The
Romans, who succeeded to their dominions, separated Egypt, and confined
it within the old limits.
Romans, who succeeded to their dominions, separated Egypt, and confined
it within the old limits.
Strabo
In places of this
description particularly, the flowing and ebbing of the tide did them
the most harm.
The first mistake consisted in building long vessels [of war] at a time
when there was no war, nor any likely to occur by sea. For the Arabians,
being mostly engaged in traffic and commerce, are not a very warlike
people even on land, much less so at sea. Gallus, notwithstanding, built
not less than eighty biremes and triremes and galleys (phaseli) at
Cleopatris,[783] near the old canal which leads from the Nile. When he
discovered his mistake, he constructed a hundred and thirty vessels of
burden, in which he embarked with about ten thousand infantry, collected
from Egypt, consisting of Romans and allies, among whom were five
hundred Jews and a thousand Nabatæans, under the command of Syllæus.
After enduring great hardships and distress, he arrived on the fifteenth
day at Leuce-Come, a large mart in the territory of the Nabatæans, with
the loss of many of his vessels, some with all their crews, in
consequence of the difficulty of the navigation, but by no opposition
from an enemy. These misfortunes were occasioned by the perfidy of
Syllæus, who insisted that there was no road for an army by land to
Leuce-Come, to which and from which place the camel-traders travel with
ease and in safety from Petra, and back to Petra, with so large a body
of men and camels as to differ in no respect from an army.
24. Another cause of the failure of the expedition was the fact of king
Obodas not paying much attention to public affairs, and especially to
those relative to war (as is the custom with all Arabian kings), but
placed everything in the power of Syllæus the minister. His whole
conduct in command of the army was perfidious, and his object was, as I
suppose, to examine as a spy the state of the country, and to destroy,
in concert with the Romans, certain cities and tribes: and when the
Romans should be consumed by famine, fatigue, and disease, and by all
the evils which he had treacherously contrived, to declare himself
master of the whole country.
Gallus however arrived at Leuce-Come, with the army labouring under
stomacacce and scelotyrbe, diseases of the country, the former affecting
the mouth, the other the legs, with a kind of paralysis, caused by the
water and the plants [which the soldiers had used in their food]. He was
therefore compelled to pass the summer and the winter there, for the
recovery of the sick.
Merchandise is conveyed from Leuce-Come to Petra, thence to Rhinocolura
in Phœnicia, near Egypt, and thence to other nations. But at present the
greater part is transported by the Nile to Alexandreia. It is brought
down from Arabia and India to Myus Hormus, it is then conveyed on camels
to Coptus[784] of the Thebaïs, situated on a canal of the Nile, and to
Alexandreia. Gallus, setting out again from Leuce-Come on his return
with his army, and through the treachery of his guide, traversed such
tracts of country, that the army was obliged to carry water with them
upon camels. After a [CAS. 781] march of many days, therefore, he came
to the territory of Aretas, who was related to Obodas. Aretas received
him in a friendly manner, and offered presents. But by the treachery of
Syllæus, Gallus was conducted by a difficult road through the country;
for he occupied thirty days in passing through it. It afforded barley, a
few palm trees, and butter instead of oil.
The next country to which he came belonged to Nomades, and was in great
part a complete desert. It was called Ararene. The king of the country
was Sabos. Gallus spent fifty days in passing through this territory,
for want of roads, and came to a city of the Negrani, and to a fertile
country peacefully disposed. The king had fled, and the city was taken
at the first onset. After a march of six days from thence, he came to
the river. Here the barbarians attacked the Romans, and lost about ten
thousand men; the Romans lost only two men. For the barbarians were
entirely inexperienced in war, and used their weapons unskilfully, which
were bows, spears, swords, and slings; but the greater part of them
wielded a double-edged axe. Immediately afterwards he took the city
called Asca, which had been abandoned by the king. He thence came to a
city Athrula, and took it without resistance; having placed a garrison
there, and collected provisions for the march, consisting of corn and
dates, he proceeded to a city Marsiaba, belonging to the nation of the
Rhammanitæ, who were subjects of Ilasarus. He assaulted and besieged it
for six days, but raised the siege in consequence of a scarcity of
water. He was two days’ march from the aromatic region, as he was
informed by his prisoners. He occupied in his marches a period of six
months, in consequence of the treachery of his guides. This he
discovered when he was returning; and although he was late in
discovering the design against him, he had time to take another road
back; for he arrived in nine days at Negrana, where the battle was
fought, and thence in eleven days he came to the “Seven Wells,” as the
place is called from the fact of their existing there. Thence he marched
through a desert country, and came to Chaalla a village, and then to
another called Malothas, situated on a river. His road then lay through
a desert country, which had only a few watering-places, as far as
Egra[785] a village. It belongs to the territory of Obodas, and is
situated upon the sea. He accomplished on his return the whole distance
in sixty days, in which, on his first journey, he had consumed six
months. From Negra he conducted his army in eleven days to Myus Hormus;
thence across the country to Coptus, and arrived at Alexandreia with so
much of his army could be saved. The remainder he lost, not by the
enemy, but by disease, fatigue, famine, and marches through bad roads;
for seven men only perished in battle. For these reasons this expedition
contributed little in extending our knowledge of the country. It was
however of some small service.
Syllæus, the author of these disasters, was punished for his treachery
at Rome. He affected friendship, but he was convicted of other offences,
besides perfidy in this instance, and was beheaded.
25. The aromatic country, as I have before said,[786] is divided into
four parts. Of aromatics, the frankincense and myrrh are said to be the
produce of trees, but cassia the growth of bushes; yet some writers say,
that the greater part (of the cassia) is brought from India, and that
the best frankincense is that from Persia.
According to another partition of the country, the whole of Arabia Felix
is divided into five kingdoms (or portions), one of which comprises the
fighting men, who fight for all the rest; another contains the
husbandmen, by whom the rest are supplied with food; another includes
those who work at mechanical trades. One division comprises the myrrh
region; another the frankincense region, although the same tracts
produce cassia, cinnamon, and nard. Trades are not changed from one
family to another, but each workman continues to exercise that of his
father.
The greater part of their wine is made from the palm.
A man’s brothers are held in more respect than his children. The
descendants of the royal family succeed as kings, and are invested with
other governments, according to primogeniture. Property is common among
all the relations. The eldest is the chief. There is one wife among them
all. He who enters [CAS. 783] the house before any of the rest, has
intercourse with her, having placed his staff at the door; for it is a
necessary custom, which every one is compelled to observe, to carry a
staff. The woman however passes the night with the eldest. Hence the
male children are all brothers. They have sexual intercourse also with
their mothers. Adultery is punished with death, but an adulterer must
belong to another family.
A daughter of one of the kings was of extraordinary beauty, and had
fifteen brothers, who were all in love with her, and were her unceasing
and successive visitors; she, being at last weary of their importunity,
is said to have employed the following device. She procured staves to be
made similar to those of her brothers; when one left the house, she
placed before the door a staff similar to the first, and a little time
afterwards another, and so on in succession, but making her calculation
so that the person who intended to visit her might not have one similar
to that at her door. On an occasion when the brothers were all of them
together at the market-place, one left it, and came to the door of the
house; seeing the staff there, and conjecturing some one to be in her
apartment, and having left all the other brothers at the market-place,
he suspected the person to be an adulterer; running therefore in haste
to his father, he brought him with him to the house, but it was proved
that he had falsely accused his sister.
26. The Nabatæans are prudent, and fond of accumulating property. The
community fine a person who has diminished his substance, and confer
honours on him who has increased it. They have few slaves, and are
served for the most part by their relations, or by one another, or each
person is his own servant; and this custom extends even to their kings.
They eat their meals in companies consisting of thirteen persons. Each
party is attended by two musicians. But the king gives many
entertainments in great buildings. No one drinks more than eleven
[appointed] cupfuls, from separate cups, each of gold.
The king courts popular favour so much, that he is not only his own
servant, but sometimes he himself ministers to others. He frequently
renders an account [of his administration] before the people, and
sometimes an inquiry is made into his mode of life.
The houses are sumptuous, and of stone. The cities are without walls, on
account of the peace [which prevails among them]. A great part of the
country is fertile, and produces everything except oil of olives;
[instead of it], the oil of sesamum is used. The sheep have white
fleeces, their oxen are large; but the country produces no horses. [787]
Camels are the substitute for horses, and perform the [same kind of]
labour. They wear no tunics, but have a girdle about the loins, and walk
abroad in sandals. [788] The dress of the kings is the same, but the
colour is purple.
Some merchandise is altogether imported into the country, others are not
altogether imports, especially as some articles are native products, as
gold and silver, and many of the aromatics; but brass and iron, purple
garments, styrax, saffron, and costus (or white cinnamon), pieces of
sculpture, paintings, statues, are not to be procured in the country.
They look upon the bodies of the dead as no better than dung, according
to the words of Heracleitus, “dead bodies more fit to be cast out than
dung;” wherefore they bury even their kings beside dung-heaps. They
worship the sun, and construct the altar on the top of a house, pouring
out libations and burning frankincense upon it every day.
27. When the poet says,
“I went to the country of the Ethiopians, Sidonians, and Erembi,”[789]
it is doubtful, what people he means by Sidonians, whether those who
lived near the Persian Gulf, a colony from which nation are the
Sidonians in our quarter (in the same manner as historians relate, that
some Tyrian islanders are found there, and Aradii, from whom the Aradii
in our country derive their origin), or whether the poet means actually
the Sidonians themselves.
But there is more doubt about the Erembi, whether we are to suppose that
he means the Troglodytæ, according to the opinion of those who, by a
forced etymology, derive the word Erembi from ἔραν ἐμβαίνειν, that is,
“entering into the earth,” or whether he means the Arabians. Zeno the
philosopher of our sect alters the reading in this manner,
“And Sidoni, and Arabes;”
[CAS. 784] but Poseidonius alters it with a small variation,
“And Sidonii, and Arambi,”
as if the poet gave the name Arambi to the present Arabians, from their
being so called by others in his time. He says also, that the situation
of these three nations close to one another indicates a descent from
some common stock, and that on this account they are called by names
having a resemblance to one another, as Armenii, Aramæi, Arambi. For as
we may suppose one nation to have been divided into three (according to
the differences of latitude [in which they lived], which successively
became more marked [in proceeding from one to the other]), so in like
manner we may suppose that several names were adopted in place of one.
The proposed change of reading to Eremni is not probable, for that name
is more applicable to the Ethiopians. The poet mentions also the Arimi,
whom Poseidonius says are meant here, and not a place in Syria or
Cilicia, or any other country, but Syria itself. For the Aramæi lived
there. Perhaps these are the people whom the Greeks called Arimæi or
Arimi. But the alterations of names, especially of barbarous nations,
are frequent, Thus Darius was called Darieces; Parysatis, Pharziris;
Athara, Atargata, whom Ctesias again calls Derceto. [790]
Alexander might be adduced to bear witness to the wealth of the
Arabians, for he intended, it is said, after his return from India, to
make Arabia the seat of empire. All his enterprises terminated with his
death, which happened suddenly; but certainly one of his projects was to
try whether the Arabians would receive him voluntarily, or resist him by
force of arms; for having found that they did not send ambassadors to
him, either before or after his expedition to India, he was beginning to
make preparations for war, as we have said in a former part of this
work.
