
ages of the disease, makes no mention of Hippocrates.
However this may be, the Athenians, grateful for the
services which this distinguished physician had ren-
dered, either in delivering them from a pestilential
scourge, or in publishing valuable works on the art of
preserving life, or in refusing the solicitations of the
enemies of Greece, decreed that he should be initiated
into the mysteries of Ceres, should be gifted with a
golden crown, should enjoy the rights of citizenship,
should be supported all his days at the public expense
in the Prytaneum, and, finally, that all the children
bom in Cos, the native island of Hippocrates, might
come and pass their youth at Athens, where they would
be . rested as if offspring of Athenian citizens. Ac-
cording to Galen, it was by kindling large fires, and
burning everywhere aromatic substances, that Hippoc-
rates succeeded in arresting the pestilence at Athens.
The reputation of this eminent physician extended far
and wide, and Artaxerxes Longimanus even sent for
him to stop the progress of a malady which was com-
mitting great ravages among the forces of that mon-
arch. Hippocrates declined the offer and the splendid
presents that accompanied it; and Artaxerxes endeav-
oured to accomplish his object by menacing the inhab-
itants of Cos, but in vain. Though the correspond-
ence which took place on this point between Hippoc-
rates and the satrap Hystanes, and which has reached
our days, must be regarded as altogether unauthentic,
jet it appears that credit was given to the story by an-
cient writers, two of whom, Galen and Plutarch, re-
late lbs circumstance. Stobauis also makes mention
xf it, but commits, at the same time, an anachronism
in giving the name of the monarch as Xerxes, and
not Artaxerxes. Certain Arabian authors affirm, that,
in the course of his travels, Hippocrates spent some
time at Damascus; there is no authority, however,
for :his, and the assertion is altogether destitute of
probability. An individual named Andreas or An-
dron, who lived under Ptolemy Philopator, and who
was a disciple of Hcrophilus, undertook, nearly three
centuries after the death of Hippocrates, to assign
a very disgraceful motive for the travels of this phy-
sician. He says that Hippocrates was compelled to
flee for having set fire to the library at Cnidus,
after having copied the best medical works con-
tained in it Tzetzes, agreeing in this accusation,
slates that it was the library at Cos wl. lrh became
? prey to the flames; and Pliny, without charging
Hippocrates with the deed, and without speaking of
any library, reduces the loss to that of a few votive
tablets, which were consumed together with the tem-
ple of iEsculapius. The discrepance of these state-
ments alone is sufficient to show the falsity of the ac-
cusation. Besides, all contemporaneous history is si-
lent on the subject; nor would Plato have shown so
much esteem for the physician of Cos, nor Athens and
Greece, in general, have rendered him so many and so
? ? high honours, had he been guilty of the disgraceful
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? H IP
HIP
lud purity of morals. In his Oath, he exacts from
. hose who enter on the profession a solemn promise
never to indulge in libertine practices, nor to degrade
their art by applying it to any criminal purposes. In
his other works he is at great pains to inculcate the
necessity of attention to address and apparel; and
gives particular directions to assist in forming a cor-
rect prognostic. With regard to his descriptions of
the phenomena of diaeaae, one may venture to affirm,
that even at the present day they are perfectly unri-
valled. As a guide to practice, he may be followed
with great confidence; for his indications are always
derived from personal observation, and his principles
are ne\cr founded on vague hypothesis. Indeed, as
an intelligent American author, Dr. Hosack, remarks,
his professional researches were conducted according
to the true principles of the Baconian philosophy; and
his late editor, Kiihn, relates, that a zealot for the Bru-
nonian theory of medicine waa convinced of its being
untenable by an attentive perusal of the works of Hip-
pocrates. His treatment of acute diseases may be
instanced as being so complete that the experience of
more tlftn two thousand yean has scarcely improved
upon it. Nay, in some instances, the correctness of
his views outstripped those of succeeding ages, and
we now only begin to recognise the propriety of them.
