step; he never
consulted
her about public affairs, a
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Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
Mm.
, vol.
1, p.
543. )
LiLvrjeuM, I. a city of Sicily on the western coast,
south of Drepanum, and near a famous cape called
also Lilybasum, now Cipc Boeo. (Diod. Sic. , 13, 64 )
It was the principal fortress of the Carthaginians in
? ? Sicily, and was founded by them about the 106th
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? Lltt
LINUS
Pindar's Seventh Olympic Ode, in honour of Diagoras
(he Khodian, was consecrated in thin temple, being in-
scribed in letters of gold. (Sckol. ad Pind. , 01. , 7,
mil) Here also was a temple of Hercules, the wor-
ship connected with which consisted, according to
Lactanlius (1, Zi), in revilings and execration ("mal-
edtchs et czsccratione ecltbrantur, toque pro violalis
kabent, si quaniia inter solemnes rttus vcl impriulcnti
aiian czcidenl lonum vcrbum"). This temple con-
fined a painting of the god by Parrhasius. (Athena-
us, 12, p. 543. ) There were several other pictures by
the same celebrated master at Lindus, inscribed with
his name. (Athcn. , 15, p. 687. ) This place was also
famous for having produced Cleobulus, one of the Sev-
en Sag23 of Greece; and also Chares (or Cares) and
Laches, the artists who designed and completed the
Colossus. A mistake, highly characteristic of his ig-
norance in classical matters, was committed by Vol-
taire, respecting this famous statue: it is mentioned
by Mentelle, in a note to the article Lindus, Encyelo-
pedie Mcthodique. Voltaire, having read Indian for
landian, relates that the Colossus was cast by an In-
dian ! --Lindus was the port resorted to by the fleets
of Egypt and Tyre before the founding of Rhodes. --
A small town, with a citadel, retaining the name of
Undo, still occupies the site of the ancient city. Sa-
vary says (Letters on Greece, p. 96, Eng. tranil. ) that
the ruins of the temple of Minerva are still visible on
an eminence near the sea. The ruins at Lindo are
said to be very numerous. (Clarke's Travels, vol. 3,
p. 281, Lend. ed. --Tavernier, Voyage, vol. 1, c. 74. )
Linconks, I. a people of Gaul, whose territories
included Vogesus, Vosges, and, consequently, the
sources of the rivers Mosa or Meuse and Matrona or
Marne. Their chief city wa3 Andomadunum, after-
ward Lingones, now Langres, and their territory cor-
responded to the modern department de la Haute-
Marne. (Cos. , B. G. , 1, 26. )--II. A Gallic tribe in
Gallia Cisalpina, occupying the extreme northeastern
portion of Gallia Cispadana. They were a branch of
the Transalpine Lingones. Polybius is the only au-
thor who has pointed out the district occupied by this
people ia Italy (2, 17). Appian characterizes the
Lingones generally as the fiercest and wildest of the
Gaols. (Bell. Gall. , fragm. )
Linos, said to have been a native of Chalcis, a son of
Apollo and Terpsichore; according to others, the off-
spring of Amphimarus and Urania; and according to
others, again, of Mercury and Urania. (Suid. , s. v. At-
mc. --Hes. , fragm. ap. Eustalli , p. 1163. --Conon. , c.
19. --Heyne, ad Apollod. , 1, 3, 1. ) Apollodorus makes
him a brother of Orpheus (1, 3, 2; 2, 4, 9). He was
fabled to have been the instructer of Hercules in music,
and to have been killed by the latter in a fit of passion,
being struck on the head with a lyre. His tragical
death was the subject of a solemn festival at Thebes.
(Consult Hauptmann, Prolus. de Lino, Gera, 1760,
and the notes of Burette on I'lularcli's Dialogue on
Music, Mem. de I'Acad, des Inscriptions, die. , vol.
10, p. 195. ) Stobaeus has preserved tweWs pretend-
ed verses of this poet: they have reference to the fa-
mous proposition of the Eleatic school, adopted subse-
quently by the New-Platonists and New-Pythagore-
ans: 'E* Travroc de rii mivra, koj ck vuvtuv nuv Ion
--" The whole has been engendered by the whole. "
These verses, however, were fabricated in a later age.
In the Discourses of Stobseus (Eclog. , 1, 11) there
? ? are two other verses on the divine power. According
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? LTS
LI V
ihc largest and most important island in
the group of the jEolite Insula, or Lipari Islands.
Jts original name was Meligunis (McXij-ouvif. -- Tal-
lin. , H. in i)in>> , 49), and it was uninhabited i ntil
Liparus, son of King Auson, having been driven out
by his brethren, came hither with a body of followers,
colonized the island, and founded a city. Both the
island and city then took the name of Lipara. He
colonized also some other islands of the group. (Stra-
tc, 275. -- Diod. Sic. , 5, 7. ) The original inhabitants,
therefore, according to this tradition, were natives of
Italy. The Greeks, however, contributed their part
also to the ancient legend, and made . -Eolus come to
this same quarter with a body of companions, and re-
ceive in marriage Cyane, the daughter of Liparus.
. -Eolus now assumed the government, and established
his aged father-in-law once more on the soil of Italy,
in the territory of Surrentum, where the latter contin-
ued to reign until his death. -- Leaving mythic, we
now come to real, history. In the 50th Olympiad
(B. C. 677-574), a colony of Cnidians, along with
many Khodians and Carians, settled in Lipara. They
had previously established themselves on the western
coast of Sicily, but had been driven out by the Elynwi
and Phoenicians. From this period Lipara was re-
garded as a Doric colony (Scymn . , Ck. , 261. ) The
inhabitants began to be powerful at sea, having been
compelled to defend their commerce against the Tyr-
rhenian pirates, whom they worsted in several encoun-
ters. Eventually, however, they followed the bad ex-
ample set them by their maritime neighbours, and be-
came pirates themselves. (Lit. , 5, 28. ) When the
Carthaginians were striving for the possession of Si-
cily, they perceived the importance of Lipara as a
v. rj1 station, and accordingly made it their own.
