And because Clodius had spoken and claimed that Milo had
declared
smaller debts .
Roman Translations
In a rhetorical fashion, Cicero emphasises this state's staunch support of the Romans, but belittle its resources - its tiny walls and the small number of citizens - with which it managed to repel the huge forces of king Mithridates.
He suggests the town was stronger in faithfulness and devotion [96] L than in material assets.
This is an expression of praise [expression of praise].
But if even the luxury of Asia {could not tempt him} when he was at the most impressionable age.
This is a proof of his good character, because he was not corrupted even by the variety of pleasures offered by Asia. There is a similar remark in {Cicero's} defence of L. Murena. But I think that it is even more worthy of note, how eloquently he makes the transition between these passages. They are connected in such a way, that each step of his career is mentioned along with evidence and proof of his upright character. He has said that Flaccus did not yield to luxury in Asia; then in the following passage he says:
At this time, he joined the army of his uncle C. Flaccus.
and adds immediately afterwards:
As military tribune, he accompanied P. Servilius, a most worthy and respected citizen.
This praise of P. Servilius provides good evidence that Flaccus was leading an honourable life. Then, when he goes on to mention his time as quaestor, he adds:
Receiving their full approval, he was elected quaestor.
All this list of Flaccus' magistracies hangs together in such a way, that the praise of his preceding magistracy adds weight to the following one. None of them seems to have commended without reason, when they are all shown to have something of merit.
M. Piso, who would himself have earned the surname of Frugi {"man of integrity"}, if he had not inherited it.
The orator carefully commends all those who supervised Flaccus in his early magistracies with [an expression] of praise, to embellish the reputation of Flaccus. He suggests that it is sufficient proof of his innocence, that such eminent men found no fault with him. As for Piso: many man from this family had the surname "Frugi", but the first one to be given the name was L. Piso, who passed a law about extortion and was a deadly enemy of C. Gracchus. A speech of Gracchus against this Piso still survives; it is full of insults, rather than accusations.
This man undertook a new war and brought it to a {successful} conclusion.
Q. Metellus undertook the administration of the province of Crete, despite the opposition of his colleague Q. Hortensius. After completing the war there, he earned the surname Creticus in recognition of his virtuous conduct, as we said above. Before Metellus, M. Antonius had been put in charge of the coastal regions to hunt down the pirates, but he died before completing his mission.
[97] L He is handed over not to witnesses from Asia, but to the comrades of the prosecutor.
He carefully detracts from the credibility of the province, which could ruin Flaccus, by referring to the comrades of the prosecutor. For it would have almost no credibility, if the prosecutor was supported by his comrades, who connived in his falsehoods; but on the other hand it would be very convincing if the whole province joined in the accusation.
{At this point, the commentary moves on to the surviving portion of the speech in defence of Flaccus. }
* * *
WHEN HE GAVE THANKS TO THE SENATE
[108] L The {order of} Cicero's speeches suggests that after the preceding commentary, we should consider the speech which is called: "If P. Clodius investigated him about the laws;" this speech seems to have been discovered after {Cicero's} death. But since we have many later speeches, in which Cicero says almost the same things, I have decided to exclude this speech from the commentary. Nothing of importance will have been missed, because all these events will doubtless be dealt with in the other speeches. Cicero spoke on many further occasions about his consulate, his exile, and {the crimes of} Clodius. Therefore let us consider . . .
[12 pages missing. ]
[RedSen_15] . . . he was not deceived by the pretences of Piso; {Cicero} knew his real character well, through his son-in-law C. Piso, who was from the same family. But the people {of Rome} were completely deceived. They trusted in his appearance rather than his achievements, and elected him consul. The statement that his mother's family came from Transalpine { Gaul } is repeated at great length in the speech, which {Cicero} made against Piso {e. g. Pis_62}. Cicero tries to suggest that the people elected { Piso } not by careful judgement, but by mistake.
* * *
WHEN HE GAVE THANKS TO THE PEOPLE
[110] L . . . is similar to the above. After M. Tullius had been restored {from exile}, he realised that there was a common source of the benefit which had been conferred on him with almost universal agreement. Therefore, when he had given thanks to the senate, he thought that he ought also to give thanks to the people, and he proceeded to an assembly, where he said almost the same things to the people, as he had already said to the senators. In my opinion, he did this mostly for his own glory, so that it should be thought that he had been restored with the agreement of all classes, and no part of the people had been opposed to his honour. Thereby he could more reasonably boast that he had been judged indispensible for the protection of his country. And here he fills his delivery with a declamatory quality, as he both reminds them of the benefits that he has bestowed on them, and uses the strength of his complaints to stir up ill feeling against his enemies, either because they were the instigators of his exile, or because they waited a long time before allowing him to be restored.
* * *
IN DEFENCE OF MILO
[111] L . . . on either side a heated quarrel arose between the slaves, until swords were drawn, so that P. Clodius was driven by fear to take refuge in a small inn at Bovillae. There the slaves of Milo pursued and killed him, not of their own accord - as Tullius was forced to say in this speech, to exonerate his client - but on the orders of their master, who wished for this above all else. When news of this crime reached Rome, there was strong resentment against Milo. The body {of Clodius}, a noble senator and a popular man, was brought back to the city and placed in the Curia Hostilia, which was then burnt down by the turbulent and sordid mob, who had profited greatly from P. Clodius' life in the past, [112] L and now were enraged by his death. While these mass demonstrations against Milo were taking place, the senate was summoned to meet, and decreed that the murder on the Appian Way was against the interests of the state.
Cn. Pompeius, who was then consul for the third time without a colleague, passed a law that there should be a special court to investigate the murder. At first, the jurors sat in the temple of Saturnus. Cicero took on the defence of the case, not only because of the strong debt that he owed {to Milo}, but also because he rejoiced in the death of his enemy, which was {an answer} to his prayers. But the situation was dangerous; the murder had been admitted; the people were angry and rioting; and the consul Pompeius, sitting nearby, was clearly intent on the conviction of Milo. It was impossible to deliver a proper defence, and Tullius himself was forced by fear to withdraw {from the trial}. There is in existence an alternative version of the defence of Milo, in which everything is abrupt and unpolished and clumsy, and you can see that it is full of terror. Cicero wrote the present version of the speech later, with proper effort and greater care, when he had recovered his courage and felt safe again. When the manner of this defence was being discussed - in what way and according to what plan the argument for Milo should be conducted - M. Brutus thought that the speech in his defence should be in opposition, which is called by us "in mitigation". But Cicero though that this was inappropriate, and he preferred to use a form of counter-accusation, that is . . .
