No More Learning

Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow pas sage, twenty feet only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great king upon hearing of Cyrus'B approaoh, to serve as a line of defense. Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought with the king that day ; only there were numerous unmistakable traces of horse and infantry in retreat.
As the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced with less than his former caution. On the third day he was conducting the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no kind of order, the sol diers having consigned their heavy arms to be carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.
It was already about full market time and the halting place at which the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat, and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he could ejaculate the words, " The king is advancing with a large army ready for battle. " Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes and all alike were ex pecting to be attacked on the instant, and before they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned his corselet ; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves and fall into their several ranks.
The orders were carried out with alacrity ; the ranks shaped
74 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYKUS THE YOUNGER.
themselves. Clearchus held the right of the wing resting on the Euphrates, Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest of the barbarian host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuisses and helmets ; but not so Cyrus : he went into battle with head unhelmeted. So, too, all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead pieces and breast pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.
It was now midday, and the enemy was not yet in sight ; but with the approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high over the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and there a glint of bronze and spear points, and the ranks could plainly be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses. That is Tissaphernes in com mand, they said, and next to these a body of men bearing wicker shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry, with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen ; all were in national divisions, each nation marching in densely crowded squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots at considerable intervals from one another, — the famous scythe chariots, as they were named, — having their scythes fitted to the axletrees and stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the chariot seats, facing the ground, so as to cut through all they encountered. The design was to let them dash full speed into the ranks of the Hellenes and cut them through.
Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics, was not justified. Instead of shout ing, they came on in deep silence, softly and slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding past in person, accom panied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's center, for there the king was to be found. " And if we strike home at this point," he added, "our work is finished. " Clearchus, though he could see the compact body at the center, and had been told by Cyrus that the king lay outside the Hellenic left
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(for, owing to numerical superiority, the king, while holding his own center, could well overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks ; and he simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.
At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as the various contingents came up. Cyrus, rid ing past at some distance from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes : when Xenophon the Athenian, see ing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter to meet him, asking whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus, pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement generally known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike, were good. While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time. Cyrus wondered who had given the or der, and asked what the watchword was. On being told it was " Zeus our Savior and Victory," he replied, " I accept it ; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the same time advanced against the enemy.
But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved onwards in advance, with wavelike sinuosity, and the portion left behind quickened to a run ; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst from all lips, like that in honor of the war god — eleleu ! eleleu ! and the running became general. Some say they clashed their shields and spears, thereby causing ter ror to the horses ; and before they had got within arrow shot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And now the Hel lenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by shouts to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some dumfoundered mortal on a race course, was caught by the heels, but even he, they said, received no hurt; nor indeed, with the single exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been wounded
76 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER.
by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single hurt.
Cyrus , seeing the Hellenes conquering, as far as they at any rate were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content ; but in spite of his joy and the salutations offered him at that moment by those about him, as though he were already king, he was not led away to join in the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in close order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The king, he knew, held the center of the Persian army. Indeed, it is the fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action, for this twofold reason : he holds the safest place, with his troops on either side of him, while, if he has occasion to dispatch any necessary order along the lines, his troops will receive the message in half the time. The king accordingly on thi3 occasion held the center of his army, but for all that he was outside Cyrus's left wing ; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the troops in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was then that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him. Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops in front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down, as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.
But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves, in the ardor of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a handful who were left with Cyrus him self — chiefly his table companions, so called. Left alone with these, he caught sight of the king and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain himself, with a cry, " I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a blow at his chest, wound ing him through the corselet. This according to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon, who further states that he himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck him with a javelin under the eye severely ; and in the struggle which then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect one or other, we have the state ment of Ctesias as to the number slain on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of him. The story says that Artapates, the trustiest esquire among his wand
THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER. 77
bearers, when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leaped from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then, as one account says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother : others say that Artapates drew his scimeter and slew himself by his own hand. A golden scimeter it is true, he had ; he wore also a collar and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians wear ; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honors at the hands of Cyrus.
So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest and most worthy to rule of all the Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus : according to the concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivaled excellence was recognized. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals. Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some receiving honor from the king, and again of others receiving dishonor ; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.
In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation ; first he was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own inferiors ; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at once the aptest of learners and the most eager practicer. As soon as his age per mitted, the same preeminence showed itself in his fondness for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous ad venture in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush at him, and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible through life ; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many.
