No More Learning

The Revolu tion of 1 688 effected a partial freedom for the press, but still no one could safely print the debates. Boyer's Political State of Great Britain, however, gave a monthly record of Parliament, such as it was.
* July 9, 1662. —A very extraordinary question arose, about pre venting the publication of the debates of the Irish Parliament in an English Newspaper, called The Intelligencer ; and a letter was written from the Speaker to Sir Edward Nicholas, the English Secretary of State, to prevent these publications in those Diurnals, as they call them. — Ann. Beg. from Lord Mountmorres' s Hist, of Irish Pari. Vol. II.
Q2
244 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
After the accession of George I. , something like a regular account of the debates was given in a pub lication called The Historical Register, which continued to give them till 1737. * Here the thread was taken up by Cave, who thought them excellent matter for his Gentleman's Magazine. He had previously been in the habit of sending to friends in the country some of the written memoranda of debates, which in those days circulated through the coffee houses and in pri vate society ; and the interest which attached to these imperfect documents doubtless suggested to the enter prising mind of the bookseller the value that more perfect reports must give to a monthly Magazine. He did not dare, however, to print his reports till the session was over, and then he ventured only on stating
the initials of the speakers. In 1738 even this modest amount of publicity was objected to.
On the 13th of April in that year, the Speaker, Onslow, informed the House. f that it was with some concern he saw a practice prevailing, which a little reflected upon the dignity of that House : what he meant, he said, was the inserting an account of their deliberations in the Newspapers, by which means the
* It is told of Pelham that, being asked to take steps for stopping the publication of debates of the House of Commons in the News papers, ho replied, " Let them alone ; they make better speeches for us than we can for ourselves. " A similar answer is related of George II. Being informed that an impudent printer was to be punished for having published a spurious (King's) speech, he answered, he hoped the man's punishment would be of the mildest sort : because he had read both, and as far as he understood either of them, he liked the spurious speech better than his own. — Lord Waldegrave's Memoirs, p. 88.
t Pari. Hist. , vol. x. p. 800.
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 245
proceedings of the House were liable to very great misrepresentations. That he had in his hands a
printed Newspaper, which contained His Majesty's answer to their late address, before the same had been reported from the Chair, the only way of communi cating it to the public. That he thought it his duty to inform the House of these practices, the rather because he had observed them of late to have run into very great abuses ; and therefore he hoped that gentle men would propose some method of stopping it. Sir W. Yonge continued the discussion, which deserves full quotation. He said : "
mentioned this affair. I have looked upon it as a prac tice very inconsistent with the forms and dignity which this House ought always to support ; but since you have been pleased to mention this from the Chair, I must beg leave to carry my observations a little farther. I have observed, sir, that not only an account of what you do, but of what you say, is regularly printed and circulated through all parts, both of the town and coun try. At the same time, sir, there are very often gross misrepresentations, both of the sense and language of gentlemen. This is very liable to give the public false impressions both of gentlemen's conduct and abilities. Therefore, sir, in my opinion, it is now high time to put a stop to it. Not that I should be for attacking the liberty of the press ; that is a point I would be as tender of as any gentleman in this House. Perhaps some gentlemen may think it indeed a hardship, not to be able to find their names in print, at the head of
a great many fine things, in the monthly magazines ; but this, sir, can never prevent gentlemen from send
I am have very glad you
246 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
they say, which, sir, I am sure is what every gentleman in this House will wish for. Therefore, I hope gentlemen will consider of some method of putting a stop to this abuse, more effectual than we have fallen upon yet. There is, indeed, a resolution on our journals, against printing or publishing any of the proceedings of this House, but by authority of the Chair ; but people had generally run away with the notion, that this prohibi tion is in force only during the time we are sitting, and that as soon as the session ends, they are at liberty to print and publish what they please ; therefore, I
ing their speeches, if they please ; it only prevents other gentlemen from being misrepresented as to what
will come into a resolution, for ex plaining that matter ; and if they do, I am very sure that if it is broke through, I myself will move the House, with the very first opportunity, next session. But the printers of the Papers, sir, which you have in your hands, cannot even plead the excuse of the
hope gentlemen
recess of Parliament ; therefore deserve to be punished ; and if you do not either punish them, or take some effectual method of checking them, you may soon ex pect to see your votes, your proceedings, and your speeches, printed and hawked about the streets, while we are sitting in this house.
" Sir W. Windham next spoke. Sir, he said : No gentleman can be more jealous and tender than I have always been of the rights and privileges of this House, nor more ready to concur with any measure for putting a stop to any abuses which may affect either of them. But at the same time, sir, I own, I think we ought to be very cautious how we form a resolution upon this
REPORTING. —ONSLOW S MOTION. 247
head ; and yet I think it is absolutely necessary that some question should be formed. I say, sir, we ought to be very cautious in what manner we form a resolu tion ; for it is a question so nearly connected with the liberty of the press, that it will require a great deal of tenderness to form a resolution which may preserve gentlemen from having their sense misrepresented to the public, and at the same time guard against all en croachments upon the liberty of the press. On the other hand, sir, I am sensible that there is a necessity of putting a stop to this practice of printing, what are called the speeches of this House, because I know that gentlemen's words in this House have been mistaken and misrepresented ; I do not know, sir, but I have some reason of complaint myself upon that head. I have, indeed, seen many speeches of gentlemen in this House that were fairly and accurately taken ; and no gentleman, when that is the case, ought to be ashamed that the world should know every word he speaks in this House : for my own part, I never shall, for I hope never to act or speak in this House, anything that I shall be ashamed to own to all the world. But of late, sir, I have seen such monstrous mistakes in some gen
tlemen's speeches, as they have been printed in our
Newspapers, that it is no wonder if gentlemen think
it high time to have a stop put to such a practice. Yet still, sir, there are two considerations, which I own weigh very much with me upon this occasion. That this House has a right to prohibit the publica tion of any of its proceedings during the time we are sitting, is past all doubt, and there is no question, but that, by the resolutions that now stand upon our votes,
248 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
and are renewed every session, the printers of the Papers you have in your hand are liable to the censure of this House. But I am not at all so clear as to the right we may have of preventing any of our proceed ings from being printed during our recess; at least, Sir, I am pretty sure that people without doors are strongly possessed with that notion, and therefore I should be against our inflicting any censure at present, for what is past of that kind. If gentlemen are of
which Ido own Iam not, that we have a
opinion,
power to prevent any of our proceedings and debates from being communicated to the public, even during our recess, then, as this affair has been mentioned, they will no doubt think it very proper to come to a resolution against this practice, and to punish it with a very severe penalty ; but, if we have no such power, sir, I own I do not see how you can form any reso lution upon this head, that will not be liable to very
great censure.