During the first Punic war it fell into the hands of
the Romans. -- The Lipari isles obtain their modern
name from the ancient Lipara. They were anciently
called JEoliae Insulte, from having been fabled to be
ruled over by ,-Kolus, god of the winds; and they
were also styled Vulcanic Insula, from their volcanic
titurp, on which was based the fable of Vulcan's hav-
ing forges in Strongyle, one of the group, besides his
smithy in . VJna. The ancients knew them to be vol-
canic, but did not narrowly examine them: this has
rr-cn reserved for modern philosophers. The Lipari
isles are commonly reckoned seven in number, and
Lipiri is the largest of these, being 19i Italian miles
in circuit. This island is peculiarly valuable to the
naturalist, from the number and beauty of its volcanic
products. According to Diodorus, all the . lioliein isles
were subject to great irruptions of hire, and their craters
were visible in his time. ( Vid. Strongyle. -- Plin. , 3,
9 -- Mela, 2, 7. -- Jornand. , de Regn. Slice. , p. 29. --
tfannert, Geogr. , vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 459, seqij. )
1 . in s. now Garigliano, a river of Campinia, which
it . separated from Latium, after the southern boundary
of the latter had been removed from the Circajan prom-
ontory. (Vul. Latium. ) It falls into the ssa neai
Miniums. According to Strabo, its more ancient
name was KWvif: according to Pliny, Glanis. (Slra-
lio, 233. -- Pliny, 3, 5. ) Its source is in the country
of the Marsi, west of the Lacus Fucinus. This river
is particularly noticed by the poets for the sluggishness
of its stream. (Moral. , Od. , 1, 31. -- Sil. Ital. , 4,
? 4H. ) In the vicinity of Minturnte the Pontine marsh-
ondcd, in which Marius hid himself, and whence
? ? was dragged with a rope round his neck to the
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? LIVIA.
ny
Lacedx'inonia is, whom she subsequently rotompensed
for the asylum they had afforded her. To rare per-
sonal attractions Livia added the charms of a cultiva-
ted intellect; and when it was again safe for her hus-
band and herself to return to Rome, she soon drew
upon her the notice of Augustus, who demanded her
from her husband. Tiberius dared not refuse; and
Augustus, having repudiated his own wife Scribonia,
made Livia his spouse. She had already borne two
sons to her first husband, namely, Tiberius, who was
afterward emperor, and Drusus Germanicus; but what
rendered the affair most disreputable, was the circum-
stance of her being six months gone in pregnancy at
the time of her union with Augustus. This child, the
only one she had after her marriage with the emper-
or, died almost at the moment of its birth. Livia was
twenty years of age when she was thus called to share
the empire of the world; and, availing herself skilfully
of the influence which she soon acquired over the mind
of Augustus, she began to concert her plans for secu-
ring the succession to her own son Tiberius. With
this view, she was suspected of having caused the
death of the young Marcellus, who might have proved
an obstacle to her ambitious views, though it must
be confessed that there is no positive testimony which
would seem to justify the suspicion. She soon lost
her own son Drusus Germanicus; but she did not
imitate Octavia, who had actually wearied out Au-
gustus by the excess of her sorrow: on the contrary,
she lent an ear to the consolations of the philosopher
Areus, and testified her gratitude to Augustus for the
Honours he had decreed to the memory of her son.
In all this, no doubt, there was much of dissimulation,
even if we make the fullest allowance for the feelings
of a parent. After the premature death of the two sons
of Julia, Livia hastened to call her own son Tiberius
from his retirement in the island of Rhodes, and pre-
vailed upon Augustus to adopt him, along with Agrip-
? a Posthumus, the last of the family of the Ctesars.
ler next care was to exclude this same Agrippa from
the succession, an object which she easily effected by
means of secret calumnies; and when now the path
to the throne stood open for Tiberius, she is said by
some to have hastened the end of Augustus himself,
by means of poisoned figs which she had given him
to eat, and which brought on an attack of dysentery.
Be this, however, as it may, it is at least certain that
she had the entire control of his last moments. Ev-
erything that passed within the walls of the dwelling
where he lay was concealed by her with the utmost
care. Hasty messengers were sent after Tiberius to
recall him instantly to the death-bed of the emperor;
and with so much secrecy was the whole affair shroud-
ed, that, although it was given out that Tiberius
found his adopted father still alive {Sueton. , Vit. Aug. ,
97, reqq), and had a long and affectionate interview
with mm, yet Tacitus informs us, that it was never
clearly ascertained whether these stories were not
mere fabrications; and whether Augustus was not, in
reality, already dead when Tiberius arrived at Nola.
By a singular clause in his will, Augustus adopted
Livia herself, directing her to take the name of Julia
Augusta, and made her joint sharer in the inheritance
with her son. The latter, however, showed but little
grV. itude to his parent, to whom he was in every
sense indebted for his elevation. When the senate
wished to decree new honours to her, he opposed the
? ?
step; he never consulted her about public affairs, a
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? Livins
L1VIITS
II t youth (c. 14). Now Cato was bom B. C. 835,
nd since ihe period of youth among the Romans was
-. onsidered as commencing at fifteen, it may be pre-
sumed that the existence of Livius was at least pro-
tracted till B. C. 220. It has been frequently said
that he lived till the year E. G. 208, A. U. C. 46, be-
cause Livy (27, 37) mentions, that a hymn ci iposed
by this ancient poet was publicly sung in that ;ar, to
avert the disasters threatened by an alarming prodi-
gy; but the historian does not declare that it was
written for the occasion, or even recently before. Fes-
tus, however, informs us (s. v. Scribas), that i he Ro-
mans paid distinguished honour to Livius, in conse-
quence of the success which attended their arms in
tb? second Punic war, after be public recitation of a
hymn which he had composed. --Livius wrote both
tragedies and comedies. The earliest play of his was
represented B. C. 240, A. U. C. 514, about a year after
the termination of the first Punic war. Like Thes-
pis, and most other dramatists in the commencement
of the theatrical art, Livius was an actor, and for a con-
siderable time the sole performer of his own pieces.