After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been ap pointed general of the forces, whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus, nothing was more noticeable in his
78 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER.
conduct than the importance which he attached to the faithful fulfillment of every treaty or compact or undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of individuals and of the communities intrusted to his care ; for in case of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms. Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he refused to abandon their exiled citi zens ; and his deeds and words bore emphatic witness to his principle : even if they were weakened in number or in for tune, he would never abandon those who had once become his friends.
He made no secret of his endeavor to outdo his friends and his foes alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to him : " God grant I may live long enough to recompense my friends and requite my foes with a strong arm. " However this may be, no one, at least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own lives and persons ; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn ; on the contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight to see on the well-trodden highways men who had forfeited hand or foot or eye ; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he reserved especial honor. To take the first instance to hand, he had a war with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an expedition into those territories, he could observe those who voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the territory which he subjected, and afterwards honored them with other gifts. So that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards were recognized as their natural slaves ; and so it befell that Cyrus never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was expected that his eye would be upon them.
So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to dis
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tinguish himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this man richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same principle, his own administration was in all respects uprightly conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army worthy of the name. Generals and subalterns alike, came to him from across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such en thusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always command the service of the best assistants, it was said, whatever the work might be.
Or if he saw any skillful and just steward who furnished well the country over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing him at any time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with confidence, and least of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions, seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his endeavor was rather to turn to account the riches of those who kept them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in pro portion as he felt the need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.
Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons ; no one man, perhaps, ever received more ; no one, cer tainly, was ever more ready to bestow them on others, with an eye ever to the taste of each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement. Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal adornments of the body or for battle ; and as touching these he would say, " How am I to deck myself out in all these ? to my mind a man's chief orna ment is the adornment of nobly adorned friends. " Indeed, that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful than they ; but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions, and in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more admirable.
Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent
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wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a message to say, "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a long time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends. " Or, perhaps, he would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of bread, and so forth, the bearer being instructed to say : " This is Cyrus's favorite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself. " Or, perhaps, there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get supplies for himself ; at such times he would send to his friends in different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving. Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to honor. "
So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever bo beloved. In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master, if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man, indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on whose fidelity he re lied than he himself was. On the other hand, many a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one another : nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the king's affection ; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues would obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king. Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity rightly to discern all loyal, loving, and firm friendship is afforded by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his faithful bodyguard of friends and table companions, with the sole exception of AriaBUS, who was in command of the cavalry on the left ; and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.
ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OF SOCRATES. 81
ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OF SOCRATES. (From Plato's "Symposium" : translated by Percy Bysshe Shelley. )
[Alcibiades was a celebrated Athenian politician and general ; born about b. c. 450. He was brought up in the house of Pericles, and lived on terms of intimacy with Socrates. A man of great personal charm and extraordinary abil ity, he soon became a popular leader ; but being involved in a suspicion of sacri lege, fled to Sparta and then to Persia. Recalled by the Athenian populace, and intrusted with the command of their fleet, he won several important battles for them, but was superseded for a defeat of his general at Notium b. c. 407. After the fall of Athens he took refuge with the Persian satrap Pharnabazus, in Phrygia, where he was treacherously murdered b. c. 404. ]
I will begin the praise of Socrates by comparing him to a certain statue. Perhaps he will think that this statue is intro duced for the sake of ridicule, but I assure you it is necessary for the illustration of truth. I assert, then, that Socrates is exactly like those Silenuses that sit in the sculptors' shops, and which are holding carved flutes or pipes, but which when divided in two are found to contain the images of the gods. I assert that Socrates is like the satyr Marsyas. That your form and appearance are like these satyrs, I think that even you will not venture to deny ; and how like you are to them in all other things, now hear. Are you not scornful and petu lant ? If you deny this, I will bring witnesses. Are you not a piper, and far more wonderful a one than he ? For Marsyas, and whoever now pipes the music that he taught (for it was Marsyas who taught Olympus his music), enchants men through the power of the mouth. For if any musician, be he skillful or not, awakens this music, it alone enables him to retain the minds of men, and from the divinity of its nature makes evident those who are in want of the gods and initiation : you differ only from Marsyas in this circumstance, that you effect with out instruments, by mere words, all that he can do. For when we hear Pericles, or any other accomplished orator, deliver a discourse, no one, as it were, cares anything about it. But when any one hears you, or even your words related by another, though ever so rude and unskillful a speaker, be that person a woman, man, or child, we are struck and retained, as it were, by the discourse clinging to our mind.