* * *
[118] {Mil_16} L When P. Africanus, while he was lying at home.
As I have already said in my commentary on the previous speech, P. Scipio Aemilianus was about to strenuously defend the cause of the Latins, because of their alliance, against the triumvir C. Gracchus and his colleagues, arguing that the land {of the Latins} should not be split up into allotments. But he was carried off by a sudden death at home, and some suspicion {of guilt} fell on C. Gracchus himself and his wife Sempronia. Scipio was fifty-six years old when he died, and traces of bruising were found on his throat. A speech of C. Laelius Sapiens in praise of Scipio has survived, and it seems that this is the speech that Q. Fabius Maximus used in his funeral oration in praise of Scipio. These words appear in the final part of the speech: "We can never thank the immortal gods sufficiently, that a man of such spirit and genius was born in this particular city; nor can we ever sufficiently express how terrible and bitter it is, that he died (? ) in that way and perished at that time, when - if he had survived - he could have been of most benefit to you, my fellow-citizens, and to everyone who cares for the welfare of this republic. "
* * *
IN DEFENCE OF SESTIUS
[125] L P. Sestius was very well-disposed towards Cicero . . . among the tribunes of the plebs, when P. Lentulus Spinther and Q. Metellus Nepos were consuls. Therefore he obstinately devoted himself to the support of the party, which was working for the honourable restoration of M. Tullius. But P. Clodius resisted their attempts and collected a gang of violent supporters, to prevent them from being able to recall Cicero. As a result there was fighting, in which P. Sestius was seriously and almost fatally wounded. This forced Sestius to assemble a band of armed gladiators for his own protection, just as Milo had already done. By this means he was able to carry through the proposal which he had introduced for {the recall of} Tullius. After Cicero had returned from exile, P. Clodius instigated a prosecution for violent conduct against Sestius; he incited P. Albinovanus to be the principal accuser, with P. Vatinius as a witness. The core of their accusation was that Sestius had gone beyond the bounds of civil politics, because he had carried his motion by armed force, not by fair means. Cicero answered with a defence of this kind, which had a two-fold character, [of counter-accusation and counter-argument]. The one argument is relative: that it was right and reasonable for P. Sestius to have the protection of armed men, so that he could repel the attacks which Clodius' men had started to make on him. The other argument is in mitigation, that he was supporting a just cause which was essential for the wellbeing of the state, and so he ought to go unpunished, even if he did have a gang of armed men, because he wanted to restore the benefactor and saviour of the state, with the full agreement of everyone.
Many speakers defended Sestius in this case; among them were Q. Hortensius, M. Crassus and L. Licinius Calvus, who divided the parts of the defence between them, and concentrated on those parts in their speeches. Therefore Cicero spoke thoroughly about those matters that he had to explain, and did not, as most people think, stray outside the bounds of the case. Although we know that . . . either out of anger or out of grief, Cicero used to exaggerate his sufferings almost beyond what the circumstances required, the long description of a very turbulent time, which fills up much of this book, does seem to be quite relevant to the current case. His purpose was to reveal the seditious and violent actions of P. Clodius at that time, and not only the wrongs that Cicero suffered, [126] L but also the benefits that the state received as a result of his restoration; so that it might seem right and necessary for P. Sestius to have had a band of armed men. This created a strong argument that Sestius should be freed from the disgrace of the present accusation. In the course of the speech we will pass over many matters, which we have already discussed in the commentary on the previous speech, because of the similarity of their themes. Therefore you should not expect that, when we come across such matters, we will repeat what we have already said.
* * *
IN DEFENCE OF PLANCIUS
[152] L In the consulship of . . . and Appius Claudius he also delivered this speech in defence of Cn. Plancius, who was accused of forming an illegal association under the Lex Licinia. This law, which was passed by M. Licinius Crassus when he was consul with Cn. Pompeius Magnus, set up very strict investigations into candidates, who had procured {such associations} to distribute money to their fellow tribesmen, and thereby to share the common support of bought votes. In order to suppress this abuse, Crassus passed the law to create a much more risky form of trial, in which the defendants were accused before nominated jurors. In other words, the prosecutor could nominate tribes, of which the defendant could reject only one. The jurors were selected from the remaining tribes, and were likely to be very unsympathetic towards the defendant, because the prosecutor had chosen them to suit his purposes, by nominating those tribes, that he expected to be most hostile {towards the defendant}. But Cn. Plancius [153] L was connected to M. Tullius by a very close and loyal friendship, which had confirmed by his great kindnesses. When Cicero left the city after being banished 'from fire and water' by the law of his enemy P. Clodius, he proceeded to Macedonia. Most men did nothing to help him, because they were so afraid of the power of Clodius, but the quaestor Cn. Plancius supported him with extreme kindness and loyalty. In that year Plancius held the office of quaestor in Macedonia, under the praetor L. Apuleius; and while Cicero was at Thessalonica, Plancius helped to protect him from any threat of treachery. Therefore, after he had been restored Cicero recorded his gratitude to Plancius, amongst others, in the two speeches that he made in the assembly and in the senate.
This legal case arose from the elections for aediles, in which Plancius was elected, but among the unsuccessful candidates was Juventius Laterensis, a senator from a patrician family who was notable for his eloquence as well as his noble birth. It was Laterensis who now prosecuted Plancius for forming an illegal association - a detested crime and dangerous for defendants, because of the nominated jurors about whom we spoke before. Cicero's defence rests principally on [conjecture]: the orator maintains that Plancius {won the election} not by distributing bribes, but by the uprightness of his character and his distinguished achievements.
* * *
[167] {Planc_85} L You said that you had not sent home any letters with accounts of your exploits; because my letter, which I sent to someone, had harmed me.
All this refers not to the defendant, but to Cicero himself, in response to the taunts of Laterensis. I know that he means the letter, as large as a full book, that Cicero sent to Pompeius about his achievements as consul. The letter seems to have been written in a rather arrogant way, so that Pompeius was considerably annoyed, because in his pompous boasting Cicero was suggesting that he was superior to all other famous leaders. Cicero tries to defend himself by saying that he informed Cn. Pompeius about the preservation of his homeland, and that he did not unreasonably boast about his own exploits. But in reality the letter did harm Cicero; because it had the effect, that Pompeius offered him no protection against the attacks of Clodius.