Afterward, however, his voice failing, in consequence
of the audience insisting on a repetition of favourite
passages, he introduced a boy, who relieved him by
declaiming the recitative part in concert with the flute,
while he himself executed the corresponding gesticu-
lations in the monologues, and, in parts where high
exertion was required, only employing his own voice
in the conversational and less elevated scenes. --
"Hence," observes Livy (7, 2), "the practice arose
of dividing the representation between two actors, and
of reciting, as it were, to the gesture and action of the
eomedian. Thenceforth the custom so far prevailed,
that the comedians never uttered anything except the
verses of the dialogue. " And this system, apparent-
ly so well calculated to destroy all theatrical illusion,
continued, under certain modifications, to subsist on
the Hcman stage during the most refined periods of
'aste and literature. The popularity of Livius in-
treating from these performances, as well as from a
propitiatory hymn he had composed, and which had
been followed by great publi<- success, a building was
assigned to him on the Aventine Hill. This edifice
was partly converted into a theatre, and was also in-
habited by a troop of players, for whom Livius wrote
bis pieces, and frequently acted along with them.
(Pestus, s. v. Scribas. ) It has been disputed whether
the first drama represented by Livius Andronicus at
Rome was a tragedy or comedy. (Osann. , Analect.
Crit. , c. 13. ) However this may be, it appears from
the names which have been preserved of his plays,
that he wrote, as we have already said, both tragedies
and comedies. These titles, which have been col-
lected by Fabricius and other writers, are Achilles,
Adonis, Mgisthus, Ajax, Andromeda, Anliova, Cen-
lauri, Equus Trojanus, Helena, Hcrmione, /no, Lyd-
ius, Prolesilaodamia, Serenas, Tereus, Teucer, Vir-
go. (Bibl. Lai, vol. 3,1. 4, c. 1. ) Such names also
evince, that most of his dramas were translated or
imitated from the works of his countrymen of Magna
Grace ia, or from the great tragedians of Greece Thus,
iEschylus wrote a tragedy on the aubject of ^Egis-
thus: there is still a play of Sophocles extant by the
name of Ajax, and he is known to have written an
Andromeda: Stobaeus mentions the Antiopa of Eu-
ripides: four Greek dramatists, Sophocles, Euripides,
? ? Anaxandrides, and Philstus, composed tragedies on
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? LIVTUS
IJVTUM
M his styie, tl-at he baa acquired some superfluous ac-
oomplishmenla in a school of declamation. (Monbod-
io. Origin and Program of Language, vol. 5, b. 1, c.
1. ) It would appear, that he remained at Patavium
during the whole period of the civil dissensions, pro-
scriptions, and violations of property which followed
the assassination of Caesar. It has been even main-
tained by some writers, that he commenced his great
work at Patavium ere he visited the capital. (Krone,
de Fide Livii, Lips. , 1811. ) But through the whole
of tho first Decade, which is the part they suppose he
had written before coming to Rome, he speaks con-
cerning the localities of the city, its customs, judicial
forms, and religious ceremonies, as one who was ac-
tually on the spot, and had ocular proof of all he re-
lates. At whatever time he came to Rome, it is evi-
dent that he commenced his history between the years
725 and 730 A. U. C. , or B. C. 29 and 24; for in the first
book (c. 19) he mentions, that, at the period when he
wrote, the temple of Janus had been twice shut sinoe
the reign of Numa. once after the first Funic war, and
again in his own time by Augustus. Now this tem-
ple never had been closed by Augustus till 726, so
Jhat the passage could not have been written prior to
that year; and it could not have been written subse-
quently to 730, because in that year Augustus again
shut the temple, and I,ivy, of course, must have then
said that it had been three times, and not twice, closed
since the ag* of Numa. . Soon after his arrival at
Rome, he composed some dialogues on philosoph-
ical and political questions (Seneca, Epist. , 100),
which he addressed to Augustus. These dialogues,
which are now lost, procured for him the favour of the
emperor, who gave him free access to alt those ar-
chives and records of the state which might be ser-
viceable in the prosecution of the historical researches
in which he was employed. He allotted him apart-
ments in his own palace, and sometimes even conde-
scended to afford explanations, that facilitated the
right understanding of documents which wero impor-
tant to his investigations. Livy appears, indeed, to
have been on intimate terms with Augustus, who
used, according to Tacitus (. -Inn. , 4, 34), to call him
a "Pompeian," on account of the praises which he
bestowed on Pompoy's party. It appears that Livy
? vailed himself of the good graces of the emperor
>>nly for the purpose of facilitating the historical re-
searches in which he was engaged. We do not hear
that he accepted any pecuniary favours, or even held
any public employment. It has been conjectured by
some writers, from a passage in Suetonius (Vit. Claud. ,
41), that he had for a short time superintended the edu-
cation of Claudius, who afterward succeeded to the
empire. (Gibbon's Misc. Works, vol. 4,p. 425. ) But,
though the expressions scarcely authorize this infer-
ence, they prove that, at Livy's suggestion, Claudius
undertook in his youth to write a history of Rome
from the death of Julius Cx-sar, and thus acquired the
habits of historical composition, which he continued
after his accession; being better qualified, as Gibbon
remarks, to record great actions than to perform them.
--Livy continued for nearly 20 years to be closely oc-
cupied in the composition of his history. During this
long period his chief residence was at Rome, or in its
immediate vicinity; but he occasionally retired to
Naples, that he might there arrange with leisure and
tranquillity the materials he had amassed in the capi-
? ? tal. (Funeeius, de Virili JEtale Ling. Lot. , pars 2,
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? LlVItJS.
LIVIUS.
