[1670]
7 Since you alone, in my great sorrow and distress, and in my
extremity of difficulty, proved yourself a haven of safety to
me--[1671]
8 He was, I think, the only one who watched over me; and when he
seemed to me to be doing that, he laid snares for me!
7 Since you alone, in my great sorrow and distress, and in my
extremity of difficulty, proved yourself a haven of safety to
me--[1671]
8 He was, I think, the only one who watched over me; and when he
seemed to me to be doing that, he laid snares for me!
Satires
(Hence "æstivæ nives.
" Mart.
, v.
, Ep.
lxiv.
,
2. ) Nero's invention of using water that had been boiled and afterward
frozen, as a substitute for snow, has been already alluded to. This
process also served to moderate the intoxicating power of the stronger
wines; hence the phrases "castrare, frangere, liquare, vina. " (Cf.
Plin. , H. N. , xix. , 4,19; xiv. , 22; xxiv. , 1, 1. Mart. , xii. , Ep. lx. ,
9, "Turbida sollicito transmittere Cæcuba sacco. " xiv. , Ep. ciii. and
civ. ; ix. , Ep. xxiii, 8; xci. , 5. )
[1661] The magistrate who exhibited the shows of gladiators was said
_edere munus_. The first _editores_ were the brothers Marcus and
Decimus Junius Brutus, A. U. C. 490, B. C. 264, who exhibited a munus
gladiatorium in the Forum Boarium, at their father's funeral. Val.
Max. , II. , iv. , 7, Liv. Epit. , xvi. The country of Samnium afterward
produced many of these gladiators, though probably the name Samnis was
also given to those who were armed after the old Samnite fashion (as
Threx, Gallus, etc. Hor. , i. , Ep. xviii. , 36; ii. , Ep. ii. , 98. Livy
describes their equipment in detail, ix. , 40, which tallies exactly
with the paintings discovered at Pompeii. Vid. Pompeii, vol. i. , p.
308, _seq. _). Æsernia, now Isernia, was a town in the district of the
Pentri in Samnium, to which the Romans sent a colony in the year above
mentioned. Æsernius was probably some famous gladiator who was a native
of this place, but his name and that of Pacideianus were afterward used
proverbially for any eminent men of that class. Cf. Cic. , opt. gen. ,
Or. vi. Tusc. , iv. , 21, ad Quint. Frat. , iii. , 4. Hor. , ii. , Sat. vii. ,
97. Nonius explains "spurcus" to mean "savage, blood-thirsty. "
[1662] The reading and interpretation of Gerlach is followed.
[1663] Cicero (de Orat. , iii. , 23) quotes these lines of Lucilius, when
speaking of a certain Velocius, who, when a youth, had applied himself
with great success to the gladiatorial art, so as in fact to be a match
for any one, but afterward never practiced it. The relative claims of
the readings _civis_ and _cuivis_ are discussed at great length in
Harles' note to the passage of Cicero (q. v. , ed. Lips. , 1816). The
_rudis_ was the wooden sword with which the gladiators practiced; the
_sica_ being used in the _ludus_. They also received a rudis as a token
of their release from service. Hence "rudem poscere," "rude donatus,"
etc. Ov. , Am. , II. , ix. , 22. Cic. , Phil. , ii. , 29. Hor. , i. , Ep. i. , 2.
Suet. , Cal. , 32.
[1664] "Even though women may not have sufficient bodily strength to
endure the rougher and more laborious duties of human life, still they
may so far take care of their bodies as to be enabled to discharge the
womanly office of suckling children. " Gerlach: who reads _succosa_ for
_succussa_, and explains _uberior_ by "largior, digitis non contractis,
vola manus," "the open palm. " Cf. lib. xxviii. , Fr. 47.
[1665] An utterly hopeless Fragment: for the second word, _titene_,
there are eleven various readings. Gerlach's emendation is followed,
who thinks it refers to the torments of love.