Thus, in acute attacks of anasarca, he approved of
bloodletting, which is a mode of practice now ascer-
tained to be highly beneficial in such cases, but against
which great and unfounded prejudices have existed,
not only in modem times, but even as far back as the
days of Galen, who found great difficulty in enforcing
the treatment recommended by Hippocrates. In his
work on Airs, Places, and Waters, he has treated of
the effects of the seasons and of situation on the hu-
man form, with a degree of accuracy which has never
been equalled. His Epidemics contain circumstantial
reports of febrile cases highly calculated to illustrate
the causes, symptoms, and treatments of these dis-
eases. Though he has not treated of the capital op-
erations of Surgery, which, if practised at all in his
day, most probably did not come within his province,
he has given an account of Fractures and Dislocations,
to which little has been added by the experience of
after ages. He has also left many impcrtant remarks
ipon the treatment of wounds and ulcers, and the
American author alluded to above ventures to assert,
'. hat the surgeons of the present day might derive an
important lesson from him on the use of the Actual
Cautery. The following aphorism points out the class
of diseases to which he considered this mode of prac-
tice applicable. 'Those complaints which medicines
will not cure, iron will cure; what iron will not cure,
fire will cure; what fire will not cure arc utterly in-
curable. ' In his treatise on the Sacred Disease, he
has shown himself superior to the superstition of his
age; for he maintains that the epilepsy is not occa-
sioned by demoniacal influence, but by actual disease
of the brain; and he mentions, what is now well
known to be the fact, that when the brains of sheep or
goats that are affected with this complaint are opened,
they are found to contain water. Of the anatomical
treatises attributed to him it is unnecessary to say any-
thing, as it appears highly probable that all, or most of
them, at least, are not genuine. Dr. Alston counted,
in his Materia Medica, 36 mineral, 300 vegetable, and
150 animal substances; in all 586, and he could not
? ? pretend to have overlooked none. Hippocrates ap-
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? HIP
HIR
-Htynt, ad Inc. --Ovid, Mel. , 15, 492, seqq. -- Virg. ,
? n , 7, 761, jf? ? . --Consult Buttmann, Mythologus,
vol 2, p. 145, scq. )
HiproMiDoN, a son of Nisimachus and Mythidice,
was one of ihe seven chiefs tbat went against Thebes
He was killed bv Ismarus, sou of Acastus. (Apollod. ,
3, 6. --Pausan. ', 2, 36. )
Hippomenks, son of Megareua, was, according to
some authorities, the successful suiter of Atalanta.
(Firs'. Atalanta, and consult Heync, ad Apollod. , 3, 9,
2, and the authorities there cited. )
Hippomolgi, or, more correctly, Hippemolgi ('It-/,-
KoXyoi), a people of Scythia, who, as the name im-
ports, lived on the milk of mares. (Dionys. 1'erieg. ,
309. --Bcrnhardy, ad loc. )
Hippona, a goddess who presided over horses. Her
itatucs were placed in horses' stables. (Juc, 8, 157.
--Consult Ruperti, ad loc. , who gives Eporta as the
reading demanded by the line. )
Hipponax, a Greek poet, who flourished about the
60th Olympiad, or 540 B. C. He was bom at Ephe-
sus, and was compelled by the tyrants Athenagoras
and Comas to quit his home, and to establish him-
self in another Ionian city, Clazomenre. This politi-
cal persecution (which affords a presumption of his
vehement love of liberty) probably laid the foundation
for some of the bitterness and disgust with which he
regarded mankind. Precisely the same fierce and in-
dignant scorn, which found an utterance in the iam-
bics of Ai:hilochus, is ascribed to Hipponax. What
the family of Lycambes was to Archilochus, Bupalus
(a sculptor belonging to a family of Chios, which had
produced several generations of artists) was to Hip-
ponax. He had made his small, meager, and ugly
person the subject of caricature; an insult which Hip-
iwoax avenged in the bitterest and most pungent iam-
bics, of which some remains are extant. In this in-
stance, also, the satirist is said to have caused his en-
emy to hang himself. The satire of Hipponax, how-
ever, was not concentrated so entirely on certain in-
dividuals. From existing fragments it appears rather
U> have been founded on a general view of life, taken,
however, on its ridiculous and grotesque side His
language is filled with words taken from common life,
such as the names of articles of food and clothing, and
of ordinary utensils, current among the working peo-
ple. He evidently strives to make his iambics local
pictures, full of freshness, nature, and homely truth.