BOOK XVII.
SUMMARY.
The Seventeenth Book contains the whole of Egypt and Africa.
CHAPTER I.
When we were describing Arabia, we included in the description the gulfs
which compress and make it a peninsula, namely the Gulfs of Arabia and
of Persis. We described at the same time some parts of Egypt, and those
of Ethiopia, inhabited by the Troglodytæ, and by the people situated
next to them, extending to the confines of the Cinnamon country. [791]
We are now to describe the remaining parts contiguous to these nations,
and situated about the Nile. We shall then give an account of Africa,
which remains to complete this treatise on Geography.
And here we must previously adduce the opinions of Eratosthenes.
2. He says, that the Nile is distant from the Arabian Gulf towards the
west 1000 stadia, and that it resembles (in its course) the letter N
reversed. For after flowing, he says, about 2700 stadia from Meroë
towards the north, it turns again to the south, and to the winter
sunset, continuing its course for about 3700 stadia, when it is almost
in the latitude of the places about Meroë. Then entering far into
Africa, and having made another bend, it flows towards the north, a
distance of 5300 stadia, to the great cataract;[792] and inclining a
little to the east, traverses a distance of 1200 stadia to the smaller
cataract at Syene,[793] and 5300 stadia more to the sea. [794]
[CAS. 786] Two rivers empty themselves into it, which issue out of
some lakes towards the east, and encircle Meroë, a considerable
island. [795] One of these rivers is called Astaboras,[796] flowing along
the eastern side of the island. The other is the Astapus, or, as some
call it, Astasobas. But the Astapus[797] is said to be another river,
which issues out of some lakes on the south, and that this river forms
nearly the body of the (stream of the) Nile which flows in a straight
line, and that it is filled by the summer rains; that above the
confluence of the Astaboras and the Nile, at the distance of 700 stadia,
is Meroë, a city having the same name as the island; and that there is
another island above Meroë, occupied by the fugitive Egyptians, who
revolted in the time of Psammitichus,[798] and are called Sembritæ, or
foreigners. Their sovereign is a queen, but they obey the king of Meroë.
The lower parts of the country on each side Meroë, along the Nile
towards the Red Sea, are occupied by Megabari and Blemmyes, who are
subject to the Ethiopians, and border upon the Egyptians; about the sea
are Troglodytæ. The Troglodytæ, in the latitude of Meroë, are distant
ten or twelve days’ journey from the Nile. On the left of the course of
the Nile live Nubæ in Libya, a populous nation. They begin [CAS. 787]
from Meroë, and extend as far as the bends (of the river). They are not
subject to the Ethiopians, but live independently, being distributed
into several sovereignties.
The extent of Egypt along the sea, from the Pelusiac to the Canobic
mouth, is 1300 stadia.
Such is the account of Eratosthenes.
3. We must, however, enter into a further detail of particulars. And
first, we must speak of the parts about Egypt, proceeding from those
that are better known to those which follow next in order.
The Nile produces some common effects in this and the contiguous tract
of country, namely, that of the Ethiopians above it, in watering them at
the time of its rise, and leaving those parts only habitable which have
been covered by the inundation; it intersects the higher lands, and all
the tract elevated above its current on both sides, which however are
uninhabited and a desert, from an absolute want of water. But the Nile
does not traverse the whole of Ethiopia, nor alone, nor in a straight
line, nor a country which is well inhabited. But Egypt it traverses both
alone and entirely, and in a straight line, from the lesser cataract
above Syene and Elephantina, (which are the boundaries of Egypt and
Ethiopia,) to the mouths by which it discharges itself into the sea. The
Ethiopians at present lead for the most part a wandering life, and are
destitute of the means of subsistence, on account of the barrenness of
the soil, the disadvantages of climate, and their great distance from
us.
Now the contrary is the case with the Egyptians in all these respects.
For they have lived from the first under a regular form of government,
they were a people of civilized manners, and were settled in a
well-known country; their institutions have been recorded and mentioned
in terms of praise, for they seemed to have availed themselves of the
fertility of their country in the best possible manner by the partition
of it (and by the classification of persons) which they adopted, and by
their general care.
When they had appointed a king, they divided the people into three
classes, into soldiers, husbandmen, and priests. The latter had the care
of everything relating to sacred things (of the gods), the others of
what related to man; some had the management of warlike affairs, others
attended to the concerns of peace, the cultivation of the ground, and
the practice of the arts, from which the king derived his revenue.
The priests devoted themselves to the study of philosophy and astronomy,
and were companions of the kings.
The country was at first divided into nomes. [799] The Thebaïs contained
ten, the Delta ten, and the intermediate tract sixteen. But according to
some writers, all the nomes together amounted to the number of chambers
in the Labyrinth. Now these were less than thirty [six]. The nomes were
again divided into other sections. The greater number of the nomes were
distributed into toparchies, and these again into other sections; the
smallest portions were the arouræ.
An exact and minute division of the country was required by the frequent
confusion of boundaries occasioned at the time of the rise of the Nile,
which takes away, adds, and alters the various shapes of the bounds, and
obliterates other marks by which the property of one person is
distinguished [CAS. 787] from that of another. It was consequently
necessary to measure the land repeatedly. Hence it is said geometry
originated here, as the art of keeping accounts and arithmetic
originated with the Phœnicians, in consequence of their commerce. [800]
As the whole population of the country, so the separate population in
each nome, was divided into three classes; the territory also was
divided into three equal portions.
The attention and care bestowed upon the Nile is so great to cause
industry to triumph over nature. The ground by nature, and still more by
being supplied with water, produces a great abundance of fruits. By
nature also a greater rise of the river irrigates a larger tract of
land; but industry has completely succeeded in rectifying the deficiency
of nature, so that in seasons when the rise of the river has been less
than usual, as large a portion of the country is irrigated by means of
canals and embankments, as in seasons when the rise of the river has
been greater.
Before the times of Petronius there was the greatest plenty, and the
rise of the river was the greatest when it rose to the height of
fourteen cubits; but when it rose to eight only, a famine ensued. During
the government of Petronius, however, when the Nile rose twelve cubits
only, there was a most abundant crop; and once when it mounted to eight
only, no famine followed. Such then is the nature of this provision for
the physical state of the country. We shall now proceed to the next
particulars.
4. The Nile, when it leaves the boundaries of Ethiopia, flows in a
straight line towards the north, to the tract called the Delta, then
“cloven at the head,” (according to the expression of Plato,) makes this
point the vertex, as it were, of a triangle, the sides of which are
formed by the streams, which separate on each side, and extend to the
sea, one on the right hand to Pelusium, the other on the left to Canobus
and the neighbouring Heracleium, as it is called; the base is the coast
lying between Pelusium and the Heracleium.
An island was therefore formed by the sea and by both streams of the
river, which is called Delta from the resemblance of its shape to the
letter (Δ) of that name. The spot at the vertex of the triangle has the
same appellation, because it is the beginning of the above-mentioned
triangular figure. The village, also, situated upon it is called Delta.
These then are two mouths of the Nile, one of which is called the
Pelusiac, the other the Canobic and Heracleiotic mouth. Between these
are five other outlets, some of which are considerable, but the greater
part are of inferior importance. For many others branch off from the
principal streams, and are distributed over the whole of the island of
the Delta, and form many streams and islands; so that the whole Delta is
accessible to boats, one canal succeeding another, and navigated with so
much ease, that some persons make use of rafts[801] floated on earthen
pots, to transport them from place to place.
The whole island is about 3000 stadia in circumference, and is called,
as also the lower country, with the land on the opposite sides of the
streams, the Delta.
But at the time of the rising of the Nile, the whole country is covered,
and resembles a sea, except the inhabited spots, which are situated upon
natural hills or mounds; and considerable cities and villages appear
like islands in the distant prospect.
The water, after having continued on the ground more than forty days in
summer, then subsides by degrees, in the same manner as it rose. In
sixty days the plain is entirely exposed to view, and dries up. The
sooner the land is dry, so much the sooner the ploughing and sowing are
accomplished, and it dries earlier in those parts where the heat is
greater.
The country above the Delta is irrigated in the same manner, except that
the river flows in a straight line to the distance of about 4000 stadia
in one channel, unless where some island intervenes, the most
considerable of which comprises the Heracleiotic Nome; or, where it is
diverted by a canal into a large lake, or a tract of country which it is
capable of irrigating, as the lake Mœris and the Arsinoïte Nome, or
where the canals discharge themselves into the Mareotis.
[CAS. 789] In short, Egypt, from the mountains of Ethiopia to the vertex
of the Delta, is merely a river tract on each side of the Nile, and
rarely if anywhere comprehends in one continued line a habitable
territory of 300 stadia in breadth. It resembles, except the frequent
diversions of its course, a bandage rolled out. [802]
The mountains on each side (of the Nile), which descend from the parts
about Syene to the Egyptian Sea,[803] give this shape to the river tract
of which I am speaking, and to the country. For in proportion as these
mountains extend along that tract, or recede from each other, in the
same degree is the river contracted or expanded, and they impart to the
habitable country its variety of shape. But the country beyond the
mountains is in a great measure uninhabited.
5. The ancients understood more by conjecture than otherwise, but
persons in later times learnt by experience as eye-witnesses, that the
Nile owes its rise to summer rains, which fall in great abundance in
Upper Ethiopia, particularly in the most distant mountains. On the rains
ceasing, the fulness of the river gradually subsides. This was
particularly observed by those who navigated the Arabian Gulf on their
way to the Cinnamon country, and by those who were sent out to hunt
elephants, or for such other purposes as induced the Ptolemies, kings of
Egypt, to despatch persons in that direction. These sovereigns had
directed their attention to objects of this kind, particularly Ptolemy
surnamed Philadelphus, who was a lover of science, and on account of
bodily infirmities always in search of some new diversion and amusement.
But the ancient kings paid little attention to such inquiries, although
both they and the priests, with whom they passed the greater part of
their lives, professed to be devoted to the study of philosophy. Their
ignorance therefore is more surprising, both on this account and because
Sesostris had traversed the whole of Ethiopia as far as the Cinnamon
country, of which expedition monuments exist even to the present day,
such as pillars and inscriptions. Cambyses also, when he was in
possession of Egypt, had advanced with the Egyptians as far even as
Meroë; and it is said that he gave this name both to the island and to
the city, because his sister, or according to some writers his wife,
Meroë died there. For this reason therefore he conferred the appellation
on the island, and in honour of a woman. It is surprising how, with such
opportunities of obtaining information, the history of these rains
should not have been clearly known to persons living in those times,
especially as the priests registered with the greatest diligence in the
sacred books all extraordinary facts, and preserved records of
everything which seemed to contribute to an increase of knowledge. And,
if this had been the case, would it be necessary to inquire what is even
still a question, what can possibly be the reason why rain falls in
summer, and not in winter, in the most southerly parts of the country,
but not in the Thebaïs, nor in the country about Syene? nor should we
have to examine whether the rise of the water of the Nile is occasioned
by rains, nor require such evidence for these facts as Poseidonius
adduces. For he says, that Callisthenes asserts that the cause of the
rise of the river is the rain of summer. This he borrows from Aristotle,
who borrowed it from Thrasyalces the Thasian (one of the ancient writers
on physics), Thrasyalces from some other person, and he from Homer, who
calls the Nile “heaven-descended:”
“back to Egypt’s heaven-descended stream. ”[804]
But I quit this subject, since it has been discussed by many writers,
among whom it will be sufficient to specify two, who have (each)
composed in our times a treatise on the Nile, Eudorus and Aristo the
Peripatetic philosopher. [They differ little from each other] except in
the order and disposition of the works, for the phraseology and
execution is the same in both writers. (I can speak with some confidence
in this matter), for when at a loss (for manuscripts) for the purpose of
comparison and copy, I collated both authors. [805] But which of them
surreptitiously substituted the other’s account as his own, we may
[CAS. 790] go to the temple of Ammon to be informed. Eudorus accused
Aristo, but the style is more like that of Aristo.