" The other consideration that weighs very much,
sir, with me upon this occasion, is the prejudice which the public will think they sustain, by being deprived of all knowledge of what passes in this House, other wise than by the printed votes, which are very lame
and imperfect, for satisfying their curiosity of knowing in what manner their representatives act within doors. They have been long used to be indulged in this, and they may possibly think it a hardship to be deprived of it now. Nay, sir, I must go farther; I do not know but they may have a right to know somewhat more of the proceedings of this House than what ap
pears upon your votes ; and if I were sure that the
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 249
sentiments of gentlemen were not misrepresented, I should be against our coming to any resolution that
could deprive them of a knowledge that is so necessary for their being able to judge of the merits of their representatives within doors. If gentlemen, however, are of opinion that they can frame a resolution which will put a stop to all impositions, and yet leave the public some room for having just information of what passes within these walls, I shall be extremely glad to give it my concurrence. But I am absolutely against our stretching our power farther than it will go con sistently with the just rights of Parliament; such stretches rather weaken than give any strength to the constitution ; and I am sure no gentleman will care to do what may not only look like our claiming powers unknown to our constitution, but what, in its conse quences, may greatly affect the liberty of the press. If we shall extend this resolution to the recess of Parliament, all political writing, if the authors shall touch upon anything that passed in the preceeding session, may be affected by it ; for I do not know that
anybody would venture to publish anything that might bring upon them the censure of this House.
" In the mean time, sir, I am as willing as any gentleman in this House, that a stop should be put to the practice you have taken notice of from the Chair. It has grown to such a pitch, that I remember some time ago there was a public dispute in the Newspapers
betwixt two printers or booksellers of two pamphlets, which of them contained the true copy of a certain hon. gentleman's speech in this House. It there fore, high time for gentlemen to think of somewhat
is,
250 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to be done for that purpose, and I make no doubt but that any resolution this House shall think fit to come
to, will put an effectual stop to it.
" Mr. Thomas Winnington next said :
I do not pretend to know the forms and the powers of this House so well as the honourable gentleman over the way, who has much more experience in both than I
can pretend to ; but it is very surprising to me, that any gentleman should seem to make a doubt of the power which this House has during the recess of Parliament. It is true, we have no power, but as a House, to make any commitment, or to pass any cen sure ; but then it is as true, that the orders and reso lutions of this House are, or ought to be, as binding during our recess, as during our sitting. The reason, sir, of this is plain ; because we are still the same House, and we have the same authority during our adjournment or prorogation, as when we sit; our privileges are the same, and for the same reason our acts ought to have the same force too. Can any gen tleman doubt, that if this House shall come to a re solution, that if any person should, during our recess, presume to print any of our proceedings, that we would not have a right to punish him next time we
shall presume to print any part of the proceedings of this House, during the recess of Parliament, will be equally liable to the censure of this House as if it were during the session.
met together as a House ?
not pretend that we have not ; therefore, sir, I hope you will come to some very strong resolution upon this occasion. I hope ye will declare, that whoever
I dare
say, gentlemen
will
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 251
" As to what the honourable gentlemen insinuated about the liberty of the press being in danger, it is a consideration I am in no manner of pain about. Our coming to a resolution, that we will not have what we say misrepresented, can never affect the liberty of the press. It is what every private gentleman has a right to re quire, though he were out of Parliament ; for I believe no gentleman would wish to see his sentiments mis represented in print, even though they regarded a private affair ; but when such a thing happens in a debate, to fix a gentleman's public character, the con sequences are much worse. For my own part, sir, I am not afraid of speaking my mind in this House ;
but I should be very sorry to see anything I say in this House misrepresented in a public Newspaper; and I should think I had a very good title to redress, even though I were not a member of this House.
" But, sir, setting aside the case of these gentlemen being misrepresented in what they say in these public Papers, I think it is a very great injury done us, as a House of Parliament. I do not see why we ought to be less jealous of our rights and privileges, than the other House is. I know of no right we have given up, with regard to our power to regulate our own pro ceedings that the other House enjoys; and I am sure there have been some late instances, wherein they have, I believe, pretty severely punished some printers for presuming to publish some of their protests. They did this, sir, not because their words or meaning were misrepresented, but because they conceived it to be an indignity done to them as a House of Parliament, to print any proceeding of theirs whatsoever, without
252 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
their consent and authority. That of itself, sir, is a reason why we ought to put a stop to this scandalous practice of printing our proceedings ; because if we should appear less jealous of our rights and privileges, than the other House are of theirs, it may be after wards told us, that we do not enjoy such rights and privileges, because at such a time, when we had the same reason as the other House had, we did not exer cise them. Therefore, if we do not put a speedy stop
to this practice, it will be looked upon without doors, that we have no power to do for the public will very justly think that we had such power we would exercise it. And then, sir, what will be the conse quence why, sir, you will have every word that spoken here by gentlemen, misrepresented by fellows who thrust themselves into our gallery. You will have the speeches of this House every day printed, even during your session. And we shall be looked upon as the most contemptible assembly on the face of the
earth. agree with the honourable gentleman over the way, that may not be quite so right, to punish those
printers for what they have done already for really, sir, we have been so very remiss in putting stop to this practice, that by this time they may think they are in the right in what they do. But can see no manner of
we can be under, to come to some very vigorous resolution to prevent the like for the future.
would have this resolution, sir, extended not only to
difficulty
the time of our sitting, but of our recess. If the printers of the monthly magazines, and the other Newspapers, are not more cautious for the future, think we shall be wanting to that regard, which we
comprehend
I
is
I
I
it,
; a
I; it
if
a
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 253
owe ourselves as a House of Parliament, if we do not
proceed against them with severity. Therefore, sir, I hope gentlemen will think of a proper resolution with regard to this matter of complaint.