* * *
ABOUT THE DEBTS OF MILO
[169] L [ T. Annius Milo, Q. Metellus Scipio ] and Hypsaeus [all sought to be elected consul in the same year] when P. Clodius Pulcher, the enemy of Milo, was a candidate for praetor. Clodius opposed the candidacy of Milo, and used many different corrupt practices to disrupt the elections; with the intention that Hypsaeus and Scipio should be appointed consuls, and Milo should be unsuccessful. At this time a meeting of the senate was held, at which P. Clodius made an aggressive and abusive speech, attacking not only Milo, but also M. Tullius. Clodius said that {Cicero} was corrupting the elections, because he had become very powerful as a result of his many achievements as a statesman; he alleged that armed gangs had threatened violence; and lastly he claimed that Milo had declared much smaller debts than he actually owed. According to the usual custom, Milo had declared that the total of his debts was six million sestertii. Clodius stated with great emphasis that {Milo} should not be allowed [to stand for the consulship], because he was likely to ransack the state treasuries to meet his large debts. But his accusations were rebutted in a speech by M. Cicero, who strongly supported Milo, in particular because he recalled that Milo as tribune of the plebs had helped him to regain his position in the state. How much Cicero hated P. Clodius, is obvious from the speeches in which he strongly denounced his life and morals. This speech is full of the insults, which they traded with each other. Before I start the commentary, I will explain the title, because I think it will be useful for readers [170] L to properly understand the title. The full title is: "An investigation about the debts of Milo. " However, there were several different types of investigation, as follows:
The delivery of an accusation, such as appears in the title of the speech, "To be used, if P. Clodius investigated him about the laws. " Someone was investigated about the laws, when the accuser inquired, whether the defendant had acted in all respects according to the laws.
Secondly, the investigation of witnesses, such as when M. Tullius investigated P. Vatinius, who was appearing as a witness. A speech, in which witnesses are discredited, is properly called an investigation.
Thirdly, the type of investigation that appears in this speech, as Sinnius Capito suggests, which is part of the duty and practice of a senator. When a senator had already stated his opinion in his turn, and another senator when asked for his opinion said something that could reasonably be contradicted, the former senator, although he had already stated his opinion, could be allowed to investigate, or refute, the other senator, by discrediting his opinion, as false and misleading in many respects.
And because Clodius had spoken and claimed that Milo had declared smaller debts . . .
[Two pages missing. ]
. . . boldly trusting.
He turns the [statement] against Clodius, implying that humble obsequiousness of this kind could more accurately and convincingly be attributed to Clodius, who had discarded all the dignity of his rank when he abjectly begged Pompeius to receive him back into favour.
He is not ashamed? What would shame a man, who not only does not blush, but has not even got a proper face?
This is a vitriolic attack, in which he seeks to denounce not only Clodius' shamelessness, but also his notorious immorality or the ugliness of his face, because Clodius is said to have had an unpleasant appearance.
This is what the poor, the trouble-makers said: 'What a (? ) useless man! '
He reports the words of the rumour-mongers, who had praised Clodius for his great powers of determination, when he boldly opposed Pompeius, but later held him in contempt, when he humbled himself to achieve a reconciliation.
To speak disparagingly of, or rather to restrict the leading citizen to his home by violence and fear.
[171] L [In correction. ] As a type of [correction] he withdraws a word, in order to correct it. It is well known that P. Clodius plotted against Pompeius. Cicero mentions this in several earlier speeches, and states it most fully and plainly in his speech in defence of Milo.
That he would have to rewrite the tablets which he keeps in his entrance hall.
After Cicero was forced into exile, Clodius composed a sort of catalogue of the charges against him, and inscribed it on tablets which he set up in the entrance hall of his house. It is these tablets which Cicero seems to be talking about here, and he suggests that because they are untrue and misleading, they should be considered as worthless; and he has no reason to worry about the accusations, because his honesty had been vindicated by decrees of the senate, showing that he deserved to be restored {from exile}.
I think that you had three complaints about Milo: about his debts, about violence, and about electoral corruption. But you forgot to mention the desecration of religious rites, and the depraved fornication.
After making a [categorisation] into the same types of complaint, that Clodius had used against Milo, the orator adds these two extra categories, which obviously apply to his enemy {Clodius} . . .
[Four pages missing. ]
. . . opponents.
Now he moves onto a different theme: whether Milo attempted to use violence. He rebuts this accusation in a similar way, by turning all the suspicion and reproach back onto Clodius. The [arguments] are presented in such a way, as to clear Milo of guilt and embarrass his opponent.
That the saviour of the city should be expelled from it.
This is a most eloquent and strongly-worded harangue, as I said above, which accuses P. Clodius of violence; and indeed he never appears to have behaved in a peaceful or restrained fashion. But next . . . [when he begins to speak about Clodius' year as tribune] how subtly and expertly Cicero mentions his own exile! He does not mention it specifically or openly, but alludes to it by this general phrase. When he wants to say something in praise of himself, he says: "That the citizen, who is the author and guardian of the city's safety, peace, dignity and faith, should be expelled from it. " Because this was [boastful] Cicero refers to it [by suggestion] as if he was talking about someone else; and thus he avoids the impression of being arrogant and boastful.
[172] L He should be forced to remain within the walls {of his own home}.
Clodius seems to have plotted {to kill} Cn. Pompeius; therefore Cicero continues in a rhetorical fashion with praise of Pompeius, as follows:
Who set the bounds of the Roman empire, not at some region in the world, but in the heights of the sky.
{Cicero} added this [for emphasis], both to flatter Pompeius and to denounce Clodius as a public enemy, who would try to deprive the state of a man who was so useful to it.
Nor was he a cause of fear, when we withdrew.
He is clearly speaking about his exile, which he preferred to call a withdrawal rather than a punishment. Similarly, in his other speeches he preferred to give the impression that he had decided to leave, not because of fear or any recognition of guilt, but rather because he wanted to avoid an outbreak of armed violence in the state.
You brought these men from the Apennines to slaughter the citizens.
In all of this he is speaking {of Clodius} as an ally of Catilina, and therefore he mentions the Apennines, which {Catilina} had recently occupied with an army.
They struck both of the consuls with stones.
The consuls were Cn. Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messalla. The main reason that the meeting of the senate had been summoned, was that P. Clodius had sent a gang of ruffians, to disrupt the elections for new consuls, in which Milo was a candidate.
You who, while many were watching, struck your head and slapped your thighs.
The behaviour of a crazy man . . .
[Two pages missing. ]
. . . names.
Wherever he goes, he brings blame upon defendants and jurymen.
As to defendants, the meaning is as follows: by speaking incompetently, he puts them in danger of being condemned. As to jurymen, we should understand it as follows: the prosecutions cause them disrepute and disgrace, because they are thought to have been swayed by bribes. Clodius had falsely asserted that the jurymen ought to be paid for their votes, when in fact he intended to pilfer the money for himself.