If I was not afraid that I am a great deal too drunk, I would confirm to you by an oath the strange effects which I
VOL. IV. —6
82 ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OP SOCRATES.
assure you I have suffered from his words, and suffer still ; for when I hear him speak my heart leaps up far more than the hearts of those who celebrate the Corybantic mysteries ; my tears are poured out as he talks, a thing I have often seen happen to many others besides myself. I have heard Pericles and other excellent orators, and have been pleased with their discourses, but I suffered nothing of this kind; nor was my soul ever on those occasions disturbed and filled with self- reproach, as if it were slavishly laid prostrate. But this Marsyas here has often affected me in the way I describe, until the life which I lived seemed hardly worth living. Do not deny it, Socrates ; for I know well that if even now I chose to listen to you, I could not resist, but should again suffer the same effects. For, my friends, he forces me to confess that while I myself am still in need of many things, I neglect my own necessities and attend to those of the Athenians. I stop my ears, therefore, as from the Sirens, and flee away as fast as possible, that I may not sit down beside him, and grow old in listening to his talk. For this man has reduced me to feel the sentiment of shame, which I imagine no one would readily believe was in me. For I feel in his presence my incapacity of refuting what he says or of refusing to do that which he directs : but when I depart from him the glory which the mul titude confers overwhelms me. I escape therefore and hide myself from him, and when I see him I am overwhelmed with humiliation, because I have neglected to do what I have con fessed to him ought to be done : and often and often have I wished that he were no longer to be seen among men. But if that were to happen I well know that I should suffer far greater pain ; so that where I can turn, or what I can do with this man I know not. All this have I and many others suffered from the pipings of this satyr.
And observe how like he is to what I said, and what a wonderful power he possesses. Know that there is not one of you who is aware of the real nature of Socrates ; but since I have begun, I will make him plain to you. . You observe how passionately Socrates affects the intimacy of those who are beautiful, and how ignorant he professes himself to be, appear ances in themselves excessively Silenic. This, my friends, is the external form with which, like one of the sculptured Sileni, he has clothed himself; for if you open him you will find within admirable temperance and wisdom. For he cares not
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for mere beauty, but despises more than any one can imagine all external possessions, whether it be beauty, or wealth, or glory, or any other thing for which the multitude felicitates the possessor. He esteems these things, and us who honor them, as nothing, and lives among men, making all the objects of their admiration the playthings of his irony. But I know not if any one of you have ever seen the divine images which are within, when he has been opened, and is serious. I have seen them, and they are so supremely beautiful, so golden, so divine, and wonderful, that everything that Socrates commands surely ought to be obeyed, even like the voice of a god.
*******
At one time we were fellow-soldiers, and had our mess together in the camp before Potidaea. Socrates there overcame not only me, but every one beside, in endurance of evils : when, as often happens in a campaign, we were reduced to few provi sions, there were none who could sustain hunger like Socrates ; and when we had plenty, he alone seemed to enjoy our military fare. He never drank much willingly, but when he was com pelled, he conquered all even in that to which he was least accustomed : and, what is most astonishing, no person ever saw Socrates drunk either then or at any other time. In the depth of winter (and the winters there are excessively rigid) he sus tained calmly incredible hardships : and amongst other things, whilst the frost was intolerably severe, and no one went out of their tents, or if they went out, wrapped themselves up care fully, and put fleeces under their feet, and bound their legs with hairy skins, Socrates went out only with the same cloak on that he usually wore, and walked barefoot upon the ice : more easily, indeed, than those who had sandaled themselves so delicately : so that the soldiers thought that he did it to mock their want of fortitude. It would indeed be worth while to commemorate all that this brave man did and endured in that expedition. In one instance he was seen early in the morning, standing in one place, wrapt in meditation ; and as he seemed unable to unravel the subject of his thoughts, he still continued to stand as inquiring and discussing within him self, and when noon came, the soldiers observed him, and said to one another — " Socrates has been standing there thinking, ever since the morning. " At last some Ionians came to the spot, and having supped, as it was summer, they lay down to
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sleep in the cool : they observed that Socrates continued to stand there the whole night until morning, and that, when the sun rose, he saluted it with a prayer and departed.