"Mr. Pulteney said: Sir, I agree entirely with the gentleman who has already spoken, that it is ab solutely necessary a stop should be put to the practice which has been so justly complained of; I think no appeals should be made to the public with regard to what is said in this assembly, and to print or pub lish the speeches of gentlemen in this House, even
though they were not misrepresented, looks very like making them accountable without doors, for what they say within. Besides, sir, we know very well that no man can be so guarded in his expressions, as to wish to see everything he says in this House in print. I remember the time when this House was so jealous,
so cautious of doing anything that might look like an appeal to their constituents, that not even the votes
were printed without leave. A gentleman
rose in his place, and desired the Chair to ask leave of the House, that their votes for that day should be printed. How this custom came to be dropped I cannot so well account for, but I think it high time for us to prevent any further encroachment upon our privileges ; and I hope gentlemen will enter into a proper resolution for the purpose.
" But, though I am as much as any gentleman can be for putting a stop to this scandalous practice, I should be very tender of doing it in such a manner as
may either affect the Liberty of the Press, or make it seem as if we claim a privilege to which we have no
every day
254
THE FOURTH ESTATE.
title. An honourable gentleman near me was pleased
to mention the powers which the other House had of
calling printers to an account for printing their pro tests. It is very true, Sir, they have such a power, and they have exercised it very lately ; but we have no such power; they may punish a printer for print ing any part of the proceedings of their House, for twenty, thirty, or forty years back ; but then, gentle men are to consider that the House of Peers is a court of record, and, as such, its rights and privileges never die. Whereas, this House never pretended to be a court of record ; our privileges expire at the end of every Parliament ; and the next House of Commons
is quite different from the last. As to the question whether we have a right to punish any printer, who
shall publish our proceedings, or any part of them, during our recess, which I take to be the only question at present, it may be worthy consideration ; for my own part, I am apt to think that we may ; because our privileges as a House of Parliament exist during the whole continuance of Parliament; and our not sitting never makes any violation of these privileges committed during a recess less liable to censure, the next time we meet as a House. However, sir, as it has been long the practice to print some account of our proceedings during our recess, I am against punishing any person for what is past, because very possibly they did not know they were doing amiss ; and if gentlemen think fit to enter into any resolution for the time to come, I dare say it will be sufficient to deter all offenders in that way. But that resolution, sir, cannot affect any person who shall print an
reporting. —onslow's motion. 255
account of your proceedings when this Parliament shall be dissolved. There is an honourable gentle man* near me, who knows that the history of a whole Parliament was once published in a sixpenny pamphlet, and their transactions set in no very favourable light, for the gentlemen who composed it. I never heard, sir, that any succeeding House of Commons took that amiss, nor that the honourable gentleman who was generally looked upon as the author of was ever called to account by either House of Parliament. Parliaments, sir, when they do amiss, will be talked of with the same freedom as any other set of men whatsoever. This Parliament, hope, will never de serve but, did, should be very sorry that any resolutions were entered into in order to prevent its being represented in the present or the next age, in its proper colours. am sure the honourable gentle
* "Meaning Sir Robert Walpole, who in the year 1713, wrote pamphlet entitled A Short History of the Last Parliament. ' "
" While the new elections were depending, was the opinion of Somers and the Whig Lords, that to state to the people, in strong and perspicuous manner, the proceedings of the late Parliament with
view to expose the measures of the Ministry, and to guide the electors in the choice of the new representatives, would be highly ad vantageous to their party. As no one seemed better calculated for this office than Walpole, he undertook pamphlet, at their desire, on the Thursday, and published on the Tuesday following, under the title of Short History of the Last Parliament, with the motto
Venalis Populus, venalis Curia Patrum. '
To this publication prefixed Dedication by Pulteney, then his coadjutor, composed in strain of irony and humour peculiarly his own, and in which, though addressed to an anonymous peer, easy to perceive that the Earl of Oxford was the object of allusion. " — Coxe's Memoirs Sir Rohert Walpole.
of
it ;
a
I
' is
'
if it
it a
a
I
I
it : is
it,
A
a
it
a
a
256 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
man who sits near me, will agree with me in this ; and whatever the other House may do, sir, I hope we never shall stretch our privilege, so as to cramp the freedom of writing on public affairs.
" But this consideration, sir, can never affect the resolutions which gentlemen propose to come to now. We have rather been too remiss in not putting a stop
to this scandalous practice that has been complained of. I always thought that these pamphlets contain ing our debates, were circulated by the Government's
encouragement, and at their expense ; for till the honourable gentleman who spoke last save one in the debate, mentioned the magazines in the manner he did, I have been still used to look on the publishing them as a ministerial project; for I imagined that it being found unpracticable to make the people buy and read The Gazetteer by itself, it was contrived so as that the writings of the other party, being printed in the same pamphlet, it might be some invitation to the public to look into The Gazetteer, and I dare say, sir, the great run which the magazines have had has been entirely owing to this stratagem. The good and the bad are printed together, and people are by that means drawn in to read both. But I think it is now high time, to put a stop to the effects they may have by coming to a resolution that may at least prevent anything being published, during the time of our sit ting as a House, which may be imposed upon the world as the language and words of gentlemen who perhaps never spoke them. "
You have with great justice," he said, "punished some
Sir Robert Walpole was the next speaker.