And you are not - as is your habit - postponing your {election} as praetor for another year.
He explains this more fully in his defence of Milo { Mil_24 }. Clodius had been a candidate in the elections for praetor, but when he realised that the elections would be delayed so much, that he would not be able to enter office on 1st January, he decided to withdraw his candidacy. Therefore, Cicero pretends that everyone was amazed that Clodius was not postponing his election as praetor in the current year also, just as he had already done in the previous year. {In these years} the elections were often disrupted by disputes between the magistrates
[173] L Nor will you be able to give the vote to those, to whom you have promised it.
[Menacingly] he threatens and proclaims that he will stay to oppose Clodius' plans, and will not go off as an envoy with Pompeius. P. Clodius seems to have proposed a law to give voting rights to freedmen, so that they would be included in the census with an equal status {to other citizens}.
Nor that abominable liberty.
The same law is mentioned in the speech in defence of Milo: "Whether [those supporters] of yours {take} from us all - I do not dare to say the rest. Imagine what might be the outcome of this law, when it is dangerous even to speak against it. " It was expected that [Clodius would pass] a law when he was praetor [to free] the slaves [of families].
Who can forget what you were like as a youth?
This is a [questioning] that is full of bitterness and contempt; it describes Clodius' character and reveals his morals. {Cicero} suggests that Clodius should be more despised than feared, because he is soiled with so many filthy vices. The rest does not need an explanation, because we have already spoken about it in the preceding comments.
And then again the pirates released you for a ransom - what else can I call those men, who let you go free after receiving a bribe?
He talks [metaphorically] about the jurors, who received a bribe to acquit Clodius when he was accused of sacrilege, as if they were pirates.
[At least 16 pages are missing. ]
[174] L . . . of nature - unless perhaps you think that a man's reputation depends on his appearance and shape, and not on his character.
[Definition from the opposite. ] He declares that a man's worth should be judged not from the appearance of his body, but from the quality of his character.
Then you had some terrors, which stuck out like complete horns.
[A metaphor] in which he describes P. Clodius as similar to a wild beast. Also, [as a metaphor]at the end of the [digression] he represents him with horns, which he once seemed to possess, but has now lost. The meaning of course is that Clodius should be despised rather than feared.
They did not {live to} see that the men, whom they had expelled, were restored to the state.
He quotes the examples of C. Gracchus and L. Saturninus, of whom the former was killed on the Aventine hill, and the latter was brought down from the Capitol with the praetor Glaucia and put to death. He means that after their deaths, P. Popilius, who had been forced to leave {Rome} by Gracchus, and Q. Metellus Numidicus, who had gone into exile to avoid the violence of L. Apuleius, were both restored to the state. Therefore Cicero boasts of his own good fortune, because he was restored while his enemy Clodius was still alive.
I yielded to the armed force either of your urban mob, or (as was believed at the time) of someone else.
The bitterness of the quarrel . . .
[18 lines missing. ]
. . . the uncertain belief that he had been received back into favour. But Tullius describes this carefully, in a very rhetorical way, so that no-one should think that Pompeius acknowledged {Clodius} as a good citizen, when he put an end to his quarrel with him. Cicero calls {Pompeius} "a very cautious man," whose safety depended not so much on Clodius' trustworthiness and innocence - which was non-existent - as on his own foresight, when he avoided being trapped by Clodius' plots.
End of: ["About the debts of Milo"]
IN DEFENCE OF ARCHIAS
[175] L . . . he particularly devoted himself to the study of poetry, and as it seems was pre-eminent in this form of literature. Therefore he was on friendly terms with some famous men, as M. Tullius states in the course of this speech. [ . . . (? ) when he came back with Lucullus, he went to live] in Heracleia, which was then an allied state, and was enrolled as a Heracleian citizen. Then the consuls Silvanus and Carbo passed a law, that that anyone who belonged to an allied people could obtain Roman citizenship, if only he was living in Italy at the time that the law was passed, and if he made an application to the praetor within sixty days. Licinius Archias was unable to provide the necessary evidence that he was entitled to Roman citizenship, because he was unable to prove that he had been enrolled as a citizen of Heracleia, after the records office of that city was burnt down during the civil war, and he had not declared his property in the census. Therefore he was prosecuted under the Lex Papia, which had been passed to detain those who falsely and illegally claimed Roman citizenship. {Cicero's} argument proceeds from conjecture, as to whether Archias was enrolled as a citizen of Heracleia, and whether he had done everything which was required of claimants from allied peoples. It lacks proof on many points, but depends on the evidence of the people of Heracleia and particularly - the theme that permeates the whole speech - on his reputation as a talented poet and a charming scholar. Apart from this conjecture, there is an argument that the excellence of his character would justify him being admitted as a Roman citizen, even if he had not been enrolled already.
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Plutarch: Sayings of kings and commanders
Pages 172 - 189
Although it was probably not written by Plutarch himself, this entertaining collection of sayings shares his desire to illustrate the character of great men. It contains quotations gathered from the Parallel Lives, as well as many from other sources.
Translated by E. Hinton of Witney, revised by W. Goodwin (1878). A few words and spellings have been changed. The page numbers in the Greek text are shown in red. Click on the G symbols to go to the Greek text of each section.
G PLUTARCH WISHES PROSPERITY TO TRAJANUS THE EMPEROR.
[172] Artaxerxes, King of Persia, O Caesar Trajanus, greatest of princes, esteemed it no less royal and bountiful kindly and cheerfully to accept small, than to make great presents, and when he was in a progress, and a common country labourer, having nothing else, took up water with both his hands out of the river and presented it to him, he smiled and received it pleasantly, measuring the kindness not by the value of the gift, but by the affection of the giver. And Lycurgus ordained in Sparta very cheap sacrifices, that they might always worship the Gods readily and easily with such things as were at hand. Upon the same account, when I bring a mean and slender present of the common first-fruits of philosophy, accept also (I beseech you) with my good affection these short memorials, if they may contribute any thing to the knowledge of the manners and dispositions of great men, which are more apparent in their words than in their actions. My former treatise contains the lives of the most eminent princes, law givers, and generals, both Romans and Greeks; but most of their actions admit a mixture of fortune, whereas such speeches and answers as happened amidst their employments, passions, and events afford us ( as in a looking-glass) a clear discovery of each particular temper and disposition. Accordingly Seiramnes the Persian, to such as wondered that he usually spoke like a wise man and yet was unsuccessful in his designs, replied: I myself am master of my words, but the king and fortune have power over my actions. In the former treatise speeches and actions are mingled together, and require a reader that is at leisure; but in this the speeches, being as it were the seeds and the illustrations of those lives, are placed by themselves, and will not (I think) be tedious to you, since they will give you in a few words a review of many memorable persons.