M'f . Works, vol. 4, p. 427. )--In addition, then, to the
fir<i ten books of J. ivy's history, we hare from the
Slat to (he 45th books, both inclusive; though from
the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacuna;. We
possess also some fragments, and among them one of
the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest
manuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men-
tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham-
burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz,
1S07). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost
books, ae well as of those which have come down to us.
They have been frequently supposed, though without
sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus.
We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but
it has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra-
kenborch (ad Liv. , Epit. , 136), that the epitomes of the
136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the
epitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality
the epitome of the 138th. --With the aid of this col-
lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers,
both Greek and Latin, Freinshcmius, a learned Ger-
man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec-
tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost.
He has imitated admirably the style and general man-
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities. --Many hopes have been en-
tertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost
books of I,ivy's work, but they appear at last to have
been put to rest. Erpcnius and others staled once
that^ there was a translation of them in Arabic, but
none such has ever been discovered. --Tacitus (Ann. ,
4, 34) and Seneca (Sutuor. , 7), among the later Ro-
man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty
of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history;
praises which have been constantly repeated by mod-
ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit
that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his
powers of description great and striking, it can scarce-
ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and
morit important requisites of a faithful historian, a love
of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities,
ind a patient and pains-taking examination of con-
flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even
of auch inscriptions and public documents as were
within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty
of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a
column of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance
of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius
Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius,
which was at variance with the received Fasti (or
register of magistrates) and the common accounts
of historians, he does not appear to have had the
curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is
content with repeating the report of Augustus Cffi-
sar (4. 20). This is one of the few passages in
whicn he descends to a critical comparison of evi-
dence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof
how little expert he was in that art of an historian,
and how little he valued its results: for, though in
iia digression he professes to believe in the superior
uthority of the inscription, in the main course of his
irrative he follows the beaten track of writers who
kd gone before him. He makes no mention of other
lonuments which we know to have existed; the
men column 'm the temple of the Aventine Diana,
m which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius
with the Latins, with the names of the tribes who
? ? were members of the league (Din. Hal. , 4, 26);
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? LIVIUS
LOC
m perpetual wars who. the surrounding states, the Ro-
mans were never defeated in the open held (9, 19);
that when they were distressed, it was always by pes-
tilence, or famine, or sedition; and that, at such sea-
sons, their enemies abstained from attacking them;
that they gained victory after victory without subduing
their opponents; that taken cities reappear in the
power of their original possessors; that consuls and
dictators triumph in succession over nations that are
still able to supply subjects for new triumphs to new
consuls and new dictators; that slaughters, which
must have exhausted any state of ancient Italy, dimin-
ished not the number of their perpetually-renovated
adversaries. To this passion for extolling the military
reputation of Rome we owe the comparative neglect
of the ]ess popular and less ostentatiqus subjects of
domestic history. Every war and triumph of which
any memorial, true or false, existed, is scrupulously
registered; but the original constitution of the state,
the division of its citizens, the several rights, the con-
tests between the orders, the constitution of the gen-
eral or partial assemblies of the people, the powers of
the magistrates; the laws, the jurisprudence, their
progressive melioration; these are subjects on which
our information is vague, scanty, and ill-connected.
It is evident, that to the mind of I,ivy they possessed
comparatively little interest; and that on these mat-
ters, to say the least, he did not exert himself to cor-
rect the errors or supply the defects of the writers who
preceded him. He was satisfied if from a popular
commotion he could extract the materials of an elo-
quent speech. It is a sufficient proof that on this
most important portion of Roman history he was re-
ally ignorant, that, with all his powers of language, he
does not convey clear and vivid ideas to the minds of
if readers. Who has risen from the perusal of the
arty hooks of Livy with the distinct notion of a client
or of an agrarian law! (Maiden, History of Rome,
f. 39, seqq. )--Inexperienced, too, in military affairs,
numerous blunders have been attributed to him in re-
lation to encampments, circumvallations, sieges, and
warlike operations of all kinds. (Casaubon, Praf ad
Polyb. --Folard, Comment. --Niebuhr, Rom. Gcsch. ,
vol. 2, p. 499, 514. ) He did not, like Polybius, visit
the regions which had been the theatre of the great
tvents which he commemorates, and hence arise many
mistakes in geography, and much confusion with re-
gard to the situation of cities and the boundaries of
districts. (Lachmann, de Fontibus Hist. Lit. , p.
'06. ) "Considered in this point of view," says Gib-
bon, " Livy appears merely as a man of letters, little
acquainted with the art of war, and careless in point
of geography. " (Misc. Works, vol. 5, p. 371. )--We
have already spoken of the style of Livy. One point,
however, connected with this part of the subject re-
mains to be noticed. That fastidious critic and envi-
ous detractor of his literary contemporaries, Asinius
Pollio, had said that there was a certain Patavinity in
the Btyle of Livy; by which he meant to convey an
idea that there was something in bis expressions which
bespoke a citizen of Patavium, and which would not
have appeared in the style of a native of Rome.
{Quint. . Inst. Or. , 8, 1. ) It is evident, from the pas-
sage, of Quintilian just referred to, where this criticism
of Pollio's is recorded, that it applied entirely to pro-
vincial words or phrases, not altogether consonant to
the refined urbanity of Rome, which could not so
? ? easily be communicated to strangers as the freedom of
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? LOCRI.
Kit.
Sttab. , 31I. --Hesiod. , ap. evnd.