[1666] This Fragment also Gerlach considers descriptive of the
impetuosity of unbridled lust. Van Heusde sees an allusion to the
episode of the hawk and the nightingale in Hesiod. Op. et Di. , 201,
_seq. _
[1667] _Pessulus_ was the peg or bolt by which the fastening of the
door was secured on the inside. It probably refers to a lover effecting
a forcible entrance into his mistress's house. Cf. Hor. , i. , Od. xxv. ,
1; iii. , Od. xxvi. , 7, where Horace enumerates _vectes_ among the
weapons of a lover's warfare. Cf. Lucil. , xxix. , Fr. 47, "Vecte atque
ancipiti ferre effringam cardines. "
[1668] Cf. Cels. , ii. , 15.
BOOK V.
ARGUMENT.
The person to whom this book is addressed, is supposed by Scaliger
to have been a professor of the art of rhetoric. Lucilius
complains that this friend, though he knew he had been ill,
had never come to see him; and at the same time he ridicules
the affected and pedantic style of language then in vogue in
the schools of the rhetoricians. He then glances slightly at
the fickleness and inconstancy of his friend's attachment,
contrasting the present state of his feelings with his stanch
friendship in former days; at the same time assuring him that his
own heart remains unchanged. He admits, however, that there is
some ground for excuse for this disappointment of his hopes, as
even the good Tiresias of yore was occasionally found tripping.
(Fr. 10. ) The causes which lead to breach of friendship are then
discussed, the chief of which is avarice, that lust of gold, that
nothing can satiate; while, meantime the people are lacking the
common necessaries of life. With avarice, ambition springs up; as
sure a divider of faithful hearts as avarice itself. Yet Lælius,
that true-hearted and single-minded man, could hold the highest
offices of state without losing his integrity of heart, or
sacrificing the simplicity of his rugged virtues. This treachery,
however, is gradual in its growth. (Fr. 3. ) At first a large
bribe alone has power to sever the bonds of friendship; yet
soon they give way before the most paltry inducement. Yet such
is the infatuation and gross folly of men, that they even aim at
deceiving the gods themselves by an affectation of piety. With
this depraved state of morals he contrasts the frugal simplicity
of ancient days, describing by the way the plain and homely
elements that composed their forefathers' rustic meal. There
is supposed to be an allusion in this book to one Q. Metellus
Caprarius; a man who proved the worthlessness of his character,
both during his administration as prætor, and afterward when
serving in the camp before Numantia. (Fr. 11, 23, 20, 21, 22,
Gerl. ) Horace had perhaps part of this Satire in view, when he
wrote his first Satire of the first book; especially where he
mentions avarice as one of the causes which make men discontented
with their lot in life. Very similar sentiments to those
expressed in this book may be found in Sallust also. (Bell. Cat. ,
c. xii. , init. )
1 Though you do not inquire how I find myself, I shall
nevertheless let you know. Since you have remained in that
class in which the greatest portion of mankind is now, that
you wish that man to perish whom you _would_ not come to see,
though you _should_ have done so. If you do not like this
"would" and "should," because it is inartificial, Isocratean,
and altogether turgid, and at the same time thoroughly
childish, I will not waste my labor. If you. . . .
2 For if what is _really_ enough for man could have satisfied
him, this had been enough. Now since this is not so, how can we
believe that any riches whatever could satisfy desire?
3 . . . just as when the dealer has produced his first fresh figs,
and in the early season gives only a few for an exorbitant
price. [1669]
4 For one and the same pain and distress is. . . . by all--
5 . . . if his body remained as strong. . . . as the sentiments of the
writer's heart continue true. . . .
6 Say when force compels you to penetrate gradually through the
seams of the crannies, in the darkness of night.
[1670]
7 Since you alone, in my great sorrow and distress, and in my
extremity of difficulty, proved yourself a haven of safety to
me--[1671]
8 He was, I think, the only one who watched over me; and when he
seemed to me to be doing that, he laid snares for me! [1672]
9 . . .
10 Still it is allowed that one of the ancients, an old man of the
same years, Tiresias, fell.
11 Look not to the rostrum and feet of the prætor elect. [1673]
12 Lælius says, that though poor, he discharges important
offices. [1674]
13 The onion-man, become blear-eyed by constantly eating acrid
tear-bringing onions. [1675]
14 The Endive besides, stretching out with feet like horses--[1676]
15 The tear-producing onion also, with its lacryimose shells in
due succession--[1677]
16 . . . a pitcher and a long bowl with two handles--[1678]
17 Go on and prosper with your virtue, say I, and with these
verses.