I ought not to omit what Socrates is in battle. For in that battle after which the generals decreed to me the prize of courage, Socrates alone of all men was the savior of my life, standing by me when I had fallen and was wounded, and pre serving both myself and my arms from the hands of the enemy. On that occasion I entreated the generals to decree the prize, as it was most due, to him. And this, O Socrates, you cannot deny, that when the generals, wishing to conciliate a person of my rank, desired to give me the prize, you were far more ear nestly desirous than the generals that this glory should be attributed not to yourself, but me.
But to see Socrates when our army was defeated and scat tered in flight at Delium was a spectacle worthy to behold. On that occasion I was among the cavalry, and he on foot, heavily armed. After the total rout of our troops, he and Laches retreated together; I came up by chance, and seeing them, bade them be of good cheer, for that I would not leave them. As I was on horseback, and therefore less occupied by a regard of my own situation, I could better observe than at Potidaea the beautiful spectacle exhibited by Socrates on this emergency. How superior was he to Laches in presence of mind and courage ! Your representation of him on the stage, O Aristophanes, was not wholly unlike his real self on this occasion, for he walked and darted his regards around with a majestic composure, looking tranquilly both on his friends and enemies : so that it was evident to every one, even from afar, that whoever should venture to attack him would encounter a desperate resistance. He and his companions thus departed in safety : for those who are scattered in flight are pursued and killed, whilst men hesitate to touch those who exhibit such a countenance as that of Socrates even in defeat.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. B. C. 399.
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[Plato, the great Greek philosopher, was born in or near Athens, b. o. 429, the year of Pericles' death. His name was Aristocles ; Plato ("Broady ") was a nickname, probably from his figure. He began to write poems ; but after meeting Socrates at twenty he burnt them, became Socrates' disciple for ten years, and was with him at his trial and death. Afterwards he traveled widely, and settled at Athens as a teacher of philosophy ; among his pupils was Aris totle. His "Dialogues" are still the noblest body of philosophical thought in existence, and of matchless literary beauty. Emerson says, " Out of Plato come all things that are still written and debated among men of thought. . . . Plato is philosophy, and philosophy Plato. "]
I.
Socrates, on the eve of his trialfor impiety, wishes to show that the popular notions about piety and impiety, or holiness and unholiness, will not bear testing.
Euthyphron — What in the world are you doing here at the archon's porch, Socrates ? Why have you left your haunts in the Lyceum ? You surely cannot have an action before him, as I have. —
(From the " Euthyphron " and the " Apology " of Plato : translated by F. J. Church. )
Socrates
cution, not an action.
Nay, the Athenians, Euthyphron, call it a prose
Euthyphron — What ? Do you mean that some one is prose cuting you? I cannot believe that you are prosecuting any one yourself.
Socrates — Certainly I am not.
Euthyphron — Then is some one prosecuting you ?
Socrates —Yes.
Euthyphron — Who is he ?
Socrates — I scarcely know him myself, Euthyphron; I
think he must be some unknown young man. His name, how ever, is Meletus, and his deme Pitthis, if you can call to mind any Meletus of that deme, — a hook-nosed man with long hair, and a rather scanty beard.
Euthyphron — I don't know him, Socrates. But, tell me, what is he prosecuting you for ?
Socrates — What for ? Not on trivial grounds, I think. It is no small thing for so young a man to have formed an opinion on such an important matter. For he, he says, knows how the
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young are corrupted, and who are their corrupters. He must be a wise man, who, observing my ignorance, is going to accuse me to the city, as his mother, of corrupting his friends. I think that he is the only man who begins at the right point in his
I mean whose first care is to make the young men as perfect as possible, just as a good farmer will take care of his young plants first, and, after he has done that, of the
political reforms :
others. And so Meletus, I suppose, is first clearing us off, who, as he says, corrupt the young men as they grow up ; and then, when he has done that, of course he will turn his attention to the older men, and so become a very great public benefactor. Indeed, that is only what you would expect, when he goes to work in this way.
Euthyphron — I hope it may be so, Socrates, but I have very grave doubts about it. It seems to me that in trying to injure you, he is really setting to work by striking a blow at the heart of the state. But how, tell me, does he say that you corrupt the youth ? —
Socrates In a way which sounds strange at first, my friend. He says that I am a maker of gods ; and so he is prosecuting me, he says, for inventing new gods, and for not believing in
the old ones. — I understand, Socrates. It is because you Euthyphron
say that you always have a divine sign. So he is prosecuting you for introducing novelties into religion ; and he is going into court knowing that such matters are easily misrepresented to the multitude, and consequently meaning to slander you there. Why, they laugh even me to scorn, as if I were out of my mind, when I talk about divine things in the assembly, and tell them what is going to happen : and yet I have never fore told anything which has not come true. But they are jealous of all people like us. We must not think about them : we must meet them boldly.