REPORTING —ONSLOW S MOTION. 257
persons, for forging the names of gentlemen upon the backs of letters ; but the abuse now complained of is, I conceive, a forgery of a worse kind ; for it tends to misrepresent the sense of Parliament, and impose upon the understanding of the whole nation. It is but a petty damage that can arise from a forged frank, when compared to the infinite mischiefs that may come from this practice. I have read some debates of this House, sir, in which I have been made to speak the very reverse of what I meant. I have read others of them wherein all the wit, the learning, and the argu
ment has been thrown into one side, and on the other nothing but what was low, mean, and ridiculous ; and yet when it comes to the question, the division has
the side which, upon the face of the debate, had reason and justice to support it. So that, sir, had I been a stranger to the proceedings and to the nature of the arguments themselves, I must have thought this to have been one of the most contemptible assemblies on the face of the earth. What notion
then, sir, can the public, who have no other means of being informed of the debates of this House, than what they have from these Papers, entertain of the wisdom and abilities of an assembly, who are repre sented therein to carry almost every point against the
strongest and the plainest argument and appearances. However, sir, as I believe gentlemen are by this time pretty sensible of the necessity of putting a stop to this practice, it will be quite unnecessary for me to argue a point wherein we are all agreed. But I can not help taking notice of one thing mentioned by the
hon. gentleman who spoke last, since I was the person VOL. II. R
gone against
258 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to whom he was pleased to appeal. He mentioned that the history of a whole Parliament had been printed, and seemed to insinuate from this, that people might make very free with Parliaments. Really, sir, I will be so free as to own that I do know of such a pamphlet being printed ; nay, I believe I know a little of the author, and the publication. But at the same time I know, sir, that that was one of the worst Houses of Commons that ever this nation saw ; that they had a design to introduce the Pretender ; that they had approved of a scandalous peace, after the most glorious war that was ever carried on ; and had it not been for some very favourable circumstances that fell out, they would have set aside the present happy establishment in His Majesty's person and fa mily. I hope, sir, no gentleman will find fault with any reflections that could be thrown out against such
I
tleman will pretend to draw any parallels betwixt their
conduct and ours. But, sir, besides these consider ations, gentlemen are to reflect, that the Parliament which was described in that history, had been dissolved before the history itself was published. And not only so, sir, but there is a noble lord in the other House,* who can, if he pleases, inform gentlemen, that the author of that history was so apprehensive of the
a House of Commons ;
likewise, that no hope gen
consequence of printing that the press was carried to his house, and the copies printed off there.
" This, think, sir, will be sufficient to show, that the author did not think himself quite out of danger, even though the Parliament was dissolved. But
* Probably Lord Cobham.
I
I
it,
REPORTING — ONSLOW S MOTION. 259
am not at all for carrying things to such a length at present ; it may be sufficient, if we come to a resolu tion to prevent the publication of any part of our
proceedings during the recess, as well as the sitting of the Parliament. As to what the honourable gentleman said, with regard to the magazines being published and distributed by order, and at the expense of the Government, I do not know if he was serious or not. If he was serious, he must have a very contemptible opinion of the understanding of those gentlemen who have the honour to serve His Majesty, if he imagines that they would be so weak as to propagate papers, every page almost of which hath a direct tendency against their own interest. If any gentleman will take the trouble, which I own I very seldom do, to look into one of these magazines, he will find four pages wrote against the Government for one that is in its favour ; and generally the subject is of such a nature as would be severely punished under any other Govern ment than our own. If the hon. gentleman was not serious, I think a more proper time might have been chosen for showing his wit, than while we are con sidering of the means of putting a stop to a practice, which he himself, and every gentleman who spoke in this debate, allows so nearly to affect the dignity and privileges of this House. For my own part, sir, I am ex tremely indifferent what opinion some gentlemen may
form of the writers in favour of the Government : but, sir, I shall never have the worse opinion of them for that : there is nothing more easy than to raise a laugh ; it has been the common practice of all minorities when
they were driven out of every other argument. I r2
260 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
never shall be afraid, sir, to do what I think right, and for the service of His Majesty and my country, because I may be laughed at. But, really, sir, I will be so free as to say, that if the want of wit, learning, good manners, and truth, is a proper object of contempt and ridicule, the writers in the opposition seem to me to have a much better title to both than those for the Government. No Government, I will venture to say, ever punished so few libels, and no Government ever had provocation to punish so many. I could name a Government in this country, sir, under which those writings, which are now cried up, as founded upon the laws, and in the constitution, would have been punished as libels, even by gentlemen who are now the warmest advocates for the liberty of the press, and for suffering the authors of those daily libels that appear in print to pass with impunity. But I ask pardon for what I have said that may appear foreign
I was led to it
had been thrown out by the gentleman who spoke
to the present consideration ; by
what
before. "
With this the debate closed, and Mr. Speaker
Onslow " having drawn up the question," the House of Commons resolved unanimously : — " That it is an high indignity to, and a notorious breach of the privilege of, this House, for any News-writer, in letters or other papers (as minutes, or under any other denomination), or for any printer or publisher of any printed Newspaper of any denomination, to presume to insert in the said letters or papers, or to give therein any account of the debates, or other proceedings of this House, or any committee thereof, as well during the recess, as the
REPORTERS CAVE AND GUTHRIE. 261
sitting of Parliament ; and that this House will pro ceed with the utmost severity against such offenders. " After this all reports of Parliament were still further
disguised by being given in the Gentleman's Magazine, as Debates in the Senate of Great Lilliput, and even with this precaution, the publication was thought so hazardous that Cave did not dare issue them in his own name, but put that of his nephew, E. Cave, Junior, in the imprint.
In the London Magazine the speeches were
given, the speakers enjoying Roman appellations. Sir John Hawkins describes Cave's mode of obtaining his notes : " Taking with him a friend or two, he found means to procure for them and himself ad mission to the Gallery of the House of Commons, or to some concealed station in the other House ; and there they privately took down notes of the several speeches, and the general tendency and substance of the arguments. Thus furnished, Cave and his asso ciates would adjourn to a neighbouring tavern, and compare and adjust their notes; by means whereof, and the help of their memories, they became enabled to fix at least the substance of what they had so lately heard and remarked. The reducing this crude matter
into form, was the work of a future day and an abler hand. Guthrie, the historian, a writer for the book sellers, Cave retained for the purpose. "
The editor of the Parliamentary History,* after complaining of the carelessness with which Chandler had completed his collection of Debates, goes on to say that from the year 1735, when the Debates were
* Preface to Vol. IX. A. D. , 1733—1737.