G CYRUS. The Persians affect such as are hawk-nosed and think them most beautiful, because Cyrus, the most beloved of their kings, had a nose of that shape.
Cyrus said that those that would not do good for themselves ought to be compelled to do good for others; and that nobody ought to govern, unless he was better than those he governed.
When the Persians were desirous to exchange their hills and rocks for a plain and soft country, he would not suffer them, saying that both the seeds of plants and the lives of men resemble the soil they inhabit.
G DARIUS. Darius the father of Xerxes used to praise himself, saying that he became even wiser in battles and dangers.
When he laid a tax upon his subjects, he summoned his lieutenants, and asked them whether the tax was burdensome or not. When they told him it was moderate, he commanded them to pay half as much as was at first demanded.
[173] As he was opening a pomegranate, one asked him what it was of which he would wish for a number equal to the seeds thereof. He said, Of men like Zopyrus, - who was a loyal person and his friend.
This Zopyrus, after he had maimed himself by cutting off his nose and ears, beguiled the Babylonians; and being trusted by them, he betrayed the city to Darius, who often said that he would not have had Zopyrus maimed to gain a hundred Babylons.
G SEMIRAMIS. Semiramis built a monument for herself, with this inscription: Whatever king wants treasure, if he open this tomb, he may be satisfied. Darius therefore opening it found no treasure, but another inscription of this import : If you were not a wicked person and of insatiable covetousness, you would not disturb the mansions of the dead.
G XERXES. Arimenes came out of Bactria as a rival for the kingdom with his brother Xerxes, the son of Darius. Xerxes sent presents to him, commanding those that brought them to say: With these your brother Xerxes now honours you; and if he chance to be proclaimed king, you shall be the next person to himself in the kingdom. When Xerxes was declared king, Arimenes immediately did him homage and placed the crown upon his head; and Xerxes gave him the next place to himself.
Being offended with the Babylonians, who rebelled, and having overcome them, he forbade them weapons, but commanded they should practise singing and playing on the flute, keep brothel-houses and taverns, and wear loose coats.
He refused to eat Attic figs that were brought to be sold, until he had conquered the country that produced them.
When he caught some Greek scouts in his camp, he did them no harm, but having allowed them to view his army as much as they pleased, he let them go.
G ARTAXERXES. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, surnamed Longimanus (or Long-hand) because he had one hand longer than the other, said, it was more princely to add than to take away.
He first gave leave to those that hunted with him, if they would and saw occasion, to throw their darts before him.
He also first ordained that punishment for his nobles who had offended, that they should be stripped and their garments scourged instead of their bodies ; and whereas then, hair should have been plucked out, that the same should be done to their turbans.
When Satibarzanes, his chamberlain, petitioned him in an unjust matter, and he understood he did it to gain thirty thousand darics, he ordered his treasurer to bring the said sum, and gave them to him, saying: O Satibarzanes ! take it ; for when I have given you this, I shall not be poorer, but it had been more unjust if I had granted your petition.
G CYRUS THE YOUNGER. Cyrus the Younger , when he was exhorting the Lacedaemonians to side with him in the war, said that he had a stronger heart than his brother, and could drink more wine unmixed than he, and bear it better ; that his brother, when he hunted, could scarce sit his horse, or when ill news arrived, his throne. He exhorted them to send him men, promising he would give horses to footmen, chariots to horsemen, villages to those that had farms, and those that possessed villages he would make lords of cities; and that he would give them gold and silver, not by tale but by weight.
G ARTAXERXES MNEMON. Artaxerxes, the brother of Cyrus the Younger, called Mnemon, did not only give very free and patient access to any that would speak with him, but commanded the queen his wife to draw the curtains of her chariot, that petitioners might have the same access to her also.
[174] When a poor man presented him with a very fair and great apple, By the Sun, said he, 'tis my opinion, if this person were entrusted with a small city, he would make it great.
In his flight, when his carriages were plundered, and he was forced to eat dry figs and barley-bread, Of how great pleasure, said he, have I hitherto lived ignorant !
G PARYSATIS. Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, advised him that would discourse freely with the king, to use words of fine linen.
G ORONTES. Orontes, the son-in-law of King Artaxerxes, falling into disgrace and being condemned, said: As mathematicians count sometimes myriads on their fingers, sometimes units only; in like manner the favourites of kings sometimes can do every thing with them, sometimes little or nothing.
G MEMNON. Memnon, one of King Darius' generals against Alexander, when a mercenary soldier excessively and impudently reviled Alexander, struck him with his spear, adding, I pay you to fight against Alexander, not to reproach him.
G EGYPTIAN KINGS.
But if even the luxury of Asia {could not tempt him} when he was at the most impressionable age.
This is a proof of his good character, because he was not corrupted even by the variety of pleasures offered by Asia. There is a similar remark in {Cicero's} defence of L. Murena. But I think that it is even more worthy of note, how eloquently he makes the transition between these passages. They are connected in such a way, that each step of his career is mentioned along with evidence and proof of his upright character. He has said that Flaccus did not yield to luxury in Asia; then in the following passage he says:
At this time, he joined the army of his uncle C. Flaccus.
and adds immediately afterwards:
As military tribune, he accompanied P. Servilius, a most worthy and respected citizen.
This praise of P. Servilius provides good evidence that Flaccus was leading an honourable life. Then, when he goes on to mention his time as quaestor, he adds:
Receiving their full approval, he was elected quaestor.
All this list of Flaccus' magistracies hangs together in such a way, that the praise of his preceding magistracy adds weight to the following one. None of them seems to have commended without reason, when they are all shown to have something of merit.
M. Piso, who would himself have earned the surname of Frugi {"man of integrity"}, if he had not inherited it.
The orator carefully commends all those who supervised Flaccus in his early magistracies with [an expression] of praise, to embellish the reputation of Flaccus. He suggests that it is sufficient proof of his innocence, that such eminent men found no fault with him. As for Piso: many man from this family had the surname "Frugi", but the first one to be given the name was L. Piso, who passed a law about extortion and was a deadly enemy of C. Gracchus. A speech of Gracchus against this Piso still survives; it is full of insults, rather than accusations.
This man undertook a new war and brought it to a {successful} conclusion.
Q. Metellus undertook the administration of the province of Crete, despite the opposition of his colleague Q. Hortensius. After completing the war there, he earned the surname Creticus in recognition of his virtuous conduct, as we said above. Before Metellus, M. Antonius had been put in charge of the coastal regions to hunt down the pirates, but he died before completing his mission.