The ancients gave the name of Egypt to that country only which was
inhabited and watered by the Nile, and the extent they assigned to it
was from the neighbourhood of Syene to the sea. But later writers, to
the present time, have included on the eastern side almost all the tract
between the Arabian Gulf and the Nile (the Æthiopians however do not
make much use of the Red Sea); on the western side, the tract extending
to the Auases and the parts of the sea-coast from the Canobic mouth of
the Nile to Catabathmus, and the kingdom of Cyrenæa. For the kings who
succeeded the race of the Ptolemies had acquired so much power, that
they became masters of Cyrenæa, and even joined Cyprus to Egypt.
The
Romans, who succeeded to their dominions, separated Egypt, and confined
it within the old limits.
The Egyptians give the name of Auases (Oases) to certain inhabited
tracts, which are surrounded by extensive deserts, and appear like
islands in the sea. They are frequently met with in Libya, and there are
three contiguous to Egypt, and dependent upon it.
This is the account which we have to give of Egypt in general and
summarily. I shall now describe the separate parts of the country and
their advantages.
6. As Alexandreia and its neighbourhood occupy the greatest and
principal portion of the description, I shall begin with it.
In sailing towards the west, the sea-coast from Pelusium to the Canobic
mouth of the Nile is about 1300 stadia in extent, and constitutes, as we
have said, the base of the Delta. Thence to the island Pharos are 150
stadia more.
Pharos is a small oblong island, and lies quite close to the continent,
forming towards it a harbour with a double entrance. For the coast
abounds with bays, and has two promontories projecting into the sea. The
island is situated between these, and shuts in the bay, lying lengthways
in front of it.
Of the extremities of the Pharos, the eastern is nearest to the
continent and to the promontory in that direction, called Lochias, which
is the cause of the entrance to the port being narrow. Besides the
narrowness of the passage, there are rocks, some under water, others
rising above it, which at all times increase the violence of the waves
rolling in upon them from the open sea. This extremity itself of the
island is a rock, washed by the sea on all sides, with a tower upon it
of the same name as the island, admirably constructed of white marble,
with several stories. Sostratus of Cnidus, a friend of the kings,
erected it for the safety of mariners, as the inscription imports. [806]
For as the coast on each side is low and without harbours, with reefs
and shallows, an elevated and conspicuous mark was required to enable
navigators coming in from the open sea to direct their course exactly to
the entrance of the harbour.
The western mouth does not afford an easy entrance, but it does not
require the same degree of caution as the other. It forms also another
port, which has the name of Eunostus, or Happy Return: it lies in front
of the artificial and close harbour. That which has its entrance at the
above-mentioned tower of Pharos is the great harbour. These (two) lie
contiguous in the recess called Heptastadium, and are separated from it
by a mound. This mound forms a bridge from the continent to the island,
and extends along its western side, leaving two passages only through it
to the harbour of Eunostus, which are bridged over. But this work served
not only as a bridge, but as an aqueduct also, when the island was
inhabited. Divus Cæsar devastated the island, in his war against the
people of Alexandreia, when they espoused the party of the kings. A few
sailors live near the tower.
The great harbour, in addition to its being well enclosed by the mound
and by nature, is of sufficient depth near the shore to allow the
largest vessel to anchor near the stairs. It is also divided into
several ports.
The former kings of Egypt, satisfied with what they possessed, and not
desirous of foreign commerce, entertained a dislike to all mariners,
especially the Greeks (who, on account of the poverty of their own
country, ravaged and coveted the property of other nations), and
stationed a guard here, who had orders to keep off all persons who
approached. To the guard was assigned as a place of residence the spot
called Rhacotis, which is now a part of the city of Alexandreia,
situated above the arsenal. At that time, however, it was a village. The
country about the village was given up to herdsmen, [CAS. 792] who were
also able (from their numbers) to prevent strangers from entering the
country.
When Alexander arrived, and perceived the advantages of the situation,
he determined to build the city on the (natural) harbour. The prosperity
of the place, which ensued, was intimated, it is said, by a presage
which occurred while the plan of the city was tracing. The architects
were engaged in marking out the line of the wall with chalk, and had
consumed it all, when the king arrived; upon which the dispensers of
flour supplied the workmen with a part of the flour, which was provided
for their own use; and this substance was used in tracing the greater
part of the divisions of the streets. This, they said, was a good omen
for the city.
7. The advantages of the city are of various kinds. The site is washed
by two seas; on the north, by what is called the Egyptian Sea, and on
the south, by the sea of the lake Mareia, which is also called Mareotis.
This lake is filled by many canals from the Nile, both by those above
and those at the sides, through which a greater quantity of merchandise
is imported than by those communicating with the sea. Hence the harbour
on the lake is richer than the maritime harbour. The exports by sea from
Alexandreia exceed the imports. This any person may ascertain, either at
Alexandreia or Dicæarchia, by watching the arrival and departure of the
merchant vessels, and observing how much heavier or lighter their
cargoes are when they depart or when they return.
In addition to the wealth derived from merchandise landed at the
harbours on each side, on the sea and on the lake, its fine air is
worthy of remark: this results from the city being on two sides
surrounded by water, and from the favourable effects of the rise of the
Nile. For other cities, situated near lakes, have, during the heats of
summer, a heavy and suffocating atmosphere, and lakes at their margins
become swampy by the evaporation occasioned by the sun’s heat. When a
large quantity of moisture is exhaled from swamps, a noxious vapour
rises, and is the cause of pestilential disorders. But at Alexandreia,
at the beginning of summer, the Nile, being full, fills the lake also,
and leaves no marshy matter which is likely to occasion malignant
exhalations. At the same period, the Etesian winds blow from the north,
over a large expanse of sea, and the Alexandrines in consequence pass
their summer very pleasantly.
8. The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military
cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water,
and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which
determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia,
bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole
city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots.
Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut
one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public
grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of
its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some
embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the
buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own
expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied,
“one after the other springs. ”[807]
All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour,
and those also which are beyond it.
The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place
furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning,
who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community
possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by
the kings, but at present by Cæsar, presides over the Museum.
A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an
enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander
(the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of
Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for
Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition
and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had
attacked [and made him prisoner], he intended to [spare his life and]
confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the
hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by
transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with
him, Aridæus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife,
departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body [CAS. 794] of
Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now
lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus
(alabaster? ) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was
plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce’s son and Pareisactus, who came from
Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to
him.
9. In the great harbour at the entrance, on the right hand, are the
island and the Pharos tower; on the left are the reef of rocks and the
promontory Lochias, with a palace upon it: at the entrance, on the left
hand, are the inner palaces, which are continuous with those on the
Lochias, and contain numerous painted apartments and groves. Below lies
the artificial and close harbour, appropriated to the use of the kings;
and Antirrhodus a small island, facing the artificial harbour, with a
palace on it, and a small port. It was called Antirrhodus, a rival as it
were of Rhodes.
Above this is the theatre, then the Poseidium, a kind of elbow
projecting from the Emporium, as it is called, with a temple of Neptune
upon it. To this Antony added a mound, projecting still further into the
middle of the harbour, and built at the extremity a royal mansion, which
he called Timonium. This was his last act, when, deserted by his
partisans, he retired to Alexandreia after his defeat at Actium, and
intended, being forsaken by so many friends, to lead the [solitary] life
of Timon for the rest of his days.
Next are the Cæsarium, the Emporium, and the Apostaseis, or magazines:
these are followed by docks, extending to the Heptastadium. This is the
description of the great harbour.
10. Next after the Heptastadium is the harbour of Eunostus, and above
this the artificial harbour, called Cibotus (or the Ark), which also has
docks. At the bottom of this harbour is a navigable canal, extending to
the lake Mareotis. Beyond the canal there still remains a small part of
the city. Then follows the suburb Necropolis, in which are numerous
gardens, burial-places, and buildings for carrying on the process of
embalming the dead.
On this side the canal is the Sarapium and other ancient sacred places,
which are now abandoned on account of the erection of the temples at
Nicopolis; for [there are situated] an amphitheatre and a stadium, and
there are celebrated quinquennial games; but the ancient and customs
are neglected.
In short, the city of Alexandreia abounds with public and sacred
buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the Gymnasium, with
porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. In the middle of it are the
court of justice and groves. Here also is a Paneium, an artificial mound
of the shape of a fircone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of
which there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit may be seen
the whole city lying all around and beneath it.
The wide street extends in length along the Gymnasium from the
Necropolis to the Canobic gate. Next is the Hippodromos (or
race-course), as it is called, and other buildings[808] near it, and
reaching to the Canobic canal. After passing through the Hippodromos is
the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less
numerous than a city. It is 30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus
Cæsar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated
Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset,
and compelled Antony to put himself to death, but Cleopatra to surrender
herself alive. A short time afterwards, however, she also put an end to
her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are
two accounts) by the application of a poisonous ointment. Thus the
empire of the Lagidæ, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved.
11. Alexander was succeeded by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the son of
Lagus by Philadelphus, Philadelphus by Euergetes; next succeeded
Philopator the lover[809] of Agathocleia, then Epiphanes, afterwards
Philometor, the son (thus far) always succeeding the father. But
Philometor was succeeded by his brother, the second Euergetes, who was
also called Physcon. He was succeeded by Ptolemy surnamed Lathurus,
Lathurus by Auletes of our time, who was the father of Cleopatra. All
these kings, after the third Ptolemy, were corrupted by luxury and
effeminacy, and the affairs of government were very badly administered
by them; but worst of all by the fourth, the seventh, and the last
(Ptolemy), Auletes (or the Piper), [CAS. 796] who, besides other deeds
of shamelessness, acted the piper; indeed he gloried so much in the
practice, that he scrupled not to appoint trials of skill in his palace;
on which occasions he presented himself as a competitor with other
rivals. He was deposed by the Alexandrines; and of his three daughters,
one, the eldest, who was legitimate, they proclaimed queen; but his two
sons, who were infants, were absolutely excluded from the succession.