262 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
no longer published in the Political State of Great Britain, the speeches were given by Guthrie in the Gentleman's, and by Gordon in the London Maga zine, both those reporters attending in the gallery, and receiving notes and assistance from different members. From November 19, 1740, to February, 1743, the debates in both Houses were compiled by
Dr. Johnson, and from such slender materials that great doubts of their authenticity have been entertained. Boswell says — " The debates in Parliament which were brought home and digested by Guthrie, whose memory was very quick and tenacious, were sent by Cave to Johnson for his revision; and after some time, when Guthrie had attained to greater variety of employment, and the speeches were more and more enriched by Johnson's genius, it was resolved that he should do the whole himself, from the scanty notes furnished by persons employed to attend in both Houses of Parliament. Sometimes, however, as he
himself told me, he had nothing more communicated to him than the names of the several speakers, and the part which they had taken in the debate. " Sir John Hawkins has, it is well known, thrown a doubt on the authenticity of Johnson's reports, but without giving any evidence in support of his assertion ; whilst the editor of the Parliamentary History, from which we quote, declares that the debates prepared by Johnson
are unusually authentic — a statement supported by
the doctor's version with a manuscript volume of debates in the House of Lords, in the hand writing of Dr. Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, who appears, from his own representation in the manu-
comparing
REPORTERS —DR. JOHNSON. 263
script, to have first taken down the notes of the debates in short-hand, and afterwards to have written them out fully.
The editor of the Parliamentary History stands up manfully for Johnson's reports, and quotes passages from the Birch MS. S.
,* to show that Cave had better assistance in his Parliamentary labours " than
has been generally supposed ; that he was indefatig able in getting them made as perfect as possible ; and that it is probable some of the speeches written by Johnson were corrected by the speakers themselves. f
We must not here pass unnoticed the anecdote given by Sir John Hawkins about Johnson's report of a speech by Pitt : — " Dr. Johnson, Mr. Wedderburn
Loughborough), Dr. Francis, the translator of Horace, Mr. Murphy, Mr. Chetwyn, and several other gentlemen dined with Foote. After dinner, an important debate towards the end of Sir Robert Wal- pole's administration being mentioned, Dr. Francis observed that Mr. Pitt's speech on that occasion was the best he had ever read. He had been employed, he added, during several years, in the study of Demos thenes, and had finished a translation of that cele brated author, with all the decorations of style and language within his capacity. Many of the company remembered the debate, and many passages were cited from the speech with the approbation and applause of all present. During the ardour of the conversation Johnson remained silent. When the warmth of
* Birch MS. S. in British Museum, No. 4,302.
t A corrected list of debates reported by Johnson will be found in the Preface to the Parliamentary History, Vol. XII.
(Lord
264 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
praise subsided, he opened with these words, ' That speech I wrote in a garret in Exeter Street. ' The company was struck with astonishment. After staring at each other for some time in silent amaze, Dr. Francis asked how that speech could be written by him. ' Sir,' said Johnson, ' I wrote it in Exeter Street. I never was in the gallery of the House of Commons but once. Cave had interest with the door-keepers. He and the persons under him got admittance. They brought away the subject of discussion, the names of the speakers, the side they took, and the order in which they rose, together with notes of the various
adduced in the course of the debate. The whole was afterwards communicated to me, and I com posed the speeches in the form they now have in Parliamentary Debates ; for the speeches of that period are all reprinted from Cave's Magazine. ' To this discovery Dr. Francis made answer : ' Then, sir, you have exceeded Demosthenes himself; for to say you have exceeded Francis's Demosthenes would be nothing. ' The rest of the company were lavish in their compliments to Johnson : one in particular praised his impartiality, observing that he had dealt out reason and eloquence with an equal hand to both parties. ' That is not quite true, sir,' said Johnson,
' I saved appearances well enough ; but I took care that the Whig dogs should not have the best of it. '"
Cave's name has been immortalized because he had the good fortune to get Johnson to write out his Parliamentary notes. Had this not occurred it is most likely that the reputation of giving early notices of the debates of his period, would have fallen to the
arguments
REPORTERS GORDON. 265
lot of his opponent of the London Magazine —Gor don, the translator of Tacitus; who, it is shown in the preface to the Parliamentary History,* not only an-
* The editor of the Parliamentary History says : — " It was observed, that from the year 1735, when the debates were no longer published in the Political State, the speeches were given in the Gentleman's Magazine by Guthrie the historian, and in the London Magazine by Gordon the translator of Tacitus ; both of whom attended in the gallery of the House, and received information from Members of Parliament. In justice to this last-mentioned publica tion, — a publication which by no means holds that rank amongst the
periodical collections of the times to which it is entitled, —the editor feels it his duty to point out one or two gross errors into which Sir John Hawkins, in his Life of Dr. Johnson, has led his readers. Speaking of the eagerness of the public to know what was going for ward in both Houses of Parliament, Sir John informs us, that Cave, the proprietor of the Gentleman's Magazine, ' had an interest with some of the Members of both Houses, arising from an employment he held in the Post-Offiee. Of this advantage he was too good a judge of his own interest not to avail himself. He therefore deter mined to gratify his readers with as much of this kind of intelligence as he could procure, and it was safe to communicate : his resolution was to frequent the two Houses whenever an important debate was
likely to come on, and from such expressions and particulars in the course thereof, as could be collected and retained in memory, to give the arguments on either side. This resolution he put into practice in July, 1736. The proprietors of the London Magazine also gave the debates, but from documents less authentic than Cave. '
" Now, it so happens, that Parliament was not sitting in July, 1736 ; and, by referring to the volumes themselves, it will be seen that the debates of the session, which opened on the 10th of Febru ary, 1737, as they stand in the Gentleman's Magazine of that year,
are copied verbatim, down to the very errors of the press, from the London Magazine ; from that very Magazine, the proprietors of which, as Sir John would have us believe, ' gave the debates from documents less authentic than those of Cave ! ' By turning over the pages of the present volume, it will be seen that most of the great debates are taken from that publication ; and its merits will more strikingly appear in the future progress of this work. "
266 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
Cave with some of the earlier debates, but was absolutely robbed of them by the Gentleman's Magazine, who copied the London, even to the errors of the press ! This, of course, was before Johnson had anything to do with the affair.