For this purpose, the change which Hipponax devised
in the iambic metre was as felicitous as it was bold.
He crippled the rapid, agile gait of the iambus, by
transforming the last foot from an iambic into a spon-
dee, contrary to the fundamental principle of the whole
mode of versification. The metre, thus maimed and
stripped of its beauty and regularity, was a perfectly
appropriate rhythmical form for the delineation of such
pictures of intellectual deformity as Hipponax de-
lighted in. Iambics of this kind (called choliambics,
or trimeter scazons) are still more cumbrous and halt-
ing when the fifth foot is also a spondee; which, in-
deed, according to the original structure, is not for-
bidden. These were called broken-backed (ischiorrho-
(He) iambics, snd a grammarian (ap TyrwMtt, Dissert.
it Babrio, p. 17) settles the dispute (which, accord-
ing lo ancient testimony, was so hard to decide), how
far the innovat on of this kind of verse ought to be as-
cribed to Hipponax, and how far to another iambogra-
? ? pher, Ananius, by pronouncing, that Ananius invented
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? HI S
HISPANIA.
lurii from ihu expedition, he eagerly courted the friend-
ship of Cicero, and accompanied him in bis retreat to
Tusculum. Here he exercised himself in declama-
tion, under the eyes of this illustrious orator, who
speaks highly of his talents in many of his letters, and
particularly in that addressed to Volumnius (8, 32).
Cicero sent Hirtius to Caesar, on the return of the lat-
ter from Africa, with the view of bringing about a rec-
onciliation with the dictator, whom the orator had of-
"ended by the freedom of some of his discourses.
Hirtius. either from affection or gratitude, was always
attached to the party of Caesar; but after the death of
the diLtaS. :. ', he declared against Antony. --Being cre-
ated consu, elect along with C. Vibius Pansa, he fell
sick soon after h! i election, and Cicero informs us
{Phil. , 37), that the people testified the warmest con-
cern in his ifcovcry. Hirtius was scarcely restored
to health, when he set out with his colleague to attack
Antony, who was besieging Brutus in Mutina, now
Modena. They gained a victory over Antony, near
the city, B. C. 43; but Hirtius fell in the battle, and
Pansa died a few days after of his wounds. The re-
port was spread abroad, that Oclavius had caused the
two consuls to be poisoned in order to appropriate
to himself all the glory of the day. (Sue/on. , Vit.
Aug. , 11. )--It cannot be affirmed with any degree of
certainty thstt Hirtius was the author of the continua-
tion of Caesar's Commentaries which commonly goes
by his name. Even as far back as the time of Sueto-
nius, great difference of opinion prevailed on this point;
some, according to that writer, attributing the contin-
uation in question to Oppius, and others tp Hirtius:
the latter opinion, however, has, in general, gained the
ascendancy. , This continuation forms the eighth book
of the Gallic war. The author addresses himself, in a
letter, to Balbus, in which he apologizes for having
presumed to terminate a work so perfect in its nature,
that Caesar seems to have had in view, in composing
it, not so much the collecting together of materials, as
the leaving a model of composition to historical wri-
ters. We learn by the same letter, that the book on
the Alexandrine War, and that on the African War,
proceeded from the same pen; and these three works,
in a style at once simple and elegant, do not appear
unworthy of the friend of Caesar and Cicero. We
have also, under the name of Hirtius, a book on the
Spanish War, so inferior to the preceding that judi-
cious critics regard it as the mere journal of a soldier,
who was an eyewitness of the events which he relates.
(Biogr. Univ. , vol. 20, p. 423, seqq. --B'ahr, Getch.