Socrates — My dear Euthyphron, their ridicule is not a very serious matter. The Athenians, it seems to me, may think a man to be clever without paying him much attention, so long as they do not think that he teaches his wisdom to others. But as soon as they think that he makes other people clever, they get angry, whether it be from jealousy, as you say, or for some other
reason. — I am not very anxious to try their disposition Euthyphron
towards me in this matter.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. 87
Socrates — No, perhaps they think that you seldom show yourself, and that you are not anxious to teach your wisdom to others ; but I fear that they may think that I am ; for my love of men makes me talk to every one whom I meet quite freely and unreservedly, and without payment : indeed, if I could, I would gladly pay people myself to listen to me. If then, as I said just now, they were only going to laugh at me, as you say they do at you, it would not be at all an unpleasant way of spending the day, to spend it in court, jesting and laughing. But if they are going to be in earnest, then only prophets like you can tell where the matter will end.
Euthyphron — Well, Socrates, I dare say that nothing will come of it. Very likely you will be successful in your trial, and I think that I shall be in mine.
Socrates — And what is this suit of yours, Euthyphron? Are you suing, or being sued?
Euthyphron — I am suing.
Socrates — Whom ?
Euthyphron — A man whom I am thought a maniac to be
suing. — Socrates
What ? Has he wings to fly away with ? Euthyphron — He is far enough from flying ; he is a very
old man. — Socrates
Who is he ? Euthyphron — He is my father.
[Then Euthyphron having stated that he was prosecuting his father for having murdered a slave, Socrates asks him to define holiness. Euthyphron becomes entangled, and Socrates points out that he has not answered his question. He does not want a particular example of holiness. He wants to know what that is which makes all holy actions holy. Euthyphron, at length, defines holiness as "that which is pleasing to the gods. " But Socrates, by a series of apparently innocent ques tions, compels Euthyphron to admit the absurdity of his defini tion. Euthyphron has no better fortune with a second and third definition, and he passes from a state of patronizing self- complacency to one of puzzled confusion and deeply offended pride. ]
—
I do not mean to give in until I have found out.
Then we must begin again, and inquire what is
Socrates holiness.
Do not deem me unworthy ; give your whole mind to the question, and this time tell me the truth. For if any one
88
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES.
knows it, it is you ; and you are a Proteus whom I must not let go until you have told me. It cannot be that you would ever have undertaken to prosecute your aged father for the murder of a laboring man unless you had known exactly what is holiness and unholiness. You would have feared to risk the anger of the gods, in case you should be doing wrong, and you would have been afraid of what men would say. But now I am sure that you think that you know exactly what is holiness and what is not ; so tell me, my excellent Euthyphron, and do not conceal from me what you hold it to be.
Socrates — What are you doing, my friend ! Will you go away and destroy all my hopes of learning from you what is holy and what is not, and so of escaping Meletus ? I meant to explain to him that now Euthyphron has made me wise about divine things, and that I no longer in my ignorance speak rashly about them or introduce novelties in them ; and then I was going to promise him to live a better life for the future.
II.
Socrates defends himself before the Athenians.
Socrates — I cannot tell what impression my accusers have made upon you, Athenians : for my own part, I know that they nearly made me forget who I was, so plausible were they ; and yet they have scarcely uttered one single word of truth. But of all their many falsehoods, the one which astonished me most, was when they said that I was a clever speaker, and that you must be careful not to let me mislead you. I thought that it was most impudent of them not to be ashamed to talk in that way ; for as soon as I open my mouth the lie will be exposed, and I shall prove that I am not a clever speaker in any way at all : unless, indeed, by a clever speaker they mean a man who speaks the truth. If that is their meaning, I agree with them that I am a much greater orator than they. My accusers, then I repeat, have said little or nothing that is true ; but from me you shall hear the whole truth. Certainly you will not hear an elaborate speech, Athenians, drest up, like theirs, with
words and phrases. I will say to you what I have to say,
Euthyphron — Another time, then, Socrates. I am in a hurry now, and it is time for me to be off.