On the 30th of April, 1747, Edward Cave and Thomas Astley were ordered into the custody of the Usher of the Black Rod, for having printed, in the Gentleman's and the London Magazine, a report of the trial of Lord Lovatt, contrary to privilege. On Cave's examination, as to how he got particulars of the debates published in his Magazine, he admitted that he had taken notes, and that sometimes " he had speeches sent to him by very eminent persons," but denied that he " employed persons to make speeches for him. " On expressing contrition, he was discharged on paying the fees.
From 1743 to 1766, a space of twenty-three years, there appears to have been no one bold enough to attempt a regular report of the debates. In the latter year Almon commenced, as we have already mentioned, the publication of some brief reports —important at the time and in their consequences —but very defi cient as a record of the historical discussions of the time. * In 1774, however, Almon began to publish regular reports of both Houses in his Parliamentary
* This continuation contains no debating in the House of Lords, and is scanty and imperfect to a degree that can hardly be conceived, but of which some idea may be formed from the fact that all the debates and proceedings in Parliament during the important period between 1751, and the accession of George the Third in October,
1760, are comprised in less than three hundred loosely printed octavo pages. —Pref. Pari. Mist. , Vol. II.
*\ V
ticipated
REPORTERS —WOODFALL. 267
Register, and from that time to the present day our records of both chambers of the Legislature may be regarded as tolerably complete.
But though, after the famous struggle with public opinion, and the imprisonment of a Lord Mayor,* reporters were not systematically persecuted, no facili ties were offered them. Whoever took a debate had to sit in the strangers' gallery, and often to wait for hours on the stairs before admission was granted even then. When in the House no note-book dare be ex
hibited, and hence the only man able to report at all was one with a great memory. The most celebrated of these early reporters was William Woodfall.
Woodfall's mode of reporting was, of course, very different to that adopted at the present day, and when the difficulties he had to contend with are remembered, the results he secured are surprising. He used to get through an entire debate, making here and there a secret memorandum, and then when the House was up he went off to write out his report, which occupied him sometimes till nearly noon of the next day—the Paper containing the debate being published in the evening. His reputation, however, spread far and wide, and when strangers visited the House, their first inquiry
* Though generally so accurate, yet mistakes have sometimes been made in reports ; and now and then not without a slight suspicion of fun being intended at the expense of an honourable member. Mr. Wilberforce once explained to the House, that he was thus" made to speak in recommending the cultivation of the potato crop :— Potatoes
make men healthy, vigorous, and active ; but what is still more in their favour, they make men tall ; more especially was he led to say so, as being rather under the common size, and he must lament that his guardians had not fostered him under that genial vegetable ! "
268 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
often was, " Which is the Speaker, and which is Mr. Woodfall? " It is said he would sit for very many hours without any refreshment whatever, but
when hungry and faint with his long task, would draw a hard-boiled egg from his pocket, take off the shell in his hat, and stooping down make a meal on the indi gestible dainty in haste, lest the Sergeant-at-Arms should witness the infraction of the rules of the House against strangers. Woodfall is said to have been very dignified, and not very fond of the society of his
and a "gallery" tradition declares, that one day the well-known hard eggs were filched from his pockets by some rival, and unboiled ones put in their places, to the great discomfiture of the victim of the practical joke. Woodfall is described as the intimate of Garrick, Goldsmith, and all the other
actors and dramatists of repute in his day, and his critiques on the theatres were looked for with much interest, and were, doubtless, influential on the for tunes of the candidates for public support. His first reports were made for The London Packet, from which he transferred his services to The Morning Chronicle ; but, after some years, leaving the latter for The Diary, Perry opposed him by commencing the present suc cessful system of reporting, — a system supported not by one man of remarkable powers, but by a succession of skilful men, each taking notes for a fixed period and then writing them out for the press.
Perry was the first man who was able to print the debates of one night in a Paper of the next morning ; and he succeeded in doing this by a division of the labour of reporting. Whilst Woodfall was laboriously
fellow-reporters,
REPORTING — PERRY. 269
working out his report, assisted by notes from some of the speakers, for publication in the evening, Perry's version of the debate was being circulated and read all over the town. The result was clear. Woodfall's Paper failed, and Perry made a fortune.
Perry alludes to this very important innovation introduced by him, when he commenced his editor ship of The Gazetteer —this substitution of numbers for an individual in reporting. But the debates, long after that period, were not reported with the despatch now indispensable. The Houses used to sit late, on what used to be then called field-days ; and when they rose at a late hour in the morning, sometimes as late, indeed, as seven or eight o'clock, The Chronicle, which laid itself out in reporting, would not appear till two or three o'clock in the afternoon. It must not be supposed that these late sittings were frequent. It often happened that the reporter, whose turn it was to go first, would take the whole of the proceedings. But every now and then came a murderously heavy day, and the poor reporters who were obliged to be on the stairs of the entrance to the gallery of the House of Commons by twelve o'clock at noon, could not
leave the House till their turn came; for the gallery was not, after the House was locked, accessible till eleven o'clock; so that it was necessary for the reporters to wait many hours. When the speakers were second rate, they were disposed of very summarily ; but if it happened that Sheridan, or Wyndham, or Tierney, or Whitbread, were on their legs during the whole of a reporter's turn, the publication was necessarily delayed, for such men could not be slurred over. On the subject
270 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
of Parliamentary reporting, Perry used to say, that for the public the reports could not be too short, and for the members too long. In those days there were few speakers, but the style of speaking was highly finished, and the public would look for the account of a speech of Sheridan's, for instance, with great eager ness.