As a husband for the daughter established on the throne, the
Alexandrines invited one Cybiosactes from Syria, who pretended to be
descended from the Syrian kings. The queen after a few days, unable to
endure his coarseness and vulgarity, rid herself of him by causing him
to be strangled. She afterwards married Archelaus, who also pretended to
be the son of Mithridates Eupator, but he was really the son of that
Archelaus[810] who carried on war against Sylla, and was afterwards
honourably treated by the Romans. He was grandfather of the last king of
Cappadocia in our time, and priest of Comana in Pontus. [811] He was then
(at the time we are speaking of) the guest of Gabinius, and intended to
accompany him in an expedition against the Parthians,[812] but unknown
to Gabinius, he was conducted away by some (friends) to the queen, and
declared king.
At this time Pompey the Great entertained Auletes as his guest on his
arrival at Rome, and recommended him to the senate, negotiated his
return, and contrived the execution of most of the deputies, in number a
hundred, who had undertaken to appear against him: at their head was
Dion the academic philosopher.
Ptolemy (Auletes) on being restored by Gabinius, put to death both
Archelaus and his daughter;[813] but not long after[814] he was
reinstated in his kingdom, he died a natural death, leaving two sons and
two daughters, the eldest of whom was Cleopatra.
The Alexandrines declared as sovereigns the eldest son and Cleopatra.
But the adherents of the son excited a sedition, and banished
Cleopatra, who retired with her sister into Syria. [815]
It was about this time that Pompey the Great, in his flight from
Palæpharsalus,[816] came to Pelusium and Mount Casium. He was
treacherously slain by the king’s party. When Cæsar arrived, he put the
young prince to death, and sending for Cleopatra from her place of
exile, appointed her queen of Egypt, declaring also her surviving
brother, who was very young, and herself joint sovereigns.
After the death of Cæsar and the battle at Pharsalia, Antony passed over
into Asia; he raised Cleopatra to the highest dignity, made her his
wife, and had children by her. He was present with her at the battle of
Actium, and accompanied her in her flight. Augustus Cæsar pursued them,
put an end to their power, and rescued Egypt from misgovernment and
revelry.
12. At present Egypt is a (Roman) province, pays considerable tribute,
and is well governed by prudent persons, who are sent there in
succession. The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Subordinate
to him is the administrator of justice, who is the supreme judge in many
causes. There is another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose
business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant,
and which of right falls to Cæsar. These are accompanied by Cæsar’s
freedmen and stewards, who are intrusted with affairs of more or less
importance.
Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the rest in the
country. Besides these there are also nine Roman cohorts, three
quartered in the city, three on the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a
guard to that tract, and three in other parts of the country. There are
also three bodies of cavalry distributed in convenient posts.
Of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the expounder of
the law, who is dressed in scarlet; he receives the customary honours of
the country, and has the care of providing what is necessary for the
city. The second is the writer of records, the third is the chief judge.
The fourth is the commander of the night guard. These magistrates
existed in the time of the kings, but in consequence of the bad
administration of affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city was
ruined by [CAS. 797] licentiousness. Polybius expresses his indignation
at the state of things when he was there: he describes the inhabitants
of the city to be composed of three classes; the (first) Egyptians and
natives, acute but indifferent citizens, and meddling with civil
affairs. The second, the mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body;
for it was an ancient custom to maintain foreign soldiers, who, from the
worthlessness of their sovereigns, knew better how to govern than to
obey. The third were the Alexandrines, who, for the same reason, were
not orderly citizens;[817] but still they were better than the
mercenaries, for although they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek
origin, they retained the customs common to the Greeks. But this class
was extinct nearly about the time of Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign
Polybius came to Alexandreia. For Physcon, being distressed by factions,
frequently exposed the multitude to the attacks of the soldiery, and
thus destroyed them. By such a state of things in the city the words of
the poet (says Polybius) were verified:
“The way to Egypt is long and vexatious. ”[818]
13. Such then, if not worse, was the condition of the city under the
last kings. The Romans, as far as they were able, corrected, as I have
said, many abuses, and established an orderly government, by appointing
vice-governors, nomarchs, and ethnarchs, whose business it was to
superintend affairs of minor importance.
The greatest advantage which the city possesses arises from its being
the only place in all Egypt well situated by nature for communication
with the sea by its excellent harbour, and with the land by the river,
by means of which everything is easily transported and collected
together into this city, which is the greatest mart in the habitable
world.
These may be said to be the superior excellencies of the city. Cicero,
in one of his orations,[819] in speaking of the revenues of Egypt,
states that an annual tribute of 12,500 talents was paid to (Ptolemy)
Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. If then a king, who administered his
government in the worst possible manner, and with the greatest
negligence, obtained so large a revenue, what must we suppose it to be
at present, when affairs are administered with great care, and when the
commerce with India and with Troglodytica has been so greatly increased?
For formerly not even twenty vessels ventured to navigate the Arabian
Gulf, or advance to the smallest distance beyond the straits at its
mouth; but now large fleets are despatched as far as India and the
extremities of Ethiopia, from which places the most valuable freights
are brought to Egypt, and are thence exported to other parts, so that a
double amount of custom is collected, arising from imports on the one
hand, and from exports on the other. The most expensive description of
goods is charged with the heaviest impost; for in fact Alexandreia has a
monopoly of trade, and is almost the only receptacle for this kind of
merchandise and place of supply for foreigners. The natural convenience
of the situation is still more apparent to persons travelling through
the country, and particularly along the coast which commences at the
Catabathmus; for to this place Egypt extends.
Next to it is Cyrenæa, and the neighbouring barbarians, the Marmaridæ.
14. From the Catabathmus[820] to Parætonium is a run of 900 stadia for a
vessel in a direct course. There is a city and a large harbour of about
40 stadia in extent, by some called the city Parætonium,[821] by others,
Ammonia. Between these is the village of the Egyptians, and the
promontory Ænesisphyra, and the Tyndareian rocks, four small islands,
with a harbour; then Drepanum a promontory, and Ænesippeia an island
with a harbour, and Apis a village, from which to Parætonium are 100
stadia; [from thence] to the temple of Ammon is a journey of five days.
From Parætonium to Alexandreia are about 1300 stadia. Between these are,
first, a promontory of white earth, called Leuce-Acte, then Phœnicus a
harbour, and Pnigeus a village; after these the island Sidonia
(Pedonia? ) with a harbour; then a little further off from the sea,
Antiphræ. The whole of this country produces no wine of a good quality,
and the earthen jars contain more sea-water than wine, which is called
Libyan;[822] this and beer are the [CAS. 799] principal beverage of the
common people of Alexandria. Antiphræ in particular was a subject of
ridicule (on account of its bad wine).
Next is the harbour Derrhis,[823] which has its name from an adjacent
black rock, resembling δέῤῥις, a hide. The neighbouring place is called
Zephyrium. Then follows another harbour, Leucaspis (the white shield),
and many others; then the Cynossema (or dog’s monument); then
Taposeiris, not that situated upon the sea; here is held a great public
festival. There is another Taposeiris,[824] situated at a considerable
distance beyond the city (Alexandreia). Near this, and close to the sea,
is a rocky spot, which is the resort of great numbers of people at all
seasons of the year, for the purpose of feasting and amusement. Next is
Plinthine,[825] and the village of Nicium, and Cherronesus a fortress,
distant from Alexandreia and the Necropolis about 70 stadia.
The lake Mareia, which extends as far as this place, is more than 150
stadia in breadth, and in length less than 300 stadia. It contains eight
islands. The whole country about it is well inhabited. Good wine also is
produced here, and in such quantity that the Mareotic wine is racked in
order that it may be kept to be old. [826]
15. The byblus[827] and the Egyptian bean grow in the marshes and lakes;
from the latter the ciborium is made. [828] The stalks of the bean are
nearly of equal height, and grow to the length of ten feet. The byblus
is a bare stem, with a tuft on the top. But the bean puts out leaves and
flowers in many parts, and bears a fruit similar to our bean, differing
only in size and taste. The bean-grounds present an agreeable sight, and
afford amusement to those who are disposed to recreate themselves with
convivial feasts. These entertainments take place in boats with cabins;
they enter the thickest part of the plantation, where they are
overshadowed with the leaves, which are very large, and serve for
drinking-cups and dishes, having a hollow which fits them for the
purpose. They are found in great abundance in the shops in Alexandreia,
where they are used as vessels. One of the sources of land revenue is
the sale of these leaves. Such then is the nature of this bean.
The byblus does not grow here in great abundance, for it is not
cultivated. But it abounds in the lower parts of the Delta. There is one
sort inferior to the other. [829] The best is the hieratica. Some persons
intending to augment the revenue, employed in this case a method which
the Jews practised with the palm, especially the caryotic, and with the
balsamum. [830] In many places it is not allowed to be cultivated, and
the price is enhanced by its rarity: the revenue is indeed thus
increased, but the general consumption [of the article] is injured.
16. On passing through the Canobic gate of the city, on the right hand
is the canal leading to Canobus, close to the lake. They sail by this
canal to Schedia, to the great river, and to Canobus, but the first
place at which they arrive is Eleusis. This is a settlement near
Alexandreia and Nicopolis, and situated on the Canobic canal. It has
houses of entertainment which command beautiful views, and hither [CAS.
800] resort men and women who are inclined to indulge in noisy revelry,
a prelude to Canobic life, and the dissolute manners of the people of
Canobus.
At a little distance from Eleusis, on the right hand, is the canal
leading towards Schedia. Schedia is distant four schœni from
Alexandreia. It is a suburb of the city, and has a station for the
vessels with cabins, which convey the governors when they visit the
upper parts of the country. Here is collected the duty on merchandise,
as it is transported up or down the river. For this purpose a bridge of
boats is laid across the river, and from this kind of bridge the place
has the name of Schedia.
Next after the canal leading to Schedia, the navigation thence to
Canobus is parallel to the sea-coast, extending from Pharos to the
Canobic mouth. For between the sea and the canal, is a narrow band of
ground, on which is situated the smaller Taposeiris, which lies next
after Nicopolis, and Zephyrium a promontory, on which is a small temple
dedicated to Venus Arsinoë.
Anciently, it is said, a city called Thonis stood there, which bears the
name of the king, who entertained as his guests Menelaus and Helen. The
poet thus speaks of the drugs which were given to Helen,
“the potent drugs, which Polydamna, the wife of Thon, gave
to Helen. ”
17. Canobus is a city, distant by land from Alexandreia 120 stadia. It
has its name from Canobus, the pilot of Menelaus, who died there.
description particularly, the flowing and ebbing of the tide did them
the most harm.
The first mistake consisted in building long vessels [of war] at a time
when there was no war, nor any likely to occur by sea. For the Arabians,
being mostly engaged in traffic and commerce, are not a very warlike
people even on land, much less so at sea. Gallus, notwithstanding, built
not less than eighty biremes and triremes and galleys (phaseli) at
Cleopatris,[783] near the old canal which leads from the Nile. When he
discovered his mistake, he constructed a hundred and thirty vessels of
burden, in which he embarked with about ten thousand infantry, collected
from Egypt, consisting of Romans and allies, among whom were five
hundred Jews and a thousand Nabatæans, under the command of Syllæus.
After enduring great hardships and distress, he arrived on the fifteenth
day at Leuce-Come, a large mart in the territory of the Nabatæans, with
the loss of many of his vessels, some with all their crews, in
consequence of the difficulty of the navigation, but by no opposition
from an enemy. These misfortunes were occasioned by the perfidy of
Syllæus, who insisted that there was no road for an army by land to
Leuce-Come, to which and from which place the camel-traders travel with
ease and in safety from Petra, and back to Petra, with so large a body
of men and camels as to differ in no respect from an army.