The Gospels of Kino, Canute. (Eleventh Century. )
The handsome MS. from which the plate is taken is nniong the more notable of the MSS. in the Royal collection in the British Museum. It consists of 150 leaves of vellum, measuring 13^ x io! ^ inches, and in a full page comprises twenty-six lines. The hand in which it is written is a firm set Saxon, strongly tinctured with the Caroline minuscule.
The Gospels of King Canute. (Eleventh Century. )
The handsome MS. from which the Plate is taken is preserved amongst the Royal MSS. in the British Museum. It consists of 150 leaves of vellum measuring 13J by 10J inches.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. 89
without preparation, and in the words which come first, for I believe that my cause is just ; so let none of you expect anything else. Indeed, my friends, it would hardly be seemly for me, at my age, to come before you like a young man with his specious falsehoods. But there is one thing, Athenians, which I do most earnestly beg and entreat of you. Do not be surprised and do not interrupt, if in my defense I speak in the same way that I am accustomed to speak in the market place, at the tables of the money changers, where many of you have heard me, and elsewhere. The truth is this. I am more than seventy years old, and this is the first time that I have ever come before a Court of Law ; so your manner of speech here is quite strange to me. If I had been really a stranger, you would have forgiven me for speaking in the language and the fashion of my native country : and so now I ask you to grant me what I think I have a right to claim. Never mind the style of my speech — it may be better or it may be worse — give your whole attention to the question, Is what I say just, or is it not ? That is what makes a good judge, as speaking the truth makes a good advocate.
I have to defend myself, Athenians, first against the old false charges of my old accusers, and then against the later ones of my present accusers. For many men have been accus ing me to you, and for very many years, who have not uttered a word of truth : and I fear them more than I fear Anytus and his companions, formidable as they are. But, my friends, those others are still more formidable ; for they got hold of most of you when you were children, and they have been more persistent in accusing me with lies, and in trying to persuade you that there is one Socrates, a wise man, who speculates about the heavens, and who examines into all things that are beneath the earth, and who can " make the worse appear the better reason. "
These men, Athenians, who spread abroad this report, are the accusers whom I fear ; for their hearers think that persons who pursue such inquiries never believe in the gods. And then they are many, and their attacks have been going on for a long time : and they spoke to you when you were at the age most readily to believe them : for you were all young, and many of you were children : and there was no one to answer them when they attacked me. And the most unreasonable thing of all is that commonly I do not even know their names :
90 THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES.
I cannot tell you who they are, except in the case of the comic poets.
But all the rest who have been trying to prejudice you against me, from motives of spite and jealousy, and sometimes, it may be, from conviction, are the enemies whom it is hardest to meet. For I cannot call any one of them forward in Court,
I have, as it were, simply to fight with
to cross-examine him :
shadows in my defense, and to put questions which there is no one to answer. I ask you, therefore, to believe that, as I say, I have been attacked by two classes of accusers —first by Meletus and his friends, and then by those older ones of whom I have spoken. And, with your leave, I will defend myself first against my old enemies ; for you heard their accusations first, and they were much more persistent than my present accusers are.
Well, I must make my defense, Athenians, and try in the short time allowed me to remove the prejudice which you have had against me for a long time.
Let us begin again, then, and see what is the charge which has given rise to the prejudice against me, which was what Meletus relied on when he drew his indictment. What is the calumny which my enemies have been spreading about me? I must assume that they are formally accusing me, and read their indictment. It would run somewhat in this fashion : —
" Socrates is an evil doer, who meddles with inquiries into things beneath the earth, and in heaven, and who ' makes the worse appear the better reason,' and who teaches others these same things. "
That is what they say ; and in the Comedy of Aristophanes you yourselves saw a man called Socrates swinging round in a basket, and saying that he walked the air, and talking a great deal of nonsense about matters of which I understand nothing, either more or less. I do not mean to disparage that kind of knowledge, if there is any man who possesses it. I trust Meletus may never be able to prosecute me for that. But, the truth is, Athenians, I have nothing to do with these matters, and almost all of you are yourselves my witnesses of this. I beg all of you who have ever heard me converse, and they are many, to inform your neighbors and tell them if any of you have ever heard me conversing about such matters, either more or less. That will show you that the other common stories about me are as false as this one.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. 91
[He is accused of being at once a wicked sophist who exacts money for teaching and a natural philosopher. He distin guishes these characters, and shows that he is neither. He is unpopular because he has taken on himself the duty of examin ing men, in consequence of a certain answer given by the Delphic oracle, "that he was the wisest of men. " He describes the examination of men which he undertook to test the truth of the oracle. This has gained him much hatred : men do not like to be proved ignorant when they think themselves wise,
What I have said must suffice as my defense against the charges of my first accusers. " I will try next to defend myself against that " good patriot Meletus, as he calls himself, and my later accusers. Let us assume that they are a new set of accusers, and read their indictment, as we did in the case of the others. It runs thus. He says that Socrates is an evil doer who corrupts the youth, and who does not believe in the gods whom the city believes in, but in other new divinities. Such is the charge.