543. )
LiLvrjeuM, I. a city of Sicily on the western coast,
south of Drepanum, and near a famous cape called
also Lilybasum, now Cipc Boeo. (Diod. Sic. , 13, 64 )
It was the principal fortress of the Carthaginians in
? ? Sicily, and was founded by them about the 106th
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? Lltt
LINUS
Pindar's Seventh Olympic Ode, in honour of Diagoras
(he Khodian, was consecrated in thin temple, being in-
scribed in letters of gold. (Sckol. ad Pind. , 01. , 7,
mil) Here also was a temple of Hercules, the wor-
ship connected with which consisted, according to
Lactanlius (1, Zi), in revilings and execration ("mal-
edtchs et czsccratione ecltbrantur, toque pro violalis
kabent, si quaniia inter solemnes rttus vcl impriulcnti
aiian czcidenl lonum vcrbum"). This temple con-
fined a painting of the god by Parrhasius. (Athena-
us, 12, p. 543. ) There were several other pictures by
the same celebrated master at Lindus, inscribed with
his name. (Athcn. , 15, p. 687. ) This place was also
famous for having produced Cleobulus, one of the Sev-
en Sag23 of Greece; and also Chares (or Cares) and
Laches, the artists who designed and completed the
Colossus. A mistake, highly characteristic of his ig-
norance in classical matters, was committed by Vol-
taire, respecting this famous statue: it is mentioned
by Mentelle, in a note to the article Lindus, Encyelo-
pedie Mcthodique. Voltaire, having read Indian for
landian, relates that the Colossus was cast by an In-
dian ! --Lindus was the port resorted to by the fleets
of Egypt and Tyre before the founding of Rhodes. --
A small town, with a citadel, retaining the name of
Undo, still occupies the site of the ancient city. Sa-
vary says (Letters on Greece, p. 96, Eng. tranil. ) that
the ruins of the temple of Minerva are still visible on
an eminence near the sea. The ruins at Lindo are
said to be very numerous. (Clarke's Travels, vol. 3,
p. 281, Lend. ed. --Tavernier, Voyage, vol. 1, c. 74. )
Linconks, I. a people of Gaul, whose territories
included Vogesus, Vosges, and, consequently, the
sources of the rivers Mosa or Meuse and Matrona or
Marne. Their chief city wa3 Andomadunum, after-
ward Lingones, now Langres, and their territory cor-
responded to the modern department de la Haute-
Marne. (Cos. , B. G. , 1, 26. )--II. A Gallic tribe in
Gallia Cisalpina, occupying the extreme northeastern
portion of Gallia Cispadana. They were a branch of
the Transalpine Lingones. Polybius is the only au-
thor who has pointed out the district occupied by this
people ia Italy (2, 17). Appian characterizes the
Lingones generally as the fiercest and wildest of the
Gaols. (Bell. Gall. , fragm. )
Linos, said to have been a native of Chalcis, a son of
Apollo and Terpsichore; according to others, the off-
spring of Amphimarus and Urania; and according to
others, again, of Mercury and Urania. (Suid. , s. v. At-
mc. --Hes. , fragm. ap. Eustalli , p. 1163. --Conon. , c.
19. --Heyne, ad Apollod. , 1, 3, 1. ) Apollodorus makes
him a brother of Orpheus (1, 3, 2; 2, 4, 9). He was
fabled to have been the instructer of Hercules in music,
and to have been killed by the latter in a fit of passion,
being struck on the head with a lyre. His tragical
death was the subject of a solemn festival at Thebes.
(Consult Hauptmann, Prolus. de Lino, Gera, 1760,
and the notes of Burette on I'lularcli's Dialogue on
Music, Mem. de I'Acad, des Inscriptions, die. , vol.
10, p. 195. ) Stobaeus has preserved tweWs pretend-
ed verses of this poet: they have reference to the fa-
mous proposition of the Eleatic school, adopted subse-
quently by the New-Platonists and New-Pythagore-
ans: 'E* Travroc de rii mivra, koj ck vuvtuv nuv Ion
--" The whole has been engendered by the whole. "
These verses, however, were fabricated in a later age.
In the Discourses of Stobseus (Eclog. , 1, 11) there
? ? are two other verses on the divine power. According
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? LTS
LI V
ihc largest and most important island in
the group of the jEolite Insula, or Lipari Islands.
Jts original name was Meligunis (McXij-ouvif. -- Tal-
lin. , H. in i)in>> , 49), and it was uninhabited i ntil
Liparus, son of King Auson, having been driven out
by his brethren, came hither with a body of followers,
colonized the island, and founded a city. Both the
island and city then took the name of Lipara. He
colonized also some other islands of the group. (Stra-
tc, 275. -- Diod. Sic. , 5, 7. ) The original inhabitants,
therefore, according to this tradition, were natives of
Italy. The Greeks, however, contributed their part
also to the ancient legend, and made . -Eolus come to
this same quarter with a body of companions, and re-
ceive in marriage Cyane, the daughter of Liparus.
. -Eolus now assumed the government, and established
his aged father-in-law once more on the soil of Italy,
in the territory of Surrentum, where the latter contin-
ued to reign until his death. -- Leaving mythic, we
now come to real, history. In the 50th Olympiad
(B. C. 677-574), a colony of Cnidians, along with
many Khodians and Carians, settled in Lipara. They
had previously established themselves on the western
coast of Sicily, but had been driven out by the Elynwi
and Phoenicians. From this period Lipara was re-
garded as a Doric colony (Scymn . , Ck. , 261. ) The
inhabitants began to be powerful at sea, having been
compelled to defend their commerce against the Tyr-
rhenian pirates, whom they worsted in several encoun-
ters. Eventually, however, they followed the bad ex-
ample set them by their maritime neighbours, and be-
came pirates themselves. (Lit. , 5, 28. ) When the
Carthaginians were striving for the possession of Si-
cily, they perceived the importance of Lipara as a
v. rj1 station, and accordingly made it their own.