Rom. Lit, vol. 1, p. 360. )
Hispalis, a famous city of Spain, situate on the
Uitis, and corresponding to the modern Seville.
Mannert thinks that it was the same as the ancient
Tarlessus. (Geogr. , vol. 1, p. 312. ) The name is
supposed to be of Phoenician origin, and, according to
Isidorus, has referenco to the city's being founded on
piles or stakes of wood, on account of the insecurity
of the ground where it stood. (Isidor. , lib. elymol. ,
15, 1. ) Some ascribe the origin of the place to Her-
cules; probably, however, it was a Phoenician colony.
It was a place of great commerce, the Bastis being
navigable in ancient times for the largest ships up to
the city. Now, however, vessels drawing more than
ten feet of water are compelled to unload eight miles
below the town, and the largest vessels stop at the
mouth of the river.
When Hispalis became a Roman
? ? colony, the name was changed to Julia Romulensis.
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? HISPANIA.
amcng all the citizens; the law punished with death
tbe person who appropriated more than his just share.
Thev were hospitable; nay, they considered it a spe-
cial favour to entertain a stranger, being convinced
that the presence of a foreigner called down the pro-
lection of the gods on the family that received him.
They sacrificed human victims to their divinities, and
the priests pretended to read future events in the pal-
pitating entrails. At every full moon, according to
? Strabo, they celebrated the festival of a god without a
name; from this circumstance, their religion has been
considered a corrupt deism. --The Phoenicians were
the first people who established colonies on the coast
of Spain: Tartessus was perhaps the most ancient;
at a later period they founded Gadcs, now Cadiz, on
me isle of Leon. They carried on there a very lucra-
tive trade, inasmuch as it was unknown to other na-
tions; but, in time, the Rhodians, the Samians, the
Phocanns, and other Greeks established factories on
different parts of the coast. Carthage had been found-
ed by the Phoenicians; but the inhabitants, regardless
of their connexion with that people, took possession of
the Phoenician stations, and conquered the whole of
maritime Spain. The government of these republi-
cans was still less supportable: the Carthaginians were
enable to form any friendly intercourse with the Span-
iards in the interior; their rapine and cruelty excited
the indignation of the natives. The ruin of Carthage
paved the way to new invaders, and Spain was con-
sidered a Roman province two centuries before the
Christian era. Those who had been the allies became
masters of the Spaniards, and the manners, customs,
and even language of the conquerors were introduced
into the peninsula. But Rome paid dearly for her
conquest; the north, or the present Old Castile, Ara-
gon, and Catalonia, were constantly in a state of revolt:
the mountaineers shook off the yoke, and it was not
before the reign of Augustus that the country was
wholly subdued. The peninsula was then divided into
Hispania Citerior and Ulterior. Hispania Citerior
>>as also called Tarraconensis, from Tarraco, its rap-
inl, and extended from the foot of the Pyrenees to the
mouth of the Durius or Douru, on the Atlantic shore;
comprehending all the north of Spain, together with
. he sooth as far as a line drawn below Carthago Nova
or Cartkagena, and continued in an oblique direction
to Salamantica or Salamanca, on the Durius. His-
pania Ulterior was divided into two provinces; BaHica,
on the south of Spain, between the Anas or Gaudtana,
and Citerior, and above it Lusitania, corresponding in
a great degree, though not entirely, to modern Portu-
gal. In the age of Dioclesian and Constantine, Tar-
raconensis was subdivided into a province towards the
limits of Baetica, and adjacent to the Mediterranean,
called Cjrthaginiensis, from its chief city Carthago
Nova, and another, north of Lusitania, called Gallsecia
from the Callaici. The province of Lusitania was
partly peopled by the Cynetes or Cynesii, the earliest
inhabitants of Algarvc. The Celtici possessed the
land between the Guadiana (Anas) and the Tagus.