[97] L He is handed over not to witnesses from Asia, but to the comrades of the prosecutor.
He carefully detracts from the credibility of the province, which could ruin Flaccus, by referring to the comrades of the prosecutor. For it would have almost no credibility, if the prosecutor was supported by his comrades, who connived in his falsehoods; but on the other hand it would be very convincing if the whole province joined in the accusation.
{At this point, the commentary moves on to the surviving portion of the speech in defence of Flaccus. }
* * *
WHEN HE GAVE THANKS TO THE SENATE
[108] L The {order of} Cicero's speeches suggests that after the preceding commentary, we should consider the speech which is called: "If P. Clodius investigated him about the laws;" this speech seems to have been discovered after {Cicero's} death. But since we have many later speeches, in which Cicero says almost the same things, I have decided to exclude this speech from the commentary. Nothing of importance will have been missed, because all these events will doubtless be dealt with in the other speeches. Cicero spoke on many further occasions about his consulate, his exile, and {the crimes of} Clodius. Therefore let us consider . . .
[12 pages missing. ]
[RedSen_15] . . . he was not deceived by the pretences of Piso; {Cicero} knew his real character well, through his son-in-law C. Piso, who was from the same family. But the people {of Rome} were completely deceived. They trusted in his appearance rather than his achievements, and elected him consul. The statement that his mother's family came from Transalpine { Gaul } is repeated at great length in the speech, which {Cicero} made against Piso {e. g. Pis_62}. Cicero tries to suggest that the people elected { Piso } not by careful judgement, but by mistake.
* * *
WHEN HE GAVE THANKS TO THE PEOPLE
[110] L . . . is similar to the above. After M. Tullius had been restored {from exile}, he realised that there was a common source of the benefit which had been conferred on him with almost universal agreement. Therefore, when he had given thanks to the senate, he thought that he ought also to give thanks to the people, and he proceeded to an assembly, where he said almost the same things to the people, as he had already said to the senators. In my opinion, he did this mostly for his own glory, so that it should be thought that he had been restored with the agreement of all classes, and no part of the people had been opposed to his honour. Thereby he could more reasonably boast that he had been judged indispensible for the protection of his country. And here he fills his delivery with a declamatory quality, as he both reminds them of the benefits that he has bestowed on them, and uses the strength of his complaints to stir up ill feeling against his enemies, either because they were the instigators of his exile, or because they waited a long time before allowing him to be restored.
* * *
IN DEFENCE OF MILO
[111] L . . . on either side a heated quarrel arose between the slaves, until swords were drawn, so that P. Clodius was driven by fear to take refuge in a small inn at Bovillae. There the slaves of Milo pursued and killed him, not of their own accord - as Tullius was forced to say in this speech, to exonerate his client - but on the orders of their master, who wished for this above all else. When news of this crime reached Rome, there was strong resentment against Milo. The body {of Clodius}, a noble senator and a popular man, was brought back to the city and placed in the Curia Hostilia, which was then burnt down by the turbulent and sordid mob, who had profited greatly from P. Clodius' life in the past, [112] L and now were enraged by his death. While these mass demonstrations against Milo were taking place, the senate was summoned to meet, and decreed that the murder on the Appian Way was against the interests of the state.
Cn. Pompeius, who was then consul for the third time without a colleague, passed a law that there should be a special court to investigate the murder. At first, the jurors sat in the temple of Saturnus. Cicero took on the defence of the case, not only because of the strong debt that he owed {to Milo}, but also because he rejoiced in the death of his enemy, which was {an answer} to his prayers. But the situation was dangerous; the murder had been admitted; the people were angry and rioting; and the consul Pompeius, sitting nearby, was clearly intent on the conviction of Milo. It was impossible to deliver a proper defence, and Tullius himself was forced by fear to withdraw {from the trial}. There is in existence an alternative version of the defence of Milo, in which everything is abrupt and unpolished and clumsy, and you can see that it is full of terror. Cicero wrote the present version of the speech later, with proper effort and greater care, when he had recovered his courage and felt safe again. When the manner of this defence was being discussed - in what way and according to what plan the argument for Milo should be conducted - M. Brutus thought that the speech in his defence should be in opposition, which is called by us "in mitigation". But Cicero though that this was inappropriate, and he preferred to use a form of counter-accusation, that is . . .
* * *
[118] {Mil_16} L When P. Africanus, while he was lying at home.
As I have already said in my commentary on the previous speech, P. Scipio Aemilianus was about to strenuously defend the cause of the Latins, because of their alliance, against the triumvir C. Gracchus and his colleagues, arguing that the land {of the Latins} should not be split up into allotments. But he was carried off by a sudden death at home, and some suspicion {of guilt} fell on C. Gracchus himself and his wife Sempronia. Scipio was fifty-six years old when he died, and traces of bruising were found on his throat. A speech of C. Laelius Sapiens in praise of Scipio has survived, and it seems that this is the speech that Q. Fabius Maximus used in his funeral oration in praise of Scipio. These words appear in the final part of the speech: "We can never thank the immortal gods sufficiently, that a man of such spirit and genius was born in this particular city; nor can we ever sufficiently express how terrible and bitter it is, that he died (? ) in that way and perished at that time, when - if he had survived - he could have been of most benefit to you, my fellow-citizens, and to everyone who cares for the welfare of this republic. "
* * *
IN DEFENCE OF SESTIUS
[125] L P. Sestius was very well-disposed towards Cicero . . . among the tribunes of the plebs, when P. Lentulus Spinther and Q. Metellus Nepos were consuls. Therefore he obstinately devoted himself to the support of the party, which was working for the honourable restoration of M. Tullius. But P. Clodius resisted their attempts and collected a gang of violent supporters, to prevent them from being able to recall Cicero. As a result there was fighting, in which P. Sestius was seriously and almost fatally wounded. This forced Sestius to assemble a band of armed gladiators for his own protection, just as Milo had already done. By this means he was able to carry through the proposal which he had introduced for {the recall of} Tullius. After Cicero had returned from exile, P. Clodius instigated a prosecution for violent conduct against Sestius; he incited P. Albinovanus to be the principal accuser, with P. Vatinius as a witness. The core of their accusation was that Sestius had gone beyond the bounds of civil politics, because he had carried his motion by armed force, not by fair means. Cicero answered with a defence of this kind, which had a two-fold character, [of counter-accusation and counter-argument]. The one argument is relative: that it was right and reasonable for P. Sestius to have the protection of armed men, so that he could repel the attacks which Clodius' men had started to make on him. The other argument is in mitigation, that he was supporting a just cause which was essential for the wellbeing of the state, and so he ought to go unpunished, even if he did have a gang of armed men, because he wanted to restore the benefactor and saviour of the state, with the full agreement of everyone.