During the first Punic war it fell into the hands of
the Romans. -- The Lipari isles obtain their modern
name from the ancient Lipara. They were anciently
called JEoliae Insulte, from having been fabled to be
ruled over by ,-Kolus, god of the winds; and they
were also styled Vulcanic Insula, from their volcanic
titurp, on which was based the fable of Vulcan's hav-
ing forges in Strongyle, one of the group, besides his
smithy in . VJna. The ancients knew them to be vol-
canic, but did not narrowly examine them: this has
rr-cn reserved for modern philosophers. The Lipari
isles are commonly reckoned seven in number, and
Lipiri is the largest of these, being 19i Italian miles
in circuit. This island is peculiarly valuable to the
naturalist, from the number and beauty of its volcanic
products. According to Diodorus, all the . lioliein isles
were subject to great irruptions of hire, and their craters
were visible in his time. ( Vid. Strongyle. -- Plin. , 3,
9 -- Mela, 2, 7. -- Jornand. , de Regn. Slice. , p. 29. --
tfannert, Geogr. , vol. 9, pt. 2, p. 459, seqij. )
1 . in s. now Garigliano, a river of Campinia, which
it . separated from Latium, after the southern boundary
of the latter had been removed from the Circajan prom-
ontory. (Vul. Latium. ) It falls into the ssa neai
Miniums. According to Strabo, its more ancient
name was KWvif: according to Pliny, Glanis. (Slra-
lio, 233. -- Pliny, 3, 5. ) Its source is in the country
of the Marsi, west of the Lacus Fucinus. This river
is particularly noticed by the poets for the sluggishness
of its stream. (Moral. , Od. , 1, 31. -- Sil. Ital. , 4,
? 4H. ) In the vicinity of Minturnte the Pontine marsh-
ondcd, in which Marius hid himself, and whence
? ? was dragged with a rope round his neck to the
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? LIVIA.
ny
Lacedx'inonia is, whom she subsequently rotompensed
for the asylum they had afforded her. To rare per-
sonal attractions Livia added the charms of a cultiva-
ted intellect; and when it was again safe for her hus-
band and herself to return to Rome, she soon drew
upon her the notice of Augustus, who demanded her
from her husband. Tiberius dared not refuse; and
Augustus, having repudiated his own wife Scribonia,
made Livia his spouse. She had already borne two
sons to her first husband, namely, Tiberius, who was
afterward emperor, and Drusus Germanicus; but what
rendered the affair most disreputable, was the circum-
stance of her being six months gone in pregnancy at
the time of her union with Augustus. This child, the
only one she had after her marriage with the emper-
or, died almost at the moment of its birth. Livia was
twenty years of age when she was thus called to share
the empire of the world; and, availing herself skilfully
of the influence which she soon acquired over the mind
of Augustus, she began to concert her plans for secu-
ring the succession to her own son Tiberius. With
this view, she was suspected of having caused the
death of the young Marcellus, who might have proved
an obstacle to her ambitious views, though it must
be confessed that there is no positive testimony which
would seem to justify the suspicion. She soon lost
her own son Drusus Germanicus; but she did not
imitate Octavia, who had actually wearied out Au-
gustus by the excess of her sorrow: on the contrary,
she lent an ear to the consolations of the philosopher
Areus, and testified her gratitude to Augustus for the
Honours he had decreed to the memory of her son.
In all this, no doubt, there was much of dissimulation,
even if we make the fullest allowance for the feelings
of a parent. After the premature death of the two sons
of Julia, Livia hastened to call her own son Tiberius
from his retirement in the island of Rhodes, and pre-
vailed upon Augustus to adopt him, along with Agrip-
? a Posthumus, the last of the family of the Ctesars.
ler next care was to exclude this same Agrippa from
the succession, an object which she easily effected by
means of secret calumnies; and when now the path
to the throne stood open for Tiberius, she is said by
some to have hastened the end of Augustus himself,
by means of poisoned figs which she had given him
to eat, and which brought on an attack of dysentery.
Be this, however, as it may, it is at least certain that
she had the entire control of his last moments. Ev-
erything that passed within the walls of the dwelling
where he lay was concealed by her with the utmost
care. Hasty messengers were sent after Tiberius to
recall him instantly to the death-bed of the emperor;
and with so much secrecy was the whole affair shroud-
ed, that, although it was given out that Tiberius
found his adopted father still alive {Sueton. , Vit. Aug. ,
97, reqq), and had a long and affectionate interview
with mm, yet Tacitus informs us, that it was never
clearly ascertained whether these stories were not
mere fabrications; and whether Augustus was not, in
reality, already dead when Tiberius arrived at Nola.
By a singular clause in his will, Augustus adopted
Livia herself, directing her to take the name of Julia
Augusta, and made her joint sharer in the inheritance
with her son. The latter, however, showed but little
grV. itude to his parent, to whom he was in every
sense indebted for his elevation. When the senate
wished to decree new honours to her, he opposed the
? ?
step; he never consulted her about public affairs, a
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? Livins
L1VIITS
II t youth (c. 14). Now Cato was bom B. C. 835,
nd since ihe period of youth among the Romans was
-. onsidered as commencing at fifteen, it may be pre-
sumed that the existence of Livius was at least pro-
tracted till B. C. 220. It has been frequently said
that he lived till the year E. G. 208, A. U. C. 46, be-
cause Livy (27, 37) mentions, that a hymn ci iposed
by this ancient poet was publicly sung in that ;ar, to
avert the disasters threatened by an alarming prodi-
gy; but the historian does not declare that it was
written for the occasion, or even recently before. Fes-
tus, however, informs us (s. v. Scribas), that i he Ro-
mans paid distinguished honour to Livius, in conse-
quence of the success which attended their arms in
tb? second Punic war, after be public recitation of a
hymn which he had composed. --Livius wrote both
tragedies and comedies. The earliest play of his was
represented B. C. 240, A. U. C. 514, about a year after
the termination of the first Punic war. Like Thes-
pis, and most other dramatists in the commencement
of the theatrical art, Livius was an actor, and for a con-
siderable time the sole performer of his own pieces.