The country round the mountains of Grcdos belonged
to ths Vettones, a people that passed from a state
of inactivity and repose to the vicissitudes and hard-
ships of war. The Lusitani, a nation of freebooters,
were settled in the middle of Estrtmadura: they
were distinguished by their activity and patience of
fatigue; their food was flour and sweet acorns; beer
was their common beverage. They were swift in
? ? the race; they had a martial dance, which the men
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? HIS
HOM
Strabo enters into some details concerning the dress
of the ancient Spaniards. The Lusitani covered them-
selves with black mantles, because their sheep were
mostly of that colour. The Celtiberian women wore
iron collars, with rods of the uamo metal rising behind,
and bent in front; to these rods was attached the veil,
their usual ornament. Others wore a sort of broad
turban, and some twisted their hair round a small ring
about a foot above tho head, and from the ring was
appended a black veil. Lastly, a shining forehead was
considered a great beauty; on that account they pull-
ed out their hair and rubbed their brows with oil. --
The different tribes were confounded while the Ro-
mans oppressed the country ; but, in the beginning of
the fifth century, the Suevi, Vandals, and Visigoths
invaded the Peninsula, and, mixing with the Celts and
Iberians, produced the different races which the phys-
iologist still observes in Spain. The first-mentioned
people, or Suevi, descended the Durius or Ducro under
the conduct of Ermeric, and chose Braga for the cap-
ital of their kingdom. Genaeric led his Vandals to
the centre of the peninsula, and fixed his residence at
Toletum or Toledo; but fifteen years had not elapsed
after the settlement of the barbarous horde, when The-
odoric, conquered by Clovis, abandoned Tolosa or
Toulouse, penetrated into Spain, and compelled the
Vandals to fly into Africa. During the short period
that the Vandals remained in the country, the ancient
province of Bstica was called Vandalousia, and all the
country, from the Ebro to the Straits of Gibraltar, sub-
mitted to them. The ancient Celtiberians, who had
so long resisted the Romans, made then no struggle
for liberty or independence; they yielded without re-
sistance to their new masters. Powers and privileges
were the portion of the Gothic race, and the title of
kiy del Goda, or the son of the Goth, which the Span-
iards changed into hidalgo, became the title of a noble
oi a free and powerful man among a people of slaves.
A number of petty and almost independent states were
funned by the chiefs of the conquering tribes; but the
barons or freemen acknowledged a liege lord. Spain
and Portugal were thus divided, and the feudal sys-
tem was thus established. Among the Visigoths,
however, the crown was not hereditary, or, at least,
the law of regular succession was often set at defiance
by usurpers. The sovereign authority was limited by
the, assemblies of the great vassals, some of whom
were very powerful; indeed, the Count Julian, to
avenge himself on King Rodcric for an outrage com-
mitted on his daughter, delivered Spain to the Moham-
medan yoke. (Malic-Brun, Geog. , vol. 8, p. 18, seqq. ,
Am. ed. )
IIisti-ea. Vid. Oreus.
Histi. eotis. Vid. Esliasotis.
HisTiiEua, a tyrant of Miletus, who, when the
Scythians had almost persuaded the Ionian princes to
destroy the bridge over the Ister, in order that the
Persian army might perish, opposed the plan, and in-
duced them to abandon the design. His argument
was, that if the Persian army were deatroyed, and the
power of Darius brought to an end, a popular govern-
ment would be established in every Ionian city, and
the tyrants expelled. He was held in high estimation
on this account by Darius, and rewarded with a grant
of land in Thrace. But Megabyzua having convinced
the king that it was bad policy to permit a Grecian
settlement in Thrace, Darius induced Histisus, who
? ? was already founding a city there, to come to Susa,
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? HCMERUS.