Sheridan repaid the attention of the reporters to his brilliant harangues, by speaking in their favour, when their character and position was attacked by the benchers of Lincoln's Inn. Those irresponsible legal curiosities having passed a bye-law of their society, the object of which was to exclude from it all men who dared to write for the Newspapers, a petition was presented to the House of Commons, from a gentleman against whom this ridiculously illiberal rule operated. In the discussion to which the subject gave rise, Sheridan said: — "Much illiberal calumny had been cast upon those gentle men who were reporters, which it is time should
now be fully confuted. He had to state, then, that there were amongst those who reported the debates of that House, no less than twenty-three graduates of the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, and Edinburgh ; those gentlemen were all in their pro gress to honourable professions ; and there was no possible course better than that which they had adopted for the improvement of their minds, and the acquisition of political experience. They had adopted this course from an honest and honourable impulse ; and had to boast the association of many great names, who had risen from poverty to reputation. This had
REPORTING. —SHERIDAN. 271
been long the employment, and indeed, chief means of subsistence, of Dr. Johnson and Mr. Burke. Such
were the men at whose depression this legal bye-law aimed! Never was there a more illiberal and base attack on literary talent ; he could find no parallel to it in the History of England, except one indeed, in the reign of Henry the Fourth, which went to exclude lawyers from sitting in Parliament. At this, as might be expected, the body who now sought to proscribe others were mightily offended ; they branded the Parliament with the epithet of indoctum; and Lord Coke had even the hardihood to declare from the bench, that
a most unjust individual proscription; a violation of the best principles of our constitution. For (ex claimed Sheridan) it is the glory of English law, that it sanctions no proscriptions, nor does it acknowledge any office in the state, which the honourable ambitious industry, even of the most humble, may not obtain. " Mr. Stephen (father of the attache" of the Foreign Office) followed Sheridan in a very manly speech. He declared that he had been a member of Lincoln's Inn for thirty-five years, but that he had not the most remote connection with the framing of the
there never was a good law made therein ! impossible to imagine a single reason for the enact ment of the bye-law complained of. It was a sub version of the liberty and respectability of the press ;
obnoxious bye-laws alluded to ; he thought it a most illiberal and unjust proscription ; a scandal rather to its authors than its objects. " I will put a case," said Mr. Stephen ; " man
I will suppose a young
of education and talent contending with pecuniary diffi
It was
272 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
culties —difficulties not proceeding from vice, but from family misfortunes. I will suppose him honestly meeting his obstructions with honourable industry, and exercising his talents by reporting the debates of this House in order to attain a profession. Where, I ask, is the degradation of such an employment ? Who could be so meanly cruel as to deprive him of
it ? The case, sir, which I have now supposed, was thirty years ago—my own! " Sir John Austruther was also a member of Lincoln's Inn, but reprobated the bye-laws referred to ; and the benchers, over whelmed by the indignation their regulation had excited, expunged it from the books.
Several of the members of Perry's corps of parlia mentary reporters were men remarkable for talent and wit, and from that day to the present the " gallery" has held a number of distinguished men. Amongst the recent literary instances, the names of Hazlitt and Charles Dickens are often quoted. The latter is described by his old colleagues as having been as
excellent in this his first literary attempt, as he has since proved to be in the higher walks wherein he won his fame. He was for some years in the gallery; was very rapid ; and it was said of him, that he once wrote out from his notes the copy for a column and a half of The Morning Chronicle in an hour — a feat almost unexampled in its way.
At present the reporters are as quiet and punctual as any other class of professional men, but in the days
when every gentleman considered it a part of his duty, and a proof of his respectability, to drink one bottle of port, at least, after dinner daily — when people were
REPORTERS —MARK SUPPLE. 273
spoken of as two bottle men, and three bottle men, and capital fellows —the representatives of the press seem not to have been behind their countrymen in their devotion to Bacchus.
There was never a deficiency of wit and humour
and when it was the fashion to heighten these by full potations, it is not surprising that an occasional escapade would attract more than or
dinary notice. One bygone worthy, distinguished in this way, Mark Supple* it was, whose name has found a place in all the jest books for a feat which Peter Fin- nerty, another spirit of kindred quality, used to tell after the following fashion :—
"Mark Supple was big-boned and loud-voiced, and had as much wit and fun as an Irish porter could carry; often more than he himself could carry, or knew what to do with. He took his wine frequently at Bellamy's (a great place in those days for reporters as well as M. P. 's), and then went up into the gallery and reported like a gentleman and a man of
The members hardly knew their own speeches again, but they admired his free and bold manner of dressing them up. None of them ever went to the printing office of The Morning Chronicle to complain that the tall Irishman had given a lame, sneaking version of their sentiments, they pocketed the affront of their metamorphosis, and fathered speeches they had never made. Supple's way may be said to have been the hyperbole, a strong view of orientalism, with a dash of the bog-trotter. His manner seemed to please, and he presumed upon it. One evening as he sat at
amongst reporters,
genius.
VOL. II.
* Mark Supple died in 1807.
S
274 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
his post in the gallery, waiting the issues of things, and a hint to hang tropes and figures upon. A dead silence happened to prevail in the House. It was when Mr. Addington was speaker. The bold leader of the press gang was never much on serious business bent, and at this time he was particularly full of meat and wine. Delighted, therefore, with the pause, but thinking that something might as well be going for ward, he called out lustily, ' A song from Mr. Speaker. ' Imagine Addington's long, prim, upright figure ; his consternation and utter want of preparation for, or of a clue to repel, such an interruption of the rules and orders of Parliament. The House was in a roar— Pitt, it is said, could hardly keep his seat for laughing. When the bustle and confusion were abated, the Ser-
went into the gallery to take the audacious culprit into custody, and indignantly desired to know who it was ; but nobody would tell. Mark
sat like a tower on the hindermost bench of the gal
lery, imperturbable in his own gravity, and safe in the faith of the brotherhood of reporters, who alone were in the secret. At length as the mace-bearer was making fruitless inquiries, and getting impatient, Supple pointed to a fat quaker, who sat in the middle of the crowd, and nodded assent that he was the man.
The quaker was, to his great surprise, taken into im mediate custody; but after a short altercation, and some further explanation, he was released, and the hero of our story put in his place for an hour or two, but let off on an assurance of his contrition, and of showing less wit and more discretion for the future. "
geant-at-Arms
REPORTERS —PETER FINNERTY. 275
Peter Finnerty was the hero of several frays ; in
one of them Lord Castlereagh being his opponent. The Annual Register affords" us a notice of the affair in its record of law cases. On the 31st of January, 1811," says that authority, "judgment was prayed against the defendant, in the cause, ' The King v. Finnerty. ' Defendant had suffered judgment to go against him by default. The indictment was for a libel on Lord Castlereagh, one of His Majesty's princi pal Secretaries of State, which appeared in the Morning Chronicle of last year. The defendant had
the expedition to Walcheren, for the purpose of writing a narrative of its proceedings, when a general order was issued to Lord Chatham and Sir
accompanied
R. Strachan, to inquire of all the vessels which accom panied the expedition, whether a gentleman of the name of Finnerty were on board, and if found, to convey him to his Lordship or Sir Richard, with a view to his being sent home. He was accordingly conveyed to Sir R. Strachan, and sent home on board of a revenue cutter. The letter in The
Morning Chronicle, charged as the present libel, consisted of a narrative of these facts, and an attribution of the whole to Lord Castlereagh, and insinuated that this
measure was only one instance of a course of oppres sion which the defendant had received from the personal malice of his Lordship, and that his Lordship had been guilty of great villainy in and concerning the administration of Ireland.