Let us examine each point in it separately. Meletus says that I do wrong by corrupting the youth : but I say, Athenians, that he is doing wrong ; for he is playing off a solemn jest by bringing men lightly to trial, and pretending to have a great zeal and interest in matters to which he has never given a moment's thought. And now I will try to prove to you that it is so.
Come here, Meletus. Is it not a fact that you think it very important that the younger men should be as excellent as possible ?
Meletus — It is.
Socrates — Come then : tell the judges, who is it who im proves them ? You take so much interest in the matter that of course you know that. You are accusing me, and bringing me to trial, because, as you say, you have discovered that I am the corrupter of the youth. Come now, reveal to the judges who improves them. You see, Meletus, you have noth ing to say ; you are silent. But don't you think that this is a scandalous thing? Is not your silence a conclusive proof of what I say, that you have never given a moment's thought to the matter? Come, tell us, my good sir, who makes the young men better citizens?
and so they call him a sophist and every kind of bad name besides, because he exposes their pretense of knowledge. ]
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES.
92
Socrates — My excellent sir, that is not my question. What man improves the young, who starts with a knowledge of the laws?
Meletus — The judges here, Socrates.
Socrates — What do you mean, Meletus ? Can they educate the young and improve them ?
Meletus — Certainly.
Socrates — All of them? or only some of them?
Meletus — All of them.
Socrates — By H6r§ that is good news ? There is a great
abundance of benefactors. And do the listeners here improve them, or not ?
Meletus — They do.
Socrates — And do the senators?
Meletus — Yes.
Socrates — Well then, Meletus, do the members of the
Assembly corrupt the younger men ? or do they again all im prove them?
Socrates — Then all the Athenians, apparently, make the young into fine fellows except me, and I alone corrupt them. Is that your meaning ?
Socrates — You have discovered me to be a most unfortunate man. Now tell me : do you think that the same holds good in the case of horses ? Does one man do them harm and every one else improve them ? On the contrary, is it not one man only, or a very few — namely, those who are skilled in horses — who can improve them ; while the majority of men harm them, if they use them, and have to do with them ? Is it not so, Mele tus, both with horses and with every other animal ? Of course it is, whether you and Anytus say yes or no. And young men would certainly be very fortunate persons if only one man cor rupted them, and every one else did them good. The truth is, Meletus, you prove conclusively that you have never thought about the youth in your life. It is quite clear, on your own showing, that you take no interest at all in the matters about which you are prosecuting me.
[He proves that it is absurd to say that he corrupts the
young intentionally, and if he corrupts them unintentionally, the law does not call upon Meletus to prosecute him for an
Meletus — The laws.
Meletus — They too improve them.
Meletus — Most certainly ; that is my meaning.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. 98
involuntary fault. With regard to the charge of teaching young men not to believe in the gods of the city, he cross- examines Meletus and involves him in several contradictions. ]
But in truth, Athenians, I do not think that I need say very much to prove that I have not committed the crime for which Meletus is prosecuting me. What I have said is enough to prove that. But, I repeat, it is certainly true, as I have al ready told you, that I have incurred much unpopularity and made many enemies. And that is what will cause my condem nation, if I am condemned ; not Meletus, nor Anytus either, but the prejudice and suspicion of the multitude. They have been the destruction of many good men before me, and I think that they will be so again. There is no fear that I shall be their last victim.
Perhaps some one will say : "Are you not ashamed, Socrates, of following pursuits which are very likely now to cause your death? " I should answer him with justice, and say: "My friend, if you think that a man of any worth at all ought to reckon the chances of life and death when he acts, or that he ought to think of anything but whether he is acting rightly or wrongly, and as a good or a bad man would act, you are griev ously mistaken.