18 Too genial Ceres fails; nor do the people set bread.
19 . . . bade the flat-nosed herd (of Nereus) frolic. [1679]
20 when he determined to lead out the guard from the camp. [1680]
21 he was the elder: we can not do all things--[1681]
22 . . . the guard of the fleet, catapultas, darts, spears. [1682]
23 . . . whether you may be able to get off, or the day must be
further postponed. [1683]
24 . . . meanwhile his breast is thick with bristles
25 . . . and spreads legs beneath legs[1684]
26 . . . porridge dressed with fat. [1685]
27 . . . the basket with its treacherous heap.
28 . . . dashed a wooden trencher on his head--[1686]
FOOTNOTES:
[1669] Read perhaps _primus_ for _primas_. "He who is the first
to bring his figs into the market," and therefore, as it were,
_forestalls_ others, which "propola" seems to imply.
[1670] _Rimarum. _ Cf. Juv. , iii. , 97. Plaut. , Cas. , V. , ii. , 23.
[1671] The whole passage is corrupt. Gerlach's emendation is followed,
with the exception of reading _sanè_ for _sanus_.
_Creperus_ is equivalent to anceps, dubius. Cf. Lucr. , v. , 1296,
"creperi certamina belli. " Pacuv. , Dulorest, Fr. 19, "Non vetet animum
ægritudine in _re creperâ_ confici. "
[1672] _Retia. _ Cf. Propert. , El. III. , viii. , 37, "qui nostro nexisti
retia lecto. "
[1673] See argument.
[1674] Cf. book iv. , Fr. 1-6. Cic. , de Off. , ii. , 17.
[1675] _Cæparius_ implies "one very fond of onions," as well as the
dealer in that article.
[1676] Probably alluding to the wide-spreading fibres of the Intyba.
"Amaris intyba fibris. " Virg. , Georg. , i. , 120; iv. , 20; where Martyn
explains it as Succory in the former passage, Endive in the latter.
[1677] _Tallæ_ are the several successive hulls or shells of the onion,
κρομμύου λέπυρον. Cf. Theoc. , v. , 95.
[1678] _Mixtarius. _ Any vessel in which wine and water were mixed for
drinking. κρατήρ.
[1679] No doubt "dolphins" are meant; and with almost equal certainty
we may assert that Lucilius is parodying a line of Pacuvius quoted by
Quintilian (i. , c. 5), "Nerei repandirostrum incurvicervicum pecus. "
But the reading of the line is very doubtful. Corpet, after Balth.
Venator, reads, _nasi_ rostrique. D'Achaintre follows the old reading,
_jussit_. Gerlach reads nisi, but suggests _simum_ (but without quoting
Pliny, which would confirm his conjecture, vid. H. N. , IX. , viii. , 7,
"dorsum repandum, rostrum _simum_"). Lucil. , vii. , Fr. 9, "Simat nares
delphinus ut olim. " May not _nisi_, after all, be a corruption of
_Nerei_? Cf. Hor. , Od. , I. , ii. , 7. Virg. , Georg. , iv. , 395, "_Lascivum
Nerei simum pecus_. " Liv. Andron. , Fr. 3, ed. Bothe, Lips. , 1834.
Pacuv. , Dulorest. , Fr. 26.
[1680] For _cernere_ used for _decernere_, see Plaut. , Cist. , I. , i. ;
1. Varro, L. L. , vi. , 5. Cic, Leg. , iii. , 3. Catull. , lxiv. , 150.
Senec, Ep. , lviii. , 2. Virg. , Æn. , xii. , 709. See Argument.
[1681] Cf. Virg. , Ecl. , viii. , 63.
[1682] Read _Catapultas, tela_. The difference between the Catapulta
and the Ballista seems to have been, that the former was used for
shooting bolts or short spears, the latter for projecting large stones.
The _Sarissa_ was a very long spear. (Liv. , ix. , 19: xxxviii. , 7.
Polyæn. , Str. , iv. , 11. ) It was the peculiar weapon of the Macedonians.
Ov. , Met. , xii. , 466. Lucan, viii. , 298: x. , 47.
[1683] _Elabi_ is elegantly applied to those who, though really guilty,
get off by some artifice or by bribery. Cic, Act. , i. , Verr. , 11. Ver. ,
i. , 34; ii. , 58.