24. Another cause of the failure of the expedition was the fact of king
Obodas not paying much attention to public affairs, and especially to
those relative to war (as is the custom with all Arabian kings), but
placed everything in the power of Syllæus the minister. His whole
conduct in command of the army was perfidious, and his object was, as I
suppose, to examine as a spy the state of the country, and to destroy,
in concert with the Romans, certain cities and tribes: and when the
Romans should be consumed by famine, fatigue, and disease, and by all
the evils which he had treacherously contrived, to declare himself
master of the whole country.
Gallus however arrived at Leuce-Come, with the army labouring under
stomacacce and scelotyrbe, diseases of the country, the former affecting
the mouth, the other the legs, with a kind of paralysis, caused by the
water and the plants [which the soldiers had used in their food]. He was
therefore compelled to pass the summer and the winter there, for the
recovery of the sick.
Merchandise is conveyed from Leuce-Come to Petra, thence to Rhinocolura
in Phœnicia, near Egypt, and thence to other nations. But at present the
greater part is transported by the Nile to Alexandreia. It is brought
down from Arabia and India to Myus Hormus, it is then conveyed on camels
to Coptus[784] of the Thebaïs, situated on a canal of the Nile, and to
Alexandreia. Gallus, setting out again from Leuce-Come on his return
with his army, and through the treachery of his guide, traversed such
tracts of country, that the army was obliged to carry water with them
upon camels. After a [CAS. 781] march of many days, therefore, he came
to the territory of Aretas, who was related to Obodas. Aretas received
him in a friendly manner, and offered presents. But by the treachery of
Syllæus, Gallus was conducted by a difficult road through the country;
for he occupied thirty days in passing through it. It afforded barley, a
few palm trees, and butter instead of oil.
The next country to which he came belonged to Nomades, and was in great
part a complete desert. It was called Ararene. The king of the country
was Sabos. Gallus spent fifty days in passing through this territory,
for want of roads, and came to a city of the Negrani, and to a fertile
country peacefully disposed. The king had fled, and the city was taken
at the first onset. After a march of six days from thence, he came to
the river. Here the barbarians attacked the Romans, and lost about ten
thousand men; the Romans lost only two men. For the barbarians were
entirely inexperienced in war, and used their weapons unskilfully, which
were bows, spears, swords, and slings; but the greater part of them
wielded a double-edged axe. Immediately afterwards he took the city
called Asca, which had been abandoned by the king. He thence came to a
city Athrula, and took it without resistance; having placed a garrison
there, and collected provisions for the march, consisting of corn and
dates, he proceeded to a city Marsiaba, belonging to the nation of the
Rhammanitæ, who were subjects of Ilasarus. He assaulted and besieged it
for six days, but raised the siege in consequence of a scarcity of
water. He was two days’ march from the aromatic region, as he was
informed by his prisoners. He occupied in his marches a period of six
months, in consequence of the treachery of his guides. This he
discovered when he was returning; and although he was late in
discovering the design against him, he had time to take another road
back; for he arrived in nine days at Negrana, where the battle was
fought, and thence in eleven days he came to the “Seven Wells,” as the
place is called from the fact of their existing there. Thence he marched
through a desert country, and came to Chaalla a village, and then to
another called Malothas, situated on a river. His road then lay through
a desert country, which had only a few watering-places, as far as
Egra[785] a village. It belongs to the territory of Obodas, and is
situated upon the sea. He accomplished on his return the whole distance
in sixty days, in which, on his first journey, he had consumed six
months. From Negra he conducted his army in eleven days to Myus Hormus;
thence across the country to Coptus, and arrived at Alexandreia with so
much of his army could be saved. The remainder he lost, not by the
enemy, but by disease, fatigue, famine, and marches through bad roads;
for seven men only perished in battle. For these reasons this expedition
contributed little in extending our knowledge of the country. It was
however of some small service.
Syllæus, the author of these disasters, was punished for his treachery
at Rome. He affected friendship, but he was convicted of other offences,
besides perfidy in this instance, and was beheaded.
25. The aromatic country, as I have before said,[786] is divided into
four parts. Of aromatics, the frankincense and myrrh are said to be the
produce of trees, but cassia the growth of bushes; yet some writers say,
that the greater part (of the cassia) is brought from India, and that
the best frankincense is that from Persia.
According to another partition of the country, the whole of Arabia Felix
is divided into five kingdoms (or portions), one of which comprises the
fighting men, who fight for all the rest; another contains the
husbandmen, by whom the rest are supplied with food; another includes
those who work at mechanical trades. One division comprises the myrrh
region; another the frankincense region, although the same tracts
produce cassia, cinnamon, and nard. Trades are not changed from one
family to another, but each workman continues to exercise that of his
father.
The greater part of their wine is made from the palm.
A man’s brothers are held in more respect than his children. The
descendants of the royal family succeed as kings, and are invested with
other governments, according to primogeniture. Property is common among
all the relations. The eldest is the chief. There is one wife among them
all. He who enters [CAS. 783] the house before any of the rest, has
intercourse with her, having placed his staff at the door; for it is a
necessary custom, which every one is compelled to observe, to carry a
staff. The woman however passes the night with the eldest. Hence the
male children are all brothers. They have sexual intercourse also with
their mothers. Adultery is punished with death, but an adulterer must
belong to another family.
A daughter of one of the kings was of extraordinary beauty, and had
fifteen brothers, who were all in love with her, and were her unceasing
and successive visitors; she, being at last weary of their importunity,
is said to have employed the following device. She procured staves to be
made similar to those of her brothers; when one left the house, she
placed before the door a staff similar to the first, and a little time
afterwards another, and so on in succession, but making her calculation
so that the person who intended to visit her might not have one similar
to that at her door. On an occasion when the brothers were all of them
together at the market-place, one left it, and came to the door of the
house; seeing the staff there, and conjecturing some one to be in her
apartment, and having left all the other brothers at the market-place,
he suspected the person to be an adulterer; running therefore in haste
to his father, he brought him with him to the house, but it was proved
that he had falsely accused his sister.
26. The Nabatæans are prudent, and fond of accumulating property. The
community fine a person who has diminished his substance, and confer
honours on him who has increased it. They have few slaves, and are
served for the most part by their relations, or by one another, or each
person is his own servant; and this custom extends even to their kings.
They eat their meals in companies consisting of thirteen persons. Each
party is attended by two musicians. But the king gives many
entertainments in great buildings. No one drinks more than eleven
[appointed] cupfuls, from separate cups, each of gold.
The king courts popular favour so much, that he is not only his own
servant, but sometimes he himself ministers to others. He frequently
renders an account [of his administration] before the people, and
sometimes an inquiry is made into his mode of life.
The houses are sumptuous, and of stone. The cities are without walls, on
account of the peace [which prevails among them]. A great part of the
country is fertile, and produces everything except oil of olives;
[instead of it], the oil of sesamum is used. The sheep have white
fleeces, their oxen are large; but the country produces no horses. [787]
Camels are the substitute for horses, and perform the [same kind of]
labour. They wear no tunics, but have a girdle about the loins, and walk
abroad in sandals. [788] The dress of the kings is the same, but the
colour is purple.
Some merchandise is altogether imported into the country, others are not
altogether imports, especially as some articles are native products, as
gold and silver, and many of the aromatics; but brass and iron, purple
garments, styrax, saffron, and costus (or white cinnamon), pieces of
sculpture, paintings, statues, are not to be procured in the country.
They look upon the bodies of the dead as no better than dung, according
to the words of Heracleitus, “dead bodies more fit to be cast out than
dung;” wherefore they bury even their kings beside dung-heaps. They
worship the sun, and construct the altar on the top of a house, pouring
out libations and burning frankincense upon it every day.
27. When the poet says,
“I went to the country of the Ethiopians, Sidonians, and Erembi,”[789]
it is doubtful, what people he means by Sidonians, whether those who
lived near the Persian Gulf, a colony from which nation are the
Sidonians in our quarter (in the same manner as historians relate, that
some Tyrian islanders are found there, and Aradii, from whom the Aradii
in our country derive their origin), or whether the poet means actually
the Sidonians themselves.
But there is more doubt about the Erembi, whether we are to suppose that
he means the Troglodytæ, according to the opinion of those who, by a
forced etymology, derive the word Erembi from ἔραν ἐμβαίνειν, that is,
“entering into the earth,” or whether he means the Arabians. Zeno the
philosopher of our sect alters the reading in this manner,
“And Sidoni, and Arabes;”
[CAS. 784] but Poseidonius alters it with a small variation,
“And Sidonii, and Arambi,”
as if the poet gave the name Arambi to the present Arabians, from their
being so called by others in his time. He says also, that the situation
of these three nations close to one another indicates a descent from
some common stock, and that on this account they are called by names
having a resemblance to one another, as Armenii, Aramæi, Arambi. For as
we may suppose one nation to have been divided into three (according to
the differences of latitude [in which they lived], which successively
became more marked [in proceeding from one to the other]), so in like
manner we may suppose that several names were adopted in place of one.
The proposed change of reading to Eremni is not probable, for that name
is more applicable to the Ethiopians. The poet mentions also the Arimi,
whom Poseidonius says are meant here, and not a place in Syria or
Cilicia, or any other country, but Syria itself. For the Aramæi lived
there. Perhaps these are the people whom the Greeks called Arimæi or
Arimi. But the alterations of names, especially of barbarous nations,
are frequent, Thus Darius was called Darieces; Parysatis, Pharziris;
Athara, Atargata, whom Ctesias again calls Derceto. [790]
Alexander might be adduced to bear witness to the wealth of the
Arabians, for he intended, it is said, after his return from India, to
make Arabia the seat of empire. All his enterprises terminated with his
death, which happened suddenly; but certainly one of his projects was to
try whether the Arabians would receive him voluntarily, or resist him by
force of arms; for having found that they did not send ambassadors to
him, either before or after his expedition to India, he was beginning to
make preparations for war, as we have said in a former part of this
work.
BOOK XVII.
SUMMARY.
The Seventeenth Book contains the whole of Egypt and Africa.
CHAPTER I.
When we were describing Arabia, we included in the description the gulfs
which compress and make it a peninsula, namely the Gulfs of Arabia and
of Persis. We described at the same time some parts of Egypt, and those
of Ethiopia, inhabited by the Troglodytæ, and by the people situated
next to them, extending to the confines of the Cinnamon country. [791]
We are now to describe the remaining parts contiguous to these nations,
and situated about the Nile. We shall then give an account of Africa,
which remains to complete this treatise on Geography.
And here we must previously adduce the opinions of Eratosthenes.