"Mr. Finnerty, who appeared without counsel, put in a very long affidavit, in which he stated that the court having, in an application by him to postpone
276 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
the trial of his cause, on account of the absence of material witnesses, thrown out their opinion as to the calumnious nature of the libel, he had thought it most respectful to the court to suffer judgment to go against him by default, reserving to himself the testimony of such of his witnesses, whose regard to justice would induce them to make affidavits for him, and the present opportunity of justifying the whole imputed libel, which he did most unequivocally. The affi davit proceeded to state that he had, at the same time when he wrote the letter, no intention to libel any body ; and that he had, before its publication, con sulted an eminent barrister as to the libellous ten dency of who was of opinion that was not libellous that the defendant was no conspirator in Ireland that he was invited to accompany the expe dition by Sir Home Popham, for the sole purpose of narrating the proceedings of the expedition and the affidavit quoted letter from Sir Home to that effect
the deponent solemnly declared he had no other view in accompanying the expedition that he rejected the proposal of Lord Chatham and Sir Richard Strachan to publish nothing but what had undergone their revi sion that he had incurred considerable expenses in his voyage, and that the prejudices which had been excited against him the order for his quitting the expedition, had deprived him of £500, which he cal culated he should have gained by his intended publi cation that he had intended to bring an action against Lord Castlereagh for libel, but was advised against
by his counsel; that he did not accompany the ex pedition clandestinely that the main object of Lord
it
;
;
;a
by
;
a
:
;
it
;
it,
;
REPORTERS PETER FINNERTY. 277
Castlereagh was to harass the deponent ; and that a noble Lord, nearly connected with Lord Castlereagh, had been heard to declare in a public coffee-room, ' I wish some man would shoot that fellow (meaning the deponent) out of the way. ' The affidavit was then proceeding to enter into the circumstances of the trial of Mr. Orr, in Ireland, for administering a sedi tious oath, in which trial, the letter in The Morning Chronicle stated the verdict of guilty to have been obtained from the jury by promises, by threats, and by intoxicating them with liquor ; and was about to quote two affidavits made by as many of the jurors to this effect, when the court objected to their perusal, as irrelevant. Mr. Finnerty observed, that it was stated as a fact in the imputed libel, that these affidavits were made ; and he thought it proper to verify that statement. The affidavits were not long. Lord Ellenborough consented to hear them, long or short. The defendant's affidavit travelling still further from the record, however, as it proceeded, Lord Ellen- borough at last objected to trying the government of Ireland, under pretence of passing sentence upon the defendant, and refused to hear any more affidavits quoted upon the subject ofLord Castlereagh's conduct in Ireland. Mr. Finnerty said, that such a liberty had been granted in the case of Governor Picton; the
of Trinidad was fully investigated upon the trial of that man for torture ; the defendant's (Mr. Finnerty's) crime was merely that of reprobating a man who patronized torture. The letter in The Morning Chronicle made a general charge of cruelty against Lord Castlereagh ; and the defendant was
government
278 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
now proving particular instances of it. After some further conversation on this topic, in which Mr. Garrow attacked, and Mr. Finnerty justified his affi davit, the defendant was advised by the court to prepare a more temperate affidavit, and was then remanded to a future day. Being brought up again on Feb. 7th, he presented his affidavit to the court. It was read, and detailed in the first place, the reasons why the defendant was not in court before, when
judgment was prayed against him; it next proceeded to state why he had suffered judgment to go by default ; but now stated his belief of every circum stance with which he had charged Lord Castlereagh, and at this period offered the truth in justification. Lord Ellenborough said he had objected to this before, and had warned him to amend what he had done ; and hoped he was now come in a proper spirit to mitigate a crime of which he had confessed the com mission. It appeared, however, that such was by no means Mr. Finnerty's intention ; and, in a long con versation which ensued, he repeatedly presented affi davits to prove all the enormities practised under Lord Oastlereagh's government, and with his concurrence, and declared that nothing on earth should induce him to make any submission to his Lordship. The court as
repeatedly refused to admit them, and warned him that he was introducing irrelevant matter, and only aggra vating his offence. He was heard, however, in a long and spirited defence, which was replied to with great severity by the Attorney General ; who, after repre senting in the strongest terms the additional crimi nality the defendant had incurred by his justification,
V
REPORTERS —PETER FINNERTY. 279
trusted that if there was any kind of punishment in their Lordships' discretion more degrading than im prisonment, that too would be inflicted upon him. This hint for the pillory was not, however, attended to by the court, which, by Mr. Justice Grose, pro nounced the following sentence : — ' That the defen dant be committed to His Majesty's gaol for the city of Lincoln, for the space of eighteen calendar months,
and find security for his good behaviour for five years from that time, himself in £500, and two sureties in £250 each, and be further imprisoned till that security be procured. '"
The " veteran Journalist," to whom I have before expressed my obligations for some curious facts, says in a letter : — " An anecdote which now occurs to me will serve to give a good idea of poor Perry. Peter Finnerty was sincerely attached to Perry and The Chronicle, but he had great defects, and required to be well watched. Perry would have been glad to be rid of him, but he would no more have thought of dismissing an old servant without some very strong
cause indeed, than he would of cutting his own throat. I have heard him say, I would give any body £200 who would take Finnerty from The Chronicle. The libel on Lord Castlereagh, for which Finnerty was sent to Lincoln Castle, was inserted in The Chronicle on F. 's own responsibility, and against
the order of Perry, who, for a long time refused it admission, but was at length worried into publi cation.