_Diem prodere. _ Ter. , And. , II. , i. , 13, "Impetrabo ut aliquot saltem
nuptiis prodat dies. " Liv. , xxv. , 13, "alia prodita dies. "
[1684] Hor.
2. ) Nero's invention of using water that had been boiled and afterward
frozen, as a substitute for snow, has been already alluded to. This
process also served to moderate the intoxicating power of the stronger
wines; hence the phrases "castrare, frangere, liquare, vina. " (Cf.
Plin. , H. N. , xix. , 4,19; xiv. , 22; xxiv. , 1, 1. Mart. , xii. , Ep. lx. ,
9, "Turbida sollicito transmittere Cæcuba sacco. " xiv. , Ep. ciii. and
civ. ; ix. , Ep. xxiii, 8; xci. , 5. )
[1661] The magistrate who exhibited the shows of gladiators was said
_edere munus_. The first _editores_ were the brothers Marcus and
Decimus Junius Brutus, A. U. C. 490, B. C. 264, who exhibited a munus
gladiatorium in the Forum Boarium, at their father's funeral. Val.
Max. , II. , iv. , 7, Liv. Epit. , xvi. The country of Samnium afterward
produced many of these gladiators, though probably the name Samnis was
also given to those who were armed after the old Samnite fashion (as
Threx, Gallus, etc. Hor. , i. , Ep. xviii. , 36; ii. , Ep. ii. , 98. Livy
describes their equipment in detail, ix. , 40, which tallies exactly
with the paintings discovered at Pompeii. Vid. Pompeii, vol. i. , p.
308, _seq. _). Æsernia, now Isernia, was a town in the district of the
Pentri in Samnium, to which the Romans sent a colony in the year above
mentioned. Æsernius was probably some famous gladiator who was a native
of this place, but his name and that of Pacideianus were afterward used
proverbially for any eminent men of that class. Cf. Cic. , opt. gen. ,
Or. vi. Tusc. , iv. , 21, ad Quint. Frat. , iii. , 4. Hor. , ii. , Sat. vii. ,
97. Nonius explains "spurcus" to mean "savage, blood-thirsty. "
[1662] The reading and interpretation of Gerlach is followed.
[1663] Cicero (de Orat. , iii. , 23) quotes these lines of Lucilius, when
speaking of a certain Velocius, who, when a youth, had applied himself
with great success to the gladiatorial art, so as in fact to be a match
for any one, but afterward never practiced it. The relative claims of
the readings _civis_ and _cuivis_ are discussed at great length in
Harles' note to the passage of Cicero (q. v. , ed. Lips. , 1816). The
_rudis_ was the wooden sword with which the gladiators practiced; the
_sica_ being used in the _ludus_. They also received a rudis as a token
of their release from service. Hence "rudem poscere," "rude donatus,"
etc. Ov. , Am. , II. , ix. , 22. Cic. , Phil. , ii. , 29. Hor. , i. , Ep. i. , 2.
Suet. , Cal. , 32.
[1664] "Even though women may not have sufficient bodily strength to
endure the rougher and more laborious duties of human life, still they
may so far take care of their bodies as to be enabled to discharge the
womanly office of suckling children. " Gerlach: who reads _succosa_ for
_succussa_, and explains _uberior_ by "largior, digitis non contractis,
vola manus," "the open palm. " Cf. lib. xxviii. , Fr. 47.
[1665] An utterly hopeless Fragment: for the second word, _titene_,
there are eleven various readings. Gerlach's emendation is followed,
who thinks it refers to the torments of love.
[1666] This Fragment also Gerlach considers descriptive of the
impetuosity of unbridled lust. Van Heusde sees an allusion to the
episode of the hawk and the nightingale in Hesiod. Op. et Di. , 201,
_seq. _
[1667] _Pessulus_ was the peg or bolt by which the fastening of the
door was secured on the inside. It probably refers to a lover effecting
a forcible entrance into his mistress's house. Cf. Hor. , i. , Od. xxv. ,
1; iii. , Od. xxvi. , 7, where Horace enumerates _vectes_ among the
weapons of a lover's warfare. Cf. Lucil. , xxix. , Fr. 47, "Vecte atque
ancipiti ferre effringam cardines. "
[1668] Cf. Cels. , ii. , 15.