HOMKRUS-
lut. by assuming Smyrna as the central point of Ho-
mer'* life and celebrity, the claims of all the other cities
irhich rest on good authority, may be explained and
reconciled in a simple and natural manner. --If one
may venture to follow the faint light afforded by the
dawnings of tradition, and by the memorials that have
come down to us relative to the origin of the bard, the
following may be considered as the sum of our inqui-
ries. Homer was an Ionian, belonging to one of the
families which went from Ephesus to Smyrna, at a
time when . Eolians and Achaeans composed the chief
part of the population of the city, and when, more-
over, their hereditary traditions respecting the expedi-
tion of the Greeks against Troy excited the greatest
interest: whence he reconciles, in his poetical capaci-
ty, the conflict of the contending races, inasmuch as
he treats an Achaean subject with the elegance and
geniality of an Ionian. But when Smyrna drove out
the Ionians, it deprived itself of this poetical renown;
and the settlement of the Homeridae in Chios was, in
all probability, a consequence of the expulsion of the
lonian9 from Smyrna. It may, moreover, be observed,
thai, according to this account, founded on the history
of the colonies of Asia Minor, the time of Homer
would fall a few generations after the Ionic migration
1o Asia; and with this determination the best testi-
monies of antiquity agree. Such are the computa-
tions of Herodotus, who places Homer, with Hesiod,
400 years before his time (Herod. , 2, S3), and that
of the Alexandrean chronologists, who place him 100
years after the Ionic migration, 60 years before the le-
gislation of Lycurgus (Apollod. , Fragm. , 1, p. 410,
ti. Heyne); although the variety of opinions on this
subject, which prevailed among the learned writers of
antiquity, cannot be reduced within these limits. --It
ii said by Tatian (Fabr. , Bibl. Gr. , 2, 1, 3), that
Theagenes of Rhegium, in the time of Cambyses,
Stesimbrotus the Thasian, Antimachus tho Colopho-
nian, Herodotus of Halicamassus, Dionysius the Olyn-
tbian, Ephonis of Cumae, Philochorus the Athenian,
Metaclides and Chamaeleon the Peripatetics, and Zen-
odotus, Aristophanes, Callimachus, Crates, Eratosthe-
nes, Aristarchus, and Apollodorus, the grammarians,
all wrote concerning the poetry, the birth, and the age
of Homer. Of the works of all these authors nothing
now remains, with the nominal exception of a life ol
Homer attributed to Herodotus, but which, as well on
account of its minute and fabulous details, as of the in-
consistency of a statement in it with the undoubted
language of Herodotus, is now almost universally con-
sidered as spurious. Such as it is, however, the life
of Homer is a very ancient compilation, and the text
from which all subsequent stories have been taken or
altered. There is a short life of Homor, also, bearing
the name of Plutarch, but which is, like the former,
generally condemned as a forgery; a forgery, however,
->( this unusual nature, that there is reason to believe
it more ancient than its supposed author. Thus
Quintilian (10, 1) and Seneca (Ep. , 88), both more
ancient than Plutarch, seem clearly aware of this life
of Homer. Some account of the common traditions
about Homer will probably be looked for here, and
the story will explain the origin of several epithets
which are frequently applied to him, and the meaning
of many allusions to be met with in the Greek and
Latin writers. --There is, then, a general agreement
that the name of Homer's mother was Critheis; but the
? ? accounts differ a good deal as to his father. Ephorus
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? HUMbKLS
<<. es that the poet, being on his voyage to Thebes, to
attend a musical or poetical contest at the feast of Sat-
urn in that city, landed in the island of Io, and, while
sitting on a rock by the seashore, observed some young
fishermen in a boat; that Homer asked them if they
had anything (el ri Ixotev), and that the young wags,
who, having had no sport, had been diligently catch-
ing, and killing as many as they could catch, of cer-
tain personal companions of a race not even yet ex-
tinct, answered, "as many as we caught we left; as
many as we could not catch we carry with us. " The
catastrophe is, that Homer, being utterly unable to
guess the meaning of this riddle, broke his heart out
of pure vexation, and that the inhabitants of the island
buried him with great magnificence. --There has been
as much doubt and controversy about the age of Ho-
mer as about himself and his poems. According to
the argument of Wood (Essay on the Original Ge-
nius, CfC. , of Homer), Haller (Heyne, Exeurs. 4, ad II. ,
84), and Mitford (History of Greece, c. 1), he lived
about the middle of the ninth century before Christ;
which date agrees exactly with the conjecture of He-
rodotus, who wrote B. C. 444, and is founded on the
assumption that Homer must have lived before the re-
turn of the Heraclidas into Peloponnesus, an event
which took place within eighty years alter the Trojan
war. The Newtonian calculation is also adopted,
which fixes the capture of Troy as low as B. C. 904.