Afterward, however, his voice failing, in consequence
of the audience insisting on a repetition of favourite
passages, he introduced a boy, who relieved him by
declaiming the recitative part in concert with the flute,
while he himself executed the corresponding gesticu-
lations in the monologues, and, in parts where high
exertion was required, only employing his own voice
in the conversational and less elevated scenes. --
"Hence," observes Livy (7, 2), "the practice arose
of dividing the representation between two actors, and
of reciting, as it were, to the gesture and action of the
eomedian. Thenceforth the custom so far prevailed,
that the comedians never uttered anything except the
verses of the dialogue. " And this system, apparent-
ly so well calculated to destroy all theatrical illusion,
continued, under certain modifications, to subsist on
the Hcman stage during the most refined periods of
'aste and literature. The popularity of Livius in-
treating from these performances, as well as from a
propitiatory hymn he had composed, and which had
been followed by great publi<- success, a building was
assigned to him on the Aventine Hill. This edifice
was partly converted into a theatre, and was also in-
habited by a troop of players, for whom Livius wrote
bis pieces, and frequently acted along with them.
(Pestus, s. v. Scribas. ) It has been disputed whether
the first drama represented by Livius Andronicus at
Rome was a tragedy or comedy. (Osann. , Analect.
Crit. , c. 13. ) However this may be, it appears from
the names which have been preserved of his plays,
that he wrote, as we have already said, both tragedies
and comedies. These titles, which have been col-
lected by Fabricius and other writers, are Achilles,
Adonis, Mgisthus, Ajax, Andromeda, Anliova, Cen-
lauri, Equus Trojanus, Helena, Hcrmione, /no, Lyd-
ius, Prolesilaodamia, Serenas, Tereus, Teucer, Vir-
go. (Bibl. Lai, vol. 3,1. 4, c. 1. ) Such names also
evince, that most of his dramas were translated or
imitated from the works of his countrymen of Magna
Grace ia, or from the great tragedians of Greece Thus,
iEschylus wrote a tragedy on the aubject of ^Egis-
thus: there is still a play of Sophocles extant by the
name of Ajax, and he is known to have written an
Andromeda: Stobaeus mentions the Antiopa of Eu-
ripides: four Greek dramatists, Sophocles, Euripides,
? ? Anaxandrides, and Philstus, composed tragedies on
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? LIVTUS
IJVTUM
M his styie, tl-at he baa acquired some superfluous ac-
oomplishmenla in a school of declamation. (Monbod-
io. Origin and Program of Language, vol. 5, b. 1, c.
1. ) It would appear, that he remained at Patavium
during the whole period of the civil dissensions, pro-
scriptions, and violations of property which followed
the assassination of Caesar. It has been even main-
tained by some writers, that he commenced his great
work at Patavium ere he visited the capital. (Krone,
de Fide Livii, Lips. , 1811. ) But through the whole
of tho first Decade, which is the part they suppose he
had written before coming to Rome, he speaks con-
cerning the localities of the city, its customs, judicial
forms, and religious ceremonies, as one who was ac-
tually on the spot, and had ocular proof of all he re-
lates. At whatever time he came to Rome, it is evi-
dent that he commenced his history between the years
725 and 730 A. U. C. , or B. C. 29 and 24; for in the first
book (c. 19) he mentions, that, at the period when he
wrote, the temple of Janus had been twice shut sinoe
the reign of Numa. once after the first Funic war, and
again in his own time by Augustus. Now this tem-
ple never had been closed by Augustus till 726, so
Jhat the passage could not have been written prior to
that year; and it could not have been written subse-
quently to 730, because in that year Augustus again
shut the temple, and I,ivy, of course, must have then
said that it had been three times, and not twice, closed
since the ag* of Numa. . Soon after his arrival at
Rome, he composed some dialogues on philosoph-
ical and political questions (Seneca, Epist. , 100),
which he addressed to Augustus. These dialogues,
which are now lost, procured for him the favour of the
emperor, who gave him free access to alt those ar-
chives and records of the state which might be ser-
viceable in the prosecution of the historical researches
in which he was employed. He allotted him apart-
ments in his own palace, and sometimes even conde-
scended to afford explanations, that facilitated the
right understanding of documents which wero impor-
tant to his investigations. Livy appears, indeed, to
have been on intimate terms with Augustus, who
used, according to Tacitus (. -Inn. , 4, 34), to call him
a "Pompeian," on account of the praises which he
bestowed on Pompoy's party. It appears that Livy
? vailed himself of the good graces of the emperor
>>nly for the purpose of facilitating the historical re-
searches in which he was engaged. We do not hear
that he accepted any pecuniary favours, or even held
any public employment. It has been conjectured by
some writers, from a passage in Suetonius (Vit. Claud. ,
41), that he had for a short time superintended the edu-
cation of Claudius, who afterward succeeded to the
empire. (Gibbon's Misc. Works, vol. 4,p. 425. ) But,
though the expressions scarcely authorize this infer-
ence, they prove that, at Livy's suggestion, Claudius
undertook in his youth to write a history of Rome
from the death of Julius Cx-sar, and thus acquired the
habits of historical composition, which he continued
after his accession; being better qualified, as Gibbon
remarks, to record great actions than to perform them.
--Livy continued for nearly 20 years to be closely oc-
cupied in the composition of his history. During this
long period his chief residence was at Rome, or in its
immediate vicinity; but he occasionally retired to
Naples, that he might there arrange with leisure and
tranquillity the materials he had amassed in the capi-
? ? tal. (Funeeius, de Virili JEtale Ling. Lot. , pars 2,
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? LlVItJS.
LIVIUS.
M'f . Works, vol. 4, p. 427. )--In addition, then, to the
fir<i ten books of J. ivy's history, we hare from the
Slat to (he 45th books, both inclusive; though from
the 40th to the 45th they are full of lacuna;. We
possess also some fragments, and among them one of
the 91st book, discovered in 1772, in a palimpsest
manuscript in the Vatican library. This last-men-
tioned fragment was first published by Bruns (Ham-
burg, 1773), and afterward by Kreyssig (Chemnitz,
1S07). There also exist brief epitomes of the lost
books, ae well as of those which have come down to us.