BOOK V.
ARGUMENT.
The person to whom this book is addressed, is supposed by Scaliger
to have been a professor of the art of rhetoric. Lucilius
complains that this friend, though he knew he had been ill,
had never come to see him; and at the same time he ridicules
the affected and pedantic style of language then in vogue in
the schools of the rhetoricians. He then glances slightly at
the fickleness and inconstancy of his friend's attachment,
contrasting the present state of his feelings with his stanch
friendship in former days; at the same time assuring him that his
own heart remains unchanged. He admits, however, that there is
some ground for excuse for this disappointment of his hopes, as
even the good Tiresias of yore was occasionally found tripping.
(Fr. 10. ) The causes which lead to breach of friendship are then
discussed, the chief of which is avarice, that lust of gold, that
nothing can satiate; while, meantime the people are lacking the
common necessaries of life. With avarice, ambition springs up; as
sure a divider of faithful hearts as avarice itself. Yet Lælius,
that true-hearted and single-minded man, could hold the highest
offices of state without losing his integrity of heart, or
sacrificing the simplicity of his rugged virtues. This treachery,
however, is gradual in its growth. (Fr. 3. ) At first a large
bribe alone has power to sever the bonds of friendship; yet
soon they give way before the most paltry inducement. Yet such
is the infatuation and gross folly of men, that they even aim at
deceiving the gods themselves by an affectation of piety. With
this depraved state of morals he contrasts the frugal simplicity
of ancient days, describing by the way the plain and homely
elements that composed their forefathers' rustic meal. There
is supposed to be an allusion in this book to one Q. Metellus
Caprarius; a man who proved the worthlessness of his character,
both during his administration as prætor, and afterward when
serving in the camp before Numantia. (Fr. 11, 23, 20, 21, 22,
Gerl. ) Horace had perhaps part of this Satire in view, when he
wrote his first Satire of the first book; especially where he
mentions avarice as one of the causes which make men discontented
with their lot in life. Very similar sentiments to those
expressed in this book may be found in Sallust also. (Bell. Cat. ,
c. xii. , init. )
1 Though you do not inquire how I find myself, I shall
nevertheless let you know. Since you have remained in that
class in which the greatest portion of mankind is now, that
you wish that man to perish whom you _would_ not come to see,
though you _should_ have done so. If you do not like this
"would" and "should," because it is inartificial, Isocratean,
and altogether turgid, and at the same time thoroughly
childish, I will not waste my labor. If you. . . .
2 For if what is _really_ enough for man could have satisfied
him, this had been enough. Now since this is not so, how can we
believe that any riches whatever could satisfy desire?
3 . . . just as when the dealer has produced his first fresh figs,
and in the early season gives only a few for an exorbitant
price. [1669]
4 For one and the same pain and distress is. . . . by all--
5 . . . if his body remained as strong. . . . as the sentiments of the
writer's heart continue true. . . .
6 Say when force compels you to penetrate gradually through the
seams of the crannies, in the darkness of night.
[1670]
7 Since you alone, in my great sorrow and distress, and in my
extremity of difficulty, proved yourself a haven of safety to
me--[1671]
8 He was, I think, the only one who watched over me; and when he
seemed to me to be doing that, he laid snares for me! [1672]
9 . . .
10 Still it is allowed that one of the ancients, an old man of the
same years, Tiresias, fell.
11 Look not to the rostrum and feet of the prætor elect. [1673]
12 Lælius says, that though poor, he discharges important
offices. [1674]
13 The onion-man, become blear-eyed by constantly eating acrid
tear-bringing onions. [1675]
14 The Endive besides, stretching out with feet like horses--[1676]
15 The tear-producing onion also, with its lacryimose shells in
due succession--[1677]
16 . . . a pitcher and a long bowl with two handles--[1678]
17 Go on and prosper with your virtue, say I, and with these
verses.