Many speakers defended Sestius in this case; among them were Q. Hortensius, M. Crassus and L. Licinius Calvus, who divided the parts of the defence between them, and concentrated on those parts in their speeches. Therefore Cicero spoke thoroughly about those matters that he had to explain, and did not, as most people think, stray outside the bounds of the case. Although we know that . . . either out of anger or out of grief, Cicero used to exaggerate his sufferings almost beyond what the circumstances required, the long description of a very turbulent time, which fills up much of this book, does seem to be quite relevant to the current case. His purpose was to reveal the seditious and violent actions of P. Clodius at that time, and not only the wrongs that Cicero suffered, [126] L but also the benefits that the state received as a result of his restoration; so that it might seem right and necessary for P. Sestius to have had a band of armed men. This created a strong argument that Sestius should be freed from the disgrace of the present accusation. In the course of the speech we will pass over many matters, which we have already discussed in the commentary on the previous speech, because of the similarity of their themes. Therefore you should not expect that, when we come across such matters, we will repeat what we have already said.
* * *
IN DEFENCE OF PLANCIUS
[152] L In the consulship of . . . and Appius Claudius he also delivered this speech in defence of Cn. Plancius, who was accused of forming an illegal association under the Lex Licinia. This law, which was passed by M. Licinius Crassus when he was consul with Cn. Pompeius Magnus, set up very strict investigations into candidates, who had procured {such associations} to distribute money to their fellow tribesmen, and thereby to share the common support of bought votes. In order to suppress this abuse, Crassus passed the law to create a much more risky form of trial, in which the defendants were accused before nominated jurors. In other words, the prosecutor could nominate tribes, of which the defendant could reject only one. The jurors were selected from the remaining tribes, and were likely to be very unsympathetic towards the defendant, because the prosecutor had chosen them to suit his purposes, by nominating those tribes, that he expected to be most hostile {towards the defendant}. But Cn. Plancius [153] L was connected to M. Tullius by a very close and loyal friendship, which had confirmed by his great kindnesses. When Cicero left the city after being banished 'from fire and water' by the law of his enemy P. Clodius, he proceeded to Macedonia. Most men did nothing to help him, because they were so afraid of the power of Clodius, but the quaestor Cn. Plancius supported him with extreme kindness and loyalty. In that year Plancius held the office of quaestor in Macedonia, under the praetor L. Apuleius; and while Cicero was at Thessalonica, Plancius helped to protect him from any threat of treachery. Therefore, after he had been restored Cicero recorded his gratitude to Plancius, amongst others, in the two speeches that he made in the assembly and in the senate.
This legal case arose from the elections for aediles, in which Plancius was elected, but among the unsuccessful candidates was Juventius Laterensis, a senator from a patrician family who was notable for his eloquence as well as his noble birth. It was Laterensis who now prosecuted Plancius for forming an illegal association - a detested crime and dangerous for defendants, because of the nominated jurors about whom we spoke before. Cicero's defence rests principally on [conjecture]: the orator maintains that Plancius {won the election} not by distributing bribes, but by the uprightness of his character and his distinguished achievements.
* * *
[167] {Planc_85} L You said that you had not sent home any letters with accounts of your exploits; because my letter, which I sent to someone, had harmed me.
All this refers not to the defendant, but to Cicero himself, in response to the taunts of Laterensis. I know that he means the letter, as large as a full book, that Cicero sent to Pompeius about his achievements as consul. The letter seems to have been written in a rather arrogant way, so that Pompeius was considerably annoyed, because in his pompous boasting Cicero was suggesting that he was superior to all other famous leaders. Cicero tries to defend himself by saying that he informed Cn. Pompeius about the preservation of his homeland, and that he did not unreasonably boast about his own exploits. But in reality the letter did harm Cicero; because it had the effect, that Pompeius offered him no protection against the attacks of Clodius.
* * *
ABOUT THE DEBTS OF MILO
[169] L [ T. Annius Milo, Q. Metellus Scipio ] and Hypsaeus [all sought to be elected consul in the same year] when P. Clodius Pulcher, the enemy of Milo, was a candidate for praetor. Clodius opposed the candidacy of Milo, and used many different corrupt practices to disrupt the elections; with the intention that Hypsaeus and Scipio should be appointed consuls, and Milo should be unsuccessful. At this time a meeting of the senate was held, at which P. Clodius made an aggressive and abusive speech, attacking not only Milo, but also M. Tullius. Clodius said that {Cicero} was corrupting the elections, because he had become very powerful as a result of his many achievements as a statesman; he alleged that armed gangs had threatened violence; and lastly he claimed that Milo had declared much smaller debts than he actually owed. According to the usual custom, Milo had declared that the total of his debts was six million sestertii. Clodius stated with great emphasis that {Milo} should not be allowed [to stand for the consulship], because he was likely to ransack the state treasuries to meet his large debts. But his accusations were rebutted in a speech by M. Cicero, who strongly supported Milo, in particular because he recalled that Milo as tribune of the plebs had helped him to regain his position in the state. How much Cicero hated P. Clodius, is obvious from the speeches in which he strongly denounced his life and morals. This speech is full of the insults, which they traded with each other. Before I start the commentary, I will explain the title, because I think it will be useful for readers [170] L to properly understand the title. The full title is: "An investigation about the debts of Milo. " However, there were several different types of investigation, as follows:
The delivery of an accusation, such as appears in the title of the speech, "To be used, if P. Clodius investigated him about the laws. " Someone was investigated about the laws, when the accuser inquired, whether the defendant had acted in all respects according to the laws.
Secondly, the investigation of witnesses, such as when M. Tullius investigated P. Vatinius, who was appearing as a witness. A speech, in which witnesses are discredited, is properly called an investigation.
Thirdly, the type of investigation that appears in this speech, as Sinnius Capito suggests, which is part of the duty and practice of a senator. When a senator had already stated his opinion in his turn, and another senator when asked for his opinion said something that could reasonably be contradicted, the former senator, although he had already stated his opinion, could be allowed to investigate, or refute, the other senator, by discrediting his opinion, as false and misleading in many respects.
And because Clodius had spoken and claimed that Milo had declared smaller debts . . .
[Two pages missing. ]
. . . boldly trusting.
He turns the [statement] against Clodius, implying that humble obsequiousness of this kind could more accurately and convincingly be attributed to Clodius, who had discarded all the dignity of his rank when he abjectly begged Pompeius to receive him back into favour.
He is not ashamed? What would shame a man, who not only does not blush, but has not even got a proper face?