2. He says, that the Nile is distant from the Arabian Gulf towards the
west 1000 stadia, and that it resembles (in its course) the letter N
reversed. For after flowing, he says, about 2700 stadia from Meroë
towards the north, it turns again to the south, and to the winter
sunset, continuing its course for about 3700 stadia, when it is almost
in the latitude of the places about Meroë. Then entering far into
Africa, and having made another bend, it flows towards the north, a
distance of 5300 stadia, to the great cataract;[792] and inclining a
little to the east, traverses a distance of 1200 stadia to the smaller
cataract at Syene,[793] and 5300 stadia more to the sea. [794]
[CAS. 786] Two rivers empty themselves into it, which issue out of
some lakes towards the east, and encircle Meroë, a considerable
island. [795] One of these rivers is called Astaboras,[796] flowing along
the eastern side of the island. The other is the Astapus, or, as some
call it, Astasobas. But the Astapus[797] is said to be another river,
which issues out of some lakes on the south, and that this river forms
nearly the body of the (stream of the) Nile which flows in a straight
line, and that it is filled by the summer rains; that above the
confluence of the Astaboras and the Nile, at the distance of 700 stadia,
is Meroë, a city having the same name as the island; and that there is
another island above Meroë, occupied by the fugitive Egyptians, who
revolted in the time of Psammitichus,[798] and are called Sembritæ, or
foreigners. Their sovereign is a queen, but they obey the king of Meroë.
The lower parts of the country on each side Meroë, along the Nile
towards the Red Sea, are occupied by Megabari and Blemmyes, who are
subject to the Ethiopians, and border upon the Egyptians; about the sea
are Troglodytæ. The Troglodytæ, in the latitude of Meroë, are distant
ten or twelve days’ journey from the Nile. On the left of the course of
the Nile live Nubæ in Libya, a populous nation. They begin [CAS. 787]
from Meroë, and extend as far as the bends (of the river). They are not
subject to the Ethiopians, but live independently, being distributed
into several sovereignties.
The extent of Egypt along the sea, from the Pelusiac to the Canobic
mouth, is 1300 stadia.
Such is the account of Eratosthenes.
3. We must, however, enter into a further detail of particulars. And
first, we must speak of the parts about Egypt, proceeding from those
that are better known to those which follow next in order.
The Nile produces some common effects in this and the contiguous tract
of country, namely, that of the Ethiopians above it, in watering them at
the time of its rise, and leaving those parts only habitable which have
been covered by the inundation; it intersects the higher lands, and all
the tract elevated above its current on both sides, which however are
uninhabited and a desert, from an absolute want of water. But the Nile
does not traverse the whole of Ethiopia, nor alone, nor in a straight
line, nor a country which is well inhabited. But Egypt it traverses both
alone and entirely, and in a straight line, from the lesser cataract
above Syene and Elephantina, (which are the boundaries of Egypt and
Ethiopia,) to the mouths by which it discharges itself into the sea. The
Ethiopians at present lead for the most part a wandering life, and are
destitute of the means of subsistence, on account of the barrenness of
the soil, the disadvantages of climate, and their great distance from
us.
Now the contrary is the case with the Egyptians in all these respects.
For they have lived from the first under a regular form of government,
they were a people of civilized manners, and were settled in a
well-known country; their institutions have been recorded and mentioned
in terms of praise, for they seemed to have availed themselves of the
fertility of their country in the best possible manner by the partition
of it (and by the classification of persons) which they adopted, and by
their general care.
When they had appointed a king, they divided the people into three
classes, into soldiers, husbandmen, and priests. The latter had the care
of everything relating to sacred things (of the gods), the others of
what related to man; some had the management of warlike affairs, others
attended to the concerns of peace, the cultivation of the ground, and
the practice of the arts, from which the king derived his revenue.
The priests devoted themselves to the study of philosophy and astronomy,
and were companions of the kings.
The country was at first divided into nomes. [799] The Thebaïs contained
ten, the Delta ten, and the intermediate tract sixteen. But according to
some writers, all the nomes together amounted to the number of chambers
in the Labyrinth. Now these were less than thirty [six]. The nomes were
again divided into other sections. The greater number of the nomes were
distributed into toparchies, and these again into other sections; the
smallest portions were the arouræ.
An exact and minute division of the country was required by the frequent
confusion of boundaries occasioned at the time of the rise of the Nile,
which takes away, adds, and alters the various shapes of the bounds, and
obliterates other marks by which the property of one person is
distinguished [CAS. 787] from that of another. It was consequently
necessary to measure the land repeatedly. Hence it is said geometry
originated here, as the art of keeping accounts and arithmetic
originated with the Phœnicians, in consequence of their commerce. [800]
As the whole population of the country, so the separate population in
each nome, was divided into three classes; the territory also was
divided into three equal portions.
The attention and care bestowed upon the Nile is so great to cause
industry to triumph over nature. The ground by nature, and still more by
being supplied with water, produces a great abundance of fruits. By
nature also a greater rise of the river irrigates a larger tract of
land; but industry has completely succeeded in rectifying the deficiency
of nature, so that in seasons when the rise of the river has been less
than usual, as large a portion of the country is irrigated by means of
canals and embankments, as in seasons when the rise of the river has
been greater.
Before the times of Petronius there was the greatest plenty, and the
rise of the river was the greatest when it rose to the height of
fourteen cubits; but when it rose to eight only, a famine ensued. During
the government of Petronius, however, when the Nile rose twelve cubits
only, there was a most abundant crop; and once when it mounted to eight
only, no famine followed. Such then is the nature of this provision for
the physical state of the country. We shall now proceed to the next
particulars.
4. The Nile, when it leaves the boundaries of Ethiopia, flows in a
straight line towards the north, to the tract called the Delta, then
“cloven at the head,” (according to the expression of Plato,) makes this
point the vertex, as it were, of a triangle, the sides of which are
formed by the streams, which separate on each side, and extend to the
sea, one on the right hand to Pelusium, the other on the left to Canobus
and the neighbouring Heracleium, as it is called; the base is the coast
lying between Pelusium and the Heracleium.
An island was therefore formed by the sea and by both streams of the
river, which is called Delta from the resemblance of its shape to the
letter (Δ) of that name. The spot at the vertex of the triangle has the
same appellation, because it is the beginning of the above-mentioned
triangular figure. The village, also, situated upon it is called Delta.
These then are two mouths of the Nile, one of which is called the
Pelusiac, the other the Canobic and Heracleiotic mouth. Between these
are five other outlets, some of which are considerable, but the greater
part are of inferior importance. For many others branch off from the
principal streams, and are distributed over the whole of the island of
the Delta, and form many streams and islands; so that the whole Delta is
accessible to boats, one canal succeeding another, and navigated with so
much ease, that some persons make use of rafts[801] floated on earthen
pots, to transport them from place to place.
The whole island is about 3000 stadia in circumference, and is called,
as also the lower country, with the land on the opposite sides of the
streams, the Delta.
But at the time of the rising of the Nile, the whole country is covered,
and resembles a sea, except the inhabited spots, which are situated upon
natural hills or mounds; and considerable cities and villages appear
like islands in the distant prospect.
The water, after having continued on the ground more than forty days in
summer, then subsides by degrees, in the same manner as it rose. In
sixty days the plain is entirely exposed to view, and dries up. The
sooner the land is dry, so much the sooner the ploughing and sowing are
accomplished, and it dries earlier in those parts where the heat is
greater.
The country above the Delta is irrigated in the same manner, except that
the river flows in a straight line to the distance of about 4000 stadia
in one channel, unless where some island intervenes, the most
considerable of which comprises the Heracleiotic Nome; or, where it is
diverted by a canal into a large lake, or a tract of country which it is
capable of irrigating, as the lake Mœris and the Arsinoïte Nome, or
where the canals discharge themselves into the Mareotis.
[CAS. 789] In short, Egypt, from the mountains of Ethiopia to the vertex
of the Delta, is merely a river tract on each side of the Nile, and
rarely if anywhere comprehends in one continued line a habitable
territory of 300 stadia in breadth. It resembles, except the frequent
diversions of its course, a bandage rolled out. [802]
The mountains on each side (of the Nile), which descend from the parts
about Syene to the Egyptian Sea,[803] give this shape to the river tract
of which I am speaking, and to the country. For in proportion as these
mountains extend along that tract, or recede from each other, in the
same degree is the river contracted or expanded, and they impart to the
habitable country its variety of shape. But the country beyond the
mountains is in a great measure uninhabited.
5. The ancients understood more by conjecture than otherwise, but
persons in later times learnt by experience as eye-witnesses, that the
Nile owes its rise to summer rains, which fall in great abundance in
Upper Ethiopia, particularly in the most distant mountains. On the rains
ceasing, the fulness of the river gradually subsides. This was
particularly observed by those who navigated the Arabian Gulf on their
way to the Cinnamon country, and by those who were sent out to hunt
elephants, or for such other purposes as induced the Ptolemies, kings of
Egypt, to despatch persons in that direction. These sovereigns had
directed their attention to objects of this kind, particularly Ptolemy
surnamed Philadelphus, who was a lover of science, and on account of
bodily infirmities always in search of some new diversion and amusement.
But the ancient kings paid little attention to such inquiries, although
both they and the priests, with whom they passed the greater part of
their lives, professed to be devoted to the study of philosophy. Their
ignorance therefore is more surprising, both on this account and because
Sesostris had traversed the whole of Ethiopia as far as the Cinnamon
country, of which expedition monuments exist even to the present day,
such as pillars and inscriptions. Cambyses also, when he was in
possession of Egypt, had advanced with the Egyptians as far even as
Meroë; and it is said that he gave this name both to the island and to
the city, because his sister, or according to some writers his wife,
Meroë died there. For this reason therefore he conferred the appellation
on the island, and in honour of a woman. It is surprising how, with such
opportunities of obtaining information, the history of these rains
should not have been clearly known to persons living in those times,
especially as the priests registered with the greatest diligence in the
sacred books all extraordinary facts, and preserved records of
everything which seemed to contribute to an increase of knowledge. And,
if this had been the case, would it be necessary to inquire what is even
still a question, what can possibly be the reason why rain falls in
summer, and not in winter, in the most southerly parts of the country,
but not in the Thebaïs, nor in the country about Syene? nor should we
have to examine whether the rise of the water of the Nile is occasioned
by rains, nor require such evidence for these facts as Poseidonius
adduces. For he says, that Callisthenes asserts that the cause of the
rise of the river is the rain of summer. This he borrows from Aristotle,
who borrowed it from Thrasyalces the Thasian (one of the ancient writers
on physics), Thrasyalces from some other person, and he from Homer, who
calls the Nile “heaven-descended:”
“back to Egypt’s heaven-descended stream. ”[804]
But I quit this subject, since it has been discussed by many writers,
among whom it will be sufficient to specify two, who have (each)
composed in our times a treatise on the Nile, Eudorus and Aristo the
Peripatetic philosopher. [They differ little from each other] except in
the order and disposition of the works, for the phraseology and
execution is the same in both writers. (I can speak with some confidence
in this matter), for when at a loss (for manuscripts) for the purpose of
comparison and copy, I collated both authors. [805] But which of them
surreptitiously substituted the other’s account as his own, we may
[CAS. 790] go to the temple of Ammon to be informed. Eudorus accused
Aristo, but the style is more like that of Aristo.