18 Too genial Ceres fails; nor do the people set bread.
19 . . . bade the flat-nosed herd (of Nereus) frolic. [1679]
20 when he determined to lead out the guard from the camp. [1680]
21 he was the elder: we can not do all things--[1681]
22 . . . the guard of the fleet, catapultas, darts, spears. [1682]
23 . . . whether you may be able to get off, or the day must be
further postponed. [1683]
24 . . . meanwhile his breast is thick with bristles
25 . . . and spreads legs beneath legs[1684]
26 . . . porridge dressed with fat. [1685]
27 . . . the basket with its treacherous heap.
28 . . . dashed a wooden trencher on his head--[1686]
FOOTNOTES:
[1669] Read perhaps _primus_ for _primas_. "He who is the first
to bring his figs into the market," and therefore, as it were,
_forestalls_ others, which "propola" seems to imply.
[1670] _Rimarum. _ Cf. Juv. , iii. , 97. Plaut. , Cas. , V. , ii. , 23.
[1671] The whole passage is corrupt. Gerlach's emendation is followed,
with the exception of reading _sanè_ for _sanus_.
_Creperus_ is equivalent to anceps, dubius. Cf. Lucr. , v. , 1296,
"creperi certamina belli. " Pacuv. , Dulorest, Fr. 19, "Non vetet animum
ægritudine in _re creperâ_ confici. "
[1672] _Retia. _ Cf. Propert. , El. III. , viii. , 37, "qui nostro nexisti
retia lecto. "
[1673] See argument.
[1674] Cf. book iv. , Fr. 1-6. Cic. , de Off. , ii. , 17.
[1675] _Cæparius_ implies "one very fond of onions," as well as the
dealer in that article.
[1676] Probably alluding to the wide-spreading fibres of the Intyba.
"Amaris intyba fibris. " Virg. , Georg. , i. , 120; iv. , 20; where Martyn
explains it as Succory in the former passage, Endive in the latter.
[1677] _Tallæ_ are the several successive hulls or shells of the onion,
κρομμύου λέπυρον. Cf. Theoc. , v. , 95.
[1678] _Mixtarius. _ Any vessel in which wine and water were mixed for
drinking. κρατήρ.
[1679] No doubt "dolphins" are meant; and with almost equal certainty
we may assert that Lucilius is parodying a line of Pacuvius quoted by
Quintilian (i. , c. 5), "Nerei repandirostrum incurvicervicum pecus. "
But the reading of the line is very doubtful. Corpet, after Balth.
Venator, reads, _nasi_ rostrique. D'Achaintre follows the old reading,
_jussit_. Gerlach reads nisi, but suggests _simum_ (but without quoting
Pliny, which would confirm his conjecture, vid. H. N. , IX. , viii. , 7,
"dorsum repandum, rostrum _simum_"). Lucil. , vii. , Fr. 9, "Simat nares
delphinus ut olim. " May not _nisi_, after all, be a corruption of
_Nerei_? Cf. Hor. , Od. , I. , ii. , 7. Virg. , Georg. , iv. , 395, "_Lascivum
Nerei simum pecus_. " Liv. Andron. , Fr. 3, ed. Bothe, Lips. , 1834.
Pacuv. , Dulorest. , Fr. 26.
[1680] For _cernere_ used for _decernere_, see Plaut. , Cist. , I. , i. ;
1. Varro, L. L. , vi. , 5. Cic, Leg. , iii. , 3. Catull. , lxiv. , 150.
Senec, Ep. , lviii. , 2. Virg. , Æn. , xii. , 709. See Argument.
[1681] Cf. Virg. , Ecl. , viii. , 63.
[1682] Read _Catapultas, tela_. The difference between the Catapulta
and the Ballista seems to have been, that the former was used for
shooting bolts or short spears, the latter for projecting large stones.
The _Sarissa_ was a very long spear. (Liv. , ix. , 19: xxxviii. , 7.
Polyæn. , Str. , iv. , 11. ) It was the peculiar weapon of the Macedonians.
Ov. , Met. , xii. , 466. Lucan, viii. , 298: x. , 47.
[1683] _Elabi_ is elegantly applied to those who, though really guilty,
get off by some artifice or by bribery. Cic, Act. , i. , Verr. , 11. Ver. ,
i. , 34; ii. , 58.
_Diem prodere. _ Ter. , And. , II. , i. , 13, "Impetrabo ut aliquot saltem
nuptiis prodat dies. " Liv. , xxv. , 13, "alia prodita dies. "
[1684] Hor.