The argument is based upon the great improbability
that Homer, so minute as he is in his descriptions of
Greece, and so full of the histories of the reigning
dynasties in its various districts, should never notice
so very remarkable an occurrence as the almost total
abolition of the kingly government throughout Greece,
ind the substitution of the republican form in its stead.
Now this national revolution was coincident with, or
immediately consequent on, the return of the descend-
ants of Hercules. It is said, also, that the poet men-
tions the grandchildren of . 'Eneas as reigning in Troy,
in the prophecy of Neptune in the Iliad (20, 308), and
that, in another speech of Juno's, he seems to intimate
the insecure state of the chief existing dynasties of
the race of Pelops; and it is inferred from this, that
he nourished during the third generation, or upward of
sixty years after the destruction of Troy. Upon this
argument Heyneremarks (Exeurs. , ad 11. , 24), that, in
the first place, a poet who was celebrating heroes of
the Pelopid race had no occasion to notice a revolu-
tion by which their families were expatriated and their
kingdoms abolished; and next, which seems an in-
surmountable objection, that the Ionic migration took
place sixty years later than the return of the Herach-
dae; yet that Homer was an Ionian, and a resident in,
or at least perfectly conversant with, Ionian Asia, is
admitted on all hands, and is indeed incontestable;
and as he never notices this migration, though it was
certainly a very remarkable event, and one which he
must have known, he may just as well, for other or
the same reasons, have been silent on the subject of a
revolution by which that migration was caused. The
Arundelian marbles place Homer B. C. 907, the Ionian
migration B. C. 1044, the return of the Heraclidae B. C.
1104, and the capture of Troy B. C. 1184. Heyne
approves of this calculation, as, upon the whole, the
most consistent with all the authorities; but it is at
variance with Newton's Chronology, and is therefore
a calculation, of the exactness of which we can never
feel confident --The vicissitudes to which Homer's
? ? reputation and influence have been subject, deserves
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? HOMiCRUS.
HUMERUS.
? ey Willi briel epic lays; such as in later times were
produced by several poets of the school of Hesiod.
Ii was also possible, if it were desired, to form from
'. ;,rm longer series of adventures of the same hero;
but they always remained a collection of independent
poems on the same subject, and never stained to that
uiiny of character and composition which constitutes
one poem. It was an entirely new phenomenon,
which could not fail to make the greatest impression,
when a poet selected a subject of the heroic tradition.
which (besides its connexion with the other parts of
the same legendary circle) had in itself the means of
? wakening a lively interest and of satisfying the mind;
and, at the same time, admitted of such a development,
that the principal personages could be represented as
acting each with a peculiar and individual character,
without obscuring the chief hero and the main action
of the poem. One legendary subject of this extent
and interest Homer found in the Anger of Achilles,
and another in the Return of Ulysses. The former
of these gave birth to the Iliad, the latter to the
Odyssey. Of the character of these two poems we
will treat in separate articles (vid. Ilias, Odyssea).
Our atteution will now *><< directed to other parts of
the main subject.
Origin and Preservation of the Homeric Poems.