The ancients gave the name of Egypt to that country only which was
inhabited and watered by the Nile, and the extent they assigned to it
was from the neighbourhood of Syene to the sea. But later writers, to
the present time, have included on the eastern side almost all the tract
between the Arabian Gulf and the Nile (the Æthiopians however do not
make much use of the Red Sea); on the western side, the tract extending
to the Auases and the parts of the sea-coast from the Canobic mouth of
the Nile to Catabathmus, and the kingdom of Cyrenæa. For the kings who
succeeded the race of the Ptolemies had acquired so much power, that
they became masters of Cyrenæa, and even joined Cyprus to Egypt.
The
Romans, who succeeded to their dominions, separated Egypt, and confined
it within the old limits.
The Egyptians give the name of Auases (Oases) to certain inhabited
tracts, which are surrounded by extensive deserts, and appear like
islands in the sea. They are frequently met with in Libya, and there are
three contiguous to Egypt, and dependent upon it.
This is the account which we have to give of Egypt in general and
summarily. I shall now describe the separate parts of the country and
their advantages.
6. As Alexandreia and its neighbourhood occupy the greatest and
principal portion of the description, I shall begin with it.
In sailing towards the west, the sea-coast from Pelusium to the Canobic
mouth of the Nile is about 1300 stadia in extent, and constitutes, as we
have said, the base of the Delta. Thence to the island Pharos are 150
stadia more.
Pharos is a small oblong island, and lies quite close to the continent,
forming towards it a harbour with a double entrance. For the coast
abounds with bays, and has two promontories projecting into the sea. The
island is situated between these, and shuts in the bay, lying lengthways
in front of it.
Of the extremities of the Pharos, the eastern is nearest to the
continent and to the promontory in that direction, called Lochias, which
is the cause of the entrance to the port being narrow. Besides the
narrowness of the passage, there are rocks, some under water, others
rising above it, which at all times increase the violence of the waves
rolling in upon them from the open sea. This extremity itself of the
island is a rock, washed by the sea on all sides, with a tower upon it
of the same name as the island, admirably constructed of white marble,
with several stories. Sostratus of Cnidus, a friend of the kings,
erected it for the safety of mariners, as the inscription imports. [806]
For as the coast on each side is low and without harbours, with reefs
and shallows, an elevated and conspicuous mark was required to enable
navigators coming in from the open sea to direct their course exactly to
the entrance of the harbour.
The western mouth does not afford an easy entrance, but it does not
require the same degree of caution as the other. It forms also another
port, which has the name of Eunostus, or Happy Return: it lies in front
of the artificial and close harbour. That which has its entrance at the
above-mentioned tower of Pharos is the great harbour. These (two) lie
contiguous in the recess called Heptastadium, and are separated from it
by a mound. This mound forms a bridge from the continent to the island,
and extends along its western side, leaving two passages only through it
to the harbour of Eunostus, which are bridged over. But this work served
not only as a bridge, but as an aqueduct also, when the island was
inhabited. Divus Cæsar devastated the island, in his war against the
people of Alexandreia, when they espoused the party of the kings. A few
sailors live near the tower.
The great harbour, in addition to its being well enclosed by the mound
and by nature, is of sufficient depth near the shore to allow the
largest vessel to anchor near the stairs. It is also divided into
several ports.
The former kings of Egypt, satisfied with what they possessed, and not
desirous of foreign commerce, entertained a dislike to all mariners,
especially the Greeks (who, on account of the poverty of their own
country, ravaged and coveted the property of other nations), and
stationed a guard here, who had orders to keep off all persons who
approached. To the guard was assigned as a place of residence the spot
called Rhacotis, which is now a part of the city of Alexandreia,
situated above the arsenal. At that time, however, it was a village. The
country about the village was given up to herdsmen, [CAS. 792] who were
also able (from their numbers) to prevent strangers from entering the
country.
When Alexander arrived, and perceived the advantages of the situation,
he determined to build the city on the (natural) harbour. The prosperity
of the place, which ensued, was intimated, it is said, by a presage
which occurred while the plan of the city was tracing. The architects
were engaged in marking out the line of the wall with chalk, and had
consumed it all, when the king arrived; upon which the dispensers of
flour supplied the workmen with a part of the flour, which was provided
for their own use; and this substance was used in tracing the greater
part of the divisions of the streets. This, they said, was a good omen
for the city.
7. The advantages of the city are of various kinds. The site is washed
by two seas; on the north, by what is called the Egyptian Sea, and on
the south, by the sea of the lake Mareia, which is also called Mareotis.
This lake is filled by many canals from the Nile, both by those above
and those at the sides, through which a greater quantity of merchandise
is imported than by those communicating with the sea. Hence the harbour
on the lake is richer than the maritime harbour. The exports by sea from
Alexandreia exceed the imports. This any person may ascertain, either at
Alexandreia or Dicæarchia, by watching the arrival and departure of the
merchant vessels, and observing how much heavier or lighter their
cargoes are when they depart or when they return.
In addition to the wealth derived from merchandise landed at the
harbours on each side, on the sea and on the lake, its fine air is
worthy of remark: this results from the city being on two sides
surrounded by water, and from the favourable effects of the rise of the
Nile. For other cities, situated near lakes, have, during the heats of
summer, a heavy and suffocating atmosphere, and lakes at their margins
become swampy by the evaporation occasioned by the sun’s heat. When a
large quantity of moisture is exhaled from swamps, a noxious vapour
rises, and is the cause of pestilential disorders. But at Alexandreia,
at the beginning of summer, the Nile, being full, fills the lake also,
and leaves no marshy matter which is likely to occasion malignant
exhalations. At the same period, the Etesian winds blow from the north,
over a large expanse of sea, and the Alexandrines in consequence pass
their summer very pleasantly.
8. The shape of the site of the city is that of a chlamys or military
cloak. The sides, which determine the length, are surrounded by water,
and are about thirty stadia in extent; but the isthmuses, which
determine the breadth of the sides, are each of seven or eight stadia,
bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other by the lake. The whole
city is intersected by roads for the passage of horsemen and chariots.
Two of these are very broad, exceeding a plethrum in breadth, and cut
one another at right angles. It contains also very beautiful public
grounds and royal palaces, which occupy a fourth or even a third part of
its whole extent. For as each of the kings was desirous of adding some
embellishment to the places dedicated to the public use, so, besides the
buildings already existing, each of them erected a building at his own
expense; hence the expression of the poet may be here applied,
“one after the other springs. ”[807]
All the buildings are connected with one another and with the harbour,
and those also which are beyond it.
The Museum is a part of the palaces. It has a public walk and a place
furnished with seats, and a large hall, in which the men of learning,
who belong to the Museum, take their common meal. This community
possesses also property in common; and a priest, formerly appointed by
the kings, but at present by Cæsar, presides over the Museum.
A part belonging to the palaces consists of that called Sema, an
enclosure, which contained the tombs of the kings and that of Alexander
(the Great). For Ptolemy the son of Lagus took away the body of
Alexander from Perdiccas, as he was conveying it down from Babylon; for
Perdiccas had turned out of his road towards Egypt, incited by ambition
and a desire of making himself master of the country. When Ptolemy had
attacked [and made him prisoner], he intended to [spare his life and]
confine him in a desert island, but he met with a miserable end at the
hand of his own soldiers, who rushed upon and despatched him by
transfixing him with the long Macedonian spears. The kings who were with
him, Aridæus, and the children of Alexander, and Roxana his wife,
departed to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried away the body [CAS. 794] of
Alexander, and deposited it at Alexandreia in the place where it now
lies; not indeed in the same coffin, for the present one is of hyalus
(alabaster? ) whereas Ptolemy had deposited it in one of gold: it was
plundered by Ptolemy surnamed Cocce’s son and Pareisactus, who came from
Syria and was quickly deposed, so that his plunder was of no service to
him.
9. In the great harbour at the entrance, on the right hand, are the
island and the Pharos tower; on the left are the reef of rocks and the
promontory Lochias, with a palace upon it: at the entrance, on the left
hand, are the inner palaces, which are continuous with those on the
Lochias, and contain numerous painted apartments and groves. Below lies
the artificial and close harbour, appropriated to the use of the kings;
and Antirrhodus a small island, facing the artificial harbour, with a
palace on it, and a small port. It was called Antirrhodus, a rival as it
were of Rhodes.
Above this is the theatre, then the Poseidium, a kind of elbow
projecting from the Emporium, as it is called, with a temple of Neptune
upon it. To this Antony added a mound, projecting still further into the
middle of the harbour, and built at the extremity a royal mansion, which
he called Timonium. This was his last act, when, deserted by his
partisans, he retired to Alexandreia after his defeat at Actium, and
intended, being forsaken by so many friends, to lead the [solitary] life
of Timon for the rest of his days.
Next are the Cæsarium, the Emporium, and the Apostaseis, or magazines:
these are followed by docks, extending to the Heptastadium. This is the
description of the great harbour.
10. Next after the Heptastadium is the harbour of Eunostus, and above
this the artificial harbour, called Cibotus (or the Ark), which also has
docks. At the bottom of this harbour is a navigable canal, extending to
the lake Mareotis. Beyond the canal there still remains a small part of
the city. Then follows the suburb Necropolis, in which are numerous
gardens, burial-places, and buildings for carrying on the process of
embalming the dead.
On this side the canal is the Sarapium and other ancient sacred places,
which are now abandoned on account of the erection of the temples at
Nicopolis; for [there are situated] an amphitheatre and a stadium, and
there are celebrated quinquennial games; but the ancient and customs
are neglected.
In short, the city of Alexandreia abounds with public and sacred
buildings. The most beautiful of the former is the Gymnasium, with
porticos exceeding a stadium in extent. In the middle of it are the
court of justice and groves. Here also is a Paneium, an artificial mound
of the shape of a fircone, resembling a pile of rock, to the top of
which there is an ascent by a spiral path. From the summit may be seen
the whole city lying all around and beneath it.
The wide street extends in length along the Gymnasium from the
Necropolis to the Canobic gate. Next is the Hippodromos (or
race-course), as it is called, and other buildings[808] near it, and
reaching to the Canobic canal. After passing through the Hippodromos is
the Nicopolis, which contains buildings fronting the sea not less
numerous than a city. It is 30 stadia distant from Alexandreia. Augustus
Cæsar distinguished this place, because it was here that he defeated
Antony and his party of adherents. He took the city at the first onset,
and compelled Antony to put himself to death, but Cleopatra to surrender
herself alive. A short time afterwards, however, she also put an end to
her life secretly, in prison, by the bite of an asp, or (for there are
two accounts) by the application of a poisonous ointment. Thus the
empire of the Lagidæ, which had subsisted many years, was dissolved.
11. Alexander was succeeded by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, the son of
Lagus by Philadelphus, Philadelphus by Euergetes; next succeeded
Philopator the lover[809] of Agathocleia, then Epiphanes, afterwards
Philometor, the son (thus far) always succeeding the father. But
Philometor was succeeded by his brother, the second Euergetes, who was
also called Physcon. He was succeeded by Ptolemy surnamed Lathurus,
Lathurus by Auletes of our time, who was the father of Cleopatra. All
these kings, after the third Ptolemy, were corrupted by luxury and
effeminacy, and the affairs of government were very badly administered
by them; but worst of all by the fourth, the seventh, and the last
(Ptolemy), Auletes (or the Piper), [CAS. 796] who, besides other deeds
of shamelessness, acted the piper; indeed he gloried so much in the
practice, that he scrupled not to appoint trials of skill in his palace;
on which occasions he presented himself as a competitor with other
rivals. He was deposed by the Alexandrines; and of his three daughters,
one, the eldest, who was legitimate, they proclaimed queen; but his two
sons, who were infants, were absolutely excluded from the succession.