They have been frequently supposed, though without
sufficient reason, to have been compiled by Florus.
We have, however, only epitomes of 140 books; but
it has been satisfactorily shown by Sigonius and Dra-
kenborch (ad Liv. , Epit. , 136), that the epitomes of the
136th and 137th books have been lost, and that the
epitome of the 136th book, as it is called, is in reality
the epitome of the 138th. --With the aid of this col-
lection of epitomes, and that of other ancient writers,
both Greek and Latin, Freinshcmius, a learned Ger-
man scholar of the 17th century, composed a collec-
tion of supplements to replace the books that are lost.
He has imitated admirably the style and general man-
ner of Livy, and has displayed great care and accuracy
in citing his authorities. --Many hopes have been en-
tertained, at various periods, of recovering the lost
books of I,ivy's work, but they appear at last to have
been put to rest. Erpcnius and others staled once
that^ there was a translation of them in Arabic, but
none such has ever been discovered. --Tacitus (Ann. ,
4, 34) and Seneca (Sutuor. , 7), among the later Ro-
man writers, speak in the highest terms of the beauty
of Livy's style, and of the fidelity of his history;
praises which have been constantly repeated by mod-
ern writers. But, while most will be ready to admit
that his style is eloquent, his narrative clear, and his
powers of description great and striking, it can scarce-
ly be denied that he was deficient in the first and
morit important requisites of a faithful historian, a love
of truth, diligence and care in consulting authorities,
ind a patient and pains-taking examination of con-
flicting testimonies. Livy made very little use even
of auch inscriptions and public documents as were
within his reach. He appeals, indeed, to the treaty
of Spurius Cassius with the Latins, engraven on a
column of brass (2, 33); but in the notable instance
of the inscription on the Spolia Opima of Cornelius
Cossus, preserved in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius,
which was at variance with the received Fasti (or
register of magistrates) and the common accounts
of historians, he does not appear to have had the
curiosity to examine the monument itself, but is
content with repeating the report of Augustus Cffi-
sar (4. 20). This is one of the few passages in
whicn he descends to a critical comparison of evi-
dence and authorities; and it will serve as a proof
how little expert he was in that art of an historian,
and how little he valued its results: for, though in
iia digression he professes to believe in the superior
uthority of the inscription, in the main course of his
irrative he follows the beaten track of writers who
kd gone before him. He makes no mention of other
lonuments which we know to have existed; the
men column 'm the temple of the Aventine Diana,
m which was engraven the treaty of Servius Tullius
with the Latins, with the names of the tribes who
? ? were members of the league (Din. Hal. , 4, 26);
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? LIVIUS
LOC
m perpetual wars who. the surrounding states, the Ro-
mans were never defeated in the open held (9, 19);
that when they were distressed, it was always by pes-
tilence, or famine, or sedition; and that, at such sea-
sons, their enemies abstained from attacking them;
that they gained victory after victory without subduing
their opponents; that taken cities reappear in the
power of their original possessors; that consuls and
dictators triumph in succession over nations that are
still able to supply subjects for new triumphs to new
consuls and new dictators; that slaughters, which
must have exhausted any state of ancient Italy, dimin-
ished not the number of their perpetually-renovated
adversaries. To this passion for extolling the military
reputation of Rome we owe the comparative neglect
of the ]ess popular and less ostentatiqus subjects of
domestic history. Every war and triumph of which
any memorial, true or false, existed, is scrupulously
registered; but the original constitution of the state,
the division of its citizens, the several rights, the con-
tests between the orders, the constitution of the gen-
eral or partial assemblies of the people, the powers of
the magistrates; the laws, the jurisprudence, their
progressive melioration; these are subjects on which
our information is vague, scanty, and ill-connected.
It is evident, that to the mind of I,ivy they possessed
comparatively little interest; and that on these mat-
ters, to say the least, he did not exert himself to cor-
rect the errors or supply the defects of the writers who
preceded him. He was satisfied if from a popular
commotion he could extract the materials of an elo-
quent speech. It is a sufficient proof that on this
most important portion of Roman history he was re-
ally ignorant, that, with all his powers of language, he
does not convey clear and vivid ideas to the minds of
if readers. Who has risen from the perusal of the
arty hooks of Livy with the distinct notion of a client
or of an agrarian law! (Maiden, History of Rome,
f. 39, seqq. )--Inexperienced, too, in military affairs,
numerous blunders have been attributed to him in re-
lation to encampments, circumvallations, sieges, and
warlike operations of all kinds. (Casaubon, Praf ad
Polyb. --Folard, Comment. --Niebuhr, Rom. Gcsch. ,
vol. 2, p. 499, 514. ) He did not, like Polybius, visit
the regions which had been the theatre of the great
tvents which he commemorates, and hence arise many
mistakes in geography, and much confusion with re-
gard to the situation of cities and the boundaries of
districts. (Lachmann, de Fontibus Hist. Lit. , p.
'06. ) "Considered in this point of view," says Gib-
bon, " Livy appears merely as a man of letters, little
acquainted with the art of war, and careless in point
of geography. " (Misc. Works, vol. 5, p. 371. )--We
have already spoken of the style of Livy. One point,
however, connected with this part of the subject re-
mains to be noticed. That fastidious critic and envi-
ous detractor of his literary contemporaries, Asinius
Pollio, had said that there was a certain Patavinity in
the Btyle of Livy; by which he meant to convey an
idea that there was something in bis expressions which
bespoke a citizen of Patavium, and which would not
have appeared in the style of a native of Rome.
{Quint. . Inst. Or. , 8, 1. ) It is evident, from the pas-
sage, of Quintilian just referred to, where this criticism
of Pollio's is recorded, that it applied entirely to pro-
vincial words or phrases, not altogether consonant to
the refined urbanity of Rome, which could not so
? ? easily be communicated to strangers as the freedom of
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:12 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? LOCRI.
Kit.
Sttab. , 31I. --Hesiod. , ap. evnd.