Whether the Homeric poems were w reality the
work of a single bard or not, their intrinsic merit, and,
consequently, their rank in Greek literature, must re-
main the same, and be equally a worthy object of
studious inquiry. The decision of that question can-
not in the slighteat degree affect our estimate of their
quality. Whether all the poems that are now attrib-
uted to Homer were his production; whether the Iliad
and the Odyssey, both, or one of them only, can lay
claim to such parentage; or whether, lastly, any such
person as Homer, or, indeed, any individual author of
the poem ever existed, whichever of these propositions
he true, it seems to be a matter of little importance to
those whose object it is not to spell the inscriptions on
mouldering monuments, but to inhale the breath of an-
cient grandeur and beauty amid the undoubted- ruins
of the great. The Iliad and the Odyssey exist; we
have them in our hands; and we should not set them
the less in honour though we were to doubt the im-
press of any Homer's hand, any more than we should
cease to reverence the genius or the ruins of Rome,
because shepherds or worse may have laid the first
? lone of her walls. It is this very excellence, howev-
er, of the Homeric poetry, and the apparent peculi-
arity of the instance, together with the celebrity of the
controversy, to which the scepticism of some modern
scholars has given birth, that compels us to devote a
portion of this article to a notice of the points in ques-
tion. No trace appears of any doubt having ever been
entertained of the personal existence of Homer, as the
author of the Iliad, till the close of the 17th and be-
ginning of the 18th century, when two French writers,
Hedelin and Perrault, first suggested tho outlines of
a theory respecting the composition of that poem,
which has since been developed with so much learning
and talent by Heyne, Wolfe, and others, that its ori-
ginal authors are now almost forgotten. The substance
of this theory is, that, whether any such person as
Homer lived or not, the Iliad was not composed en-
tirely by him or by any other individual, but is a com-
pilation, methodized indeed and arranged by success-
? ? ive editors, but still a compilation of minstrelsies, the
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? HOMERuS.
HUMERUS.
I vaieil in the Homeric >>ge. It has likewise been
urged, that the structure of the Homeric verses fur-
nishes a decisive proof, that the state of the Greek
language, at the time when these poems were written,
was different from that in which they must have been
composed. And by others it has been thought incon-
sistent with the law of continual change, to which all
languages are subject, that the form in which these
works now appear should differ so slightly as it docs
from that of the Greek literature, if it really belonged
to the early period in which they were first recited.
Tbese difficulties are, it must be owned, in a great
measure removed by the hypothesis that each poem
is an aggregate of parts composed by different authors;
fcr then the poet's memory might not be too severely
taxed in retaining his work during its progress, and
might be aided by more frequent recitations. But this
hypothesis has been met by a number of objections,
some of which are not very easily satisfied. The ori-
ginal unity of each poem is maintained by arguments
derived partly from the uniformity of the poetical char-
acter, and partly from the apparent singleness of plan
which each of them exhibits. Even those who do not
think it necessary to suppose an original unity of de-
sign in the Iliad, still conceive that all its parts are
stamped with the style of the samo author. (Clinton,
Fast. Jit II. u, vol. 3, p. 375, 379. ) But with others,
from the time of Aristotle to our own day, the plan
itself has been an object of the warmest admiration;
and it is still contended, that the intimate coherence of
me parts is such as to exclude the hypothesis of a
multiplicity of authors. (Vid. Ilias. ) If the parts out
of which the Iliad or the Odyssey was formed are
supposed to have been at first wholly independent of
each other, the supposition that they could have been
so pieced together as to assume their present appear-
ance is involved in almost insurmountable difficulties.
For how, it may be asked, did the different poets in
*ach instance happen to confine themselves to the
tame circle of subjects, as to the battles before Troy,
and the return of Ulysses 1 Must wo suppose, with a
modern critic (Hermann, Wiener- Jahrbiicher, vol. 54),
that in the Iliad and Odyssey we see the joint labours
of several bards, who drew their subjects from an ear-
lier Iliad and an earlier Odyssey, which contained no
more than short narratives of the same events, but yet
had gained such celebrity for their author, that the
greatest poets of the succeeding period were forced to
adopt his name, and to content themselves with filling
up his outline! This would be an expedient only to
be resorted to in the last emergency. Or must we
adopt the form which this hypothesis, by giving it a
different turn, has been made by others to assume, that
the Iliad and Odyssey, after the main event in each
had formed the subject of a shorter poem, grew un-
der the hands of successive poets, who, guided in
part by popular tradition, supplied what had been left
wanting by their predecessors, until in each case the
curiosity of their hearers had been gratified by a fin-
ished whole?