As a husband for the daughter established on the throne, the
Alexandrines invited one Cybiosactes from Syria, who pretended to be
descended from the Syrian kings. The queen after a few days, unable to
endure his coarseness and vulgarity, rid herself of him by causing him
to be strangled. She afterwards married Archelaus, who also pretended to
be the son of Mithridates Eupator, but he was really the son of that
Archelaus[810] who carried on war against Sylla, and was afterwards
honourably treated by the Romans. He was grandfather of the last king of
Cappadocia in our time, and priest of Comana in Pontus. [811] He was then
(at the time we are speaking of) the guest of Gabinius, and intended to
accompany him in an expedition against the Parthians,[812] but unknown
to Gabinius, he was conducted away by some (friends) to the queen, and
declared king.
At this time Pompey the Great entertained Auletes as his guest on his
arrival at Rome, and recommended him to the senate, negotiated his
return, and contrived the execution of most of the deputies, in number a
hundred, who had undertaken to appear against him: at their head was
Dion the academic philosopher.
Ptolemy (Auletes) on being restored by Gabinius, put to death both
Archelaus and his daughter;[813] but not long after[814] he was
reinstated in his kingdom, he died a natural death, leaving two sons and
two daughters, the eldest of whom was Cleopatra.
The Alexandrines declared as sovereigns the eldest son and Cleopatra.
But the adherents of the son excited a sedition, and banished
Cleopatra, who retired with her sister into Syria. [815]
It was about this time that Pompey the Great, in his flight from
Palæpharsalus,[816] came to Pelusium and Mount Casium. He was
treacherously slain by the king’s party. When Cæsar arrived, he put the
young prince to death, and sending for Cleopatra from her place of
exile, appointed her queen of Egypt, declaring also her surviving
brother, who was very young, and herself joint sovereigns.
After the death of Cæsar and the battle at Pharsalia, Antony passed over
into Asia; he raised Cleopatra to the highest dignity, made her his
wife, and had children by her. He was present with her at the battle of
Actium, and accompanied her in her flight. Augustus Cæsar pursued them,
put an end to their power, and rescued Egypt from misgovernment and
revelry.
12. At present Egypt is a (Roman) province, pays considerable tribute,
and is well governed by prudent persons, who are sent there in
succession. The governor thus sent out has the rank of king. Subordinate
to him is the administrator of justice, who is the supreme judge in many
causes. There is another officer, who is called Idiologus, whose
business it is to inquire into property for which there is no claimant,
and which of right falls to Cæsar. These are accompanied by Cæsar’s
freedmen and stewards, who are intrusted with affairs of more or less
importance.
Three legions are stationed in Egypt, one in the city, the rest in the
country. Besides these there are also nine Roman cohorts, three
quartered in the city, three on the borders of Ethiopia in Syene, as a
guard to that tract, and three in other parts of the country. There are
also three bodies of cavalry distributed in convenient posts.
Of the native magistrates in the cities, the first is the expounder of
the law, who is dressed in scarlet; he receives the customary honours of
the country, and has the care of providing what is necessary for the
city. The second is the writer of records, the third is the chief judge.
The fourth is the commander of the night guard. These magistrates
existed in the time of the kings, but in consequence of the bad
administration of affairs by the latter, the prosperity of the city was
ruined by [CAS. 797] licentiousness. Polybius expresses his indignation
at the state of things when he was there: he describes the inhabitants
of the city to be composed of three classes; the (first) Egyptians and
natives, acute but indifferent citizens, and meddling with civil
affairs. The second, the mercenaries, a numerous and undisciplined body;
for it was an ancient custom to maintain foreign soldiers, who, from the
worthlessness of their sovereigns, knew better how to govern than to
obey. The third were the Alexandrines, who, for the same reason, were
not orderly citizens;[817] but still they were better than the
mercenaries, for although they were a mixed race, yet being of Greek
origin, they retained the customs common to the Greeks. But this class
was extinct nearly about the time of Euergetes Physcon, in whose reign
Polybius came to Alexandreia. For Physcon, being distressed by factions,
frequently exposed the multitude to the attacks of the soldiery, and
thus destroyed them. By such a state of things in the city the words of
the poet (says Polybius) were verified:
“The way to Egypt is long and vexatious. ”[818]
13. Such then, if not worse, was the condition of the city under the
last kings. The Romans, as far as they were able, corrected, as I have
said, many abuses, and established an orderly government, by appointing
vice-governors, nomarchs, and ethnarchs, whose business it was to
superintend affairs of minor importance.
The greatest advantage which the city possesses arises from its being
the only place in all Egypt well situated by nature for communication
with the sea by its excellent harbour, and with the land by the river,
by means of which everything is easily transported and collected
together into this city, which is the greatest mart in the habitable
world.
These may be said to be the superior excellencies of the city. Cicero,
in one of his orations,[819] in speaking of the revenues of Egypt,
states that an annual tribute of 12,500 talents was paid to (Ptolemy)
Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. If then a king, who administered his
government in the worst possible manner, and with the greatest
negligence, obtained so large a revenue, what must we suppose it to be
at present, when affairs are administered with great care, and when the
commerce with India and with Troglodytica has been so greatly increased?
For formerly not even twenty vessels ventured to navigate the Arabian
Gulf, or advance to the smallest distance beyond the straits at its
mouth; but now large fleets are despatched as far as India and the
extremities of Ethiopia, from which places the most valuable freights
are brought to Egypt, and are thence exported to other parts, so that a
double amount of custom is collected, arising from imports on the one
hand, and from exports on the other. The most expensive description of
goods is charged with the heaviest impost; for in fact Alexandreia has a
monopoly of trade, and is almost the only receptacle for this kind of
merchandise and place of supply for foreigners. The natural convenience
of the situation is still more apparent to persons travelling through
the country, and particularly along the coast which commences at the
Catabathmus; for to this place Egypt extends.
Next to it is Cyrenæa, and the neighbouring barbarians, the Marmaridæ.
14. From the Catabathmus[820] to Parætonium is a run of 900 stadia for a
vessel in a direct course. There is a city and a large harbour of about
40 stadia in extent, by some called the city Parætonium,[821] by others,
Ammonia. Between these is the village of the Egyptians, and the
promontory Ænesisphyra, and the Tyndareian rocks, four small islands,
with a harbour; then Drepanum a promontory, and Ænesippeia an island
with a harbour, and Apis a village, from which to Parætonium are 100
stadia; [from thence] to the temple of Ammon is a journey of five days.
From Parætonium to Alexandreia are about 1300 stadia. Between these are,
first, a promontory of white earth, called Leuce-Acte, then Phœnicus a
harbour, and Pnigeus a village; after these the island Sidonia
(Pedonia? ) with a harbour; then a little further off from the sea,
Antiphræ. The whole of this country produces no wine of a good quality,
and the earthen jars contain more sea-water than wine, which is called
Libyan;[822] this and beer are the [CAS. 799] principal beverage of the
common people of Alexandria. Antiphræ in particular was a subject of
ridicule (on account of its bad wine).
Next is the harbour Derrhis,[823] which has its name from an adjacent
black rock, resembling δέῤῥις, a hide. The neighbouring place is called
Zephyrium. Then follows another harbour, Leucaspis (the white shield),
and many others; then the Cynossema (or dog’s monument); then
Taposeiris, not that situated upon the sea; here is held a great public
festival. There is another Taposeiris,[824] situated at a considerable
distance beyond the city (Alexandreia). Near this, and close to the sea,
is a rocky spot, which is the resort of great numbers of people at all
seasons of the year, for the purpose of feasting and amusement. Next is
Plinthine,[825] and the village of Nicium, and Cherronesus a fortress,
distant from Alexandreia and the Necropolis about 70 stadia.
The lake Mareia, which extends as far as this place, is more than 150
stadia in breadth, and in length less than 300 stadia. It contains eight
islands. The whole country about it is well inhabited. Good wine also is
produced here, and in such quantity that the Mareotic wine is racked in
order that it may be kept to be old. [826]
15. The byblus[827] and the Egyptian bean grow in the marshes and lakes;
from the latter the ciborium is made. [828] The stalks of the bean are
nearly of equal height, and grow to the length of ten feet. The byblus
is a bare stem, with a tuft on the top. But the bean puts out leaves and
flowers in many parts, and bears a fruit similar to our bean, differing
only in size and taste. The bean-grounds present an agreeable sight, and
afford amusement to those who are disposed to recreate themselves with
convivial feasts. These entertainments take place in boats with cabins;
they enter the thickest part of the plantation, where they are
overshadowed with the leaves, which are very large, and serve for
drinking-cups and dishes, having a hollow which fits them for the
purpose. They are found in great abundance in the shops in Alexandreia,
where they are used as vessels. One of the sources of land revenue is
the sale of these leaves. Such then is the nature of this bean.
The byblus does not grow here in great abundance, for it is not
cultivated. But it abounds in the lower parts of the Delta. There is one
sort inferior to the other. [829] The best is the hieratica. Some persons
intending to augment the revenue, employed in this case a method which
the Jews practised with the palm, especially the caryotic, and with the
balsamum. [830] In many places it is not allowed to be cultivated, and
the price is enhanced by its rarity: the revenue is indeed thus
increased, but the general consumption [of the article] is injured.
16. On passing through the Canobic gate of the city, on the right hand
is the canal leading to Canobus, close to the lake. They sail by this
canal to Schedia, to the great river, and to Canobus, but the first
place at which they arrive is Eleusis. This is a settlement near
Alexandreia and Nicopolis, and situated on the Canobic canal. It has
houses of entertainment which command beautiful views, and hither [CAS.
800] resort men and women who are inclined to indulge in noisy revelry,
a prelude to Canobic life, and the dissolute manners of the people of
Canobus.
At a little distance from Eleusis, on the right hand, is the canal
leading towards Schedia. Schedia is distant four schœni from
Alexandreia. It is a suburb of the city, and has a station for the
vessels with cabins, which convey the governors when they visit the
upper parts of the country. Here is collected the duty on merchandise,
as it is transported up or down the river. For this purpose a bridge of
boats is laid across the river, and from this kind of bridge the place
has the name of Schedia.
Next after the canal leading to Schedia, the navigation thence to
Canobus is parallel to the sea-coast, extending from Pharos to the
Canobic mouth. For between the sea and the canal, is a narrow band of
ground, on which is situated the smaller Taposeiris, which lies next
after Nicopolis, and Zephyrium a promontory, on which is a small temple
dedicated to Venus Arsinoë.
Anciently, it is said, a city called Thonis stood there, which bears the
name of the king, who entertained as his guests Menelaus and Helen. The
poet thus speaks of the drugs which were given to Helen,
“the potent drugs, which Polydamna, the wife of Thon, gave
to Helen. ”
17. Canobus is a city, distant by land from Alexandreia 120 stadia. It
has its name from Canobus, the pilot of Menelaus, who died there.