This is a vitriolic attack, in which he seeks to denounce not only Clodius' shamelessness, but also his notorious immorality or the ugliness of his face, because Clodius is said to have had an unpleasant appearance.
This is what the poor, the trouble-makers said: 'What a (? ) useless man! '
He reports the words of the rumour-mongers, who had praised Clodius for his great powers of determination, when he boldly opposed Pompeius, but later held him in contempt, when he humbled himself to achieve a reconciliation.
To speak disparagingly of, or rather to restrict the leading citizen to his home by violence and fear.
[171] L [In correction. ] As a type of [correction] he withdraws a word, in order to correct it. It is well known that P. Clodius plotted against Pompeius. Cicero mentions this in several earlier speeches, and states it most fully and plainly in his speech in defence of Milo.
That he would have to rewrite the tablets which he keeps in his entrance hall.
After Cicero was forced into exile, Clodius composed a sort of catalogue of the charges against him, and inscribed it on tablets which he set up in the entrance hall of his house. It is these tablets which Cicero seems to be talking about here, and he suggests that because they are untrue and misleading, they should be considered as worthless; and he has no reason to worry about the accusations, because his honesty had been vindicated by decrees of the senate, showing that he deserved to be restored {from exile}.
I think that you had three complaints about Milo: about his debts, about violence, and about electoral corruption. But you forgot to mention the desecration of religious rites, and the depraved fornication.
After making a [categorisation] into the same types of complaint, that Clodius had used against Milo, the orator adds these two extra categories, which obviously apply to his enemy {Clodius} . . .
[Four pages missing. ]
. . . opponents.
Now he moves onto a different theme: whether Milo attempted to use violence. He rebuts this accusation in a similar way, by turning all the suspicion and reproach back onto Clodius. The [arguments] are presented in such a way, as to clear Milo of guilt and embarrass his opponent.
That the saviour of the city should be expelled from it.
This is a most eloquent and strongly-worded harangue, as I said above, which accuses P. Clodius of violence; and indeed he never appears to have behaved in a peaceful or restrained fashion. But next . . . [when he begins to speak about Clodius' year as tribune] how subtly and expertly Cicero mentions his own exile! He does not mention it specifically or openly, but alludes to it by this general phrase. When he wants to say something in praise of himself, he says: "That the citizen, who is the author and guardian of the city's safety, peace, dignity and faith, should be expelled from it. " Because this was [boastful] Cicero refers to it [by suggestion] as if he was talking about someone else; and thus he avoids the impression of being arrogant and boastful.
[172] L He should be forced to remain within the walls {of his own home}.
Clodius seems to have plotted {to kill} Cn. Pompeius; therefore Cicero continues in a rhetorical fashion with praise of Pompeius, as follows:
Who set the bounds of the Roman empire, not at some region in the world, but in the heights of the sky.
{Cicero} added this [for emphasis], both to flatter Pompeius and to denounce Clodius as a public enemy, who would try to deprive the state of a man who was so useful to it.
Nor was he a cause of fear, when we withdrew.
He is clearly speaking about his exile, which he preferred to call a withdrawal rather than a punishment. Similarly, in his other speeches he preferred to give the impression that he had decided to leave, not because of fear or any recognition of guilt, but rather because he wanted to avoid an outbreak of armed violence in the state.
You brought these men from the Apennines to slaughter the citizens.
In all of this he is speaking {of Clodius} as an ally of Catilina, and therefore he mentions the Apennines, which {Catilina} had recently occupied with an army.
They struck both of the consuls with stones.
The consuls were Cn. Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messalla. The main reason that the meeting of the senate had been summoned, was that P. Clodius had sent a gang of ruffians, to disrupt the elections for new consuls, in which Milo was a candidate.
You who, while many were watching, struck your head and slapped your thighs.
The behaviour of a crazy man . . .
[Two pages missing. ]
. . . names.
Wherever he goes, he brings blame upon defendants and jurymen.
As to defendants, the meaning is as follows: by speaking incompetently, he puts them in danger of being condemned. As to jurymen, we should understand it as follows: the prosecutions cause them disrepute and disgrace, because they are thought to have been swayed by bribes. Clodius had falsely asserted that the jurymen ought to be paid for their votes, when in fact he intended to pilfer the money for himself.
And you are not - as is your habit - postponing your {election} as praetor for another year.
He explains this more fully in his defence of Milo { Mil_24 }. Clodius had been a candidate in the elections for praetor, but when he realised that the elections would be delayed so much, that he would not be able to enter office on 1st January, he decided to withdraw his candidacy. Therefore, Cicero pretends that everyone was amazed that Clodius was not postponing his election as praetor in the current year also, just as he had already done in the previous year. {In these years} the elections were often disrupted by disputes between the magistrates
[173] L Nor will you be able to give the vote to those, to whom you have promised it.
[Menacingly] he threatens and proclaims that he will stay to oppose Clodius' plans, and will not go off as an envoy with Pompeius. P. Clodius seems to have proposed a law to give voting rights to freedmen, so that they would be included in the census with an equal status {to other citizens}.
Nor that abominable liberty.
The same law is mentioned in the speech in defence of Milo: "Whether [those supporters] of yours {take} from us all - I do not dare to say the rest. Imagine what might be the outcome of this law, when it is dangerous even to speak against it. " It was expected that [Clodius would pass] a law when he was praetor [to free] the slaves [of families].
Who can forget what you were like as a youth?
This is a [questioning] that is full of bitterness and contempt; it describes Clodius' character and reveals his morals. {Cicero} suggests that Clodius should be more despised than feared, because he is soiled with so many filthy vices. The rest does not need an explanation, because we have already spoken about it in the preceding comments.
And then again the pirates released you for a ransom - what else can I call those men, who let you go free after receiving a bribe?
He talks [metaphorically] about the jurors, who received a bribe to acquit Clodius when he was accused of sacrilege, as if they were pirates.
[At least 16 pages are missing. ]
[174] L . . . of nature - unless perhaps you think that a man's reputation depends on his appearance and shape, and not on his character.
[Definition from the opposite. ] He declares that a man's worth should be judged not from the appearance of his body, but from the quality of his character.
Then you had some terrors, which stuck out like complete horns.
[A metaphor] in which he describes P. Clodius as similar to a wild beast. Also, [as a metaphor]at the end of the [digression] he represents him with horns, which he once seemed to possess, but has now lost. The meaning of course is that Clodius should be despised rather than feared.
They did not {live to} see that the men, whom they had expelled, were restored to the state.
He quotes the examples of C. Gracchus and L. Saturninus, of whom the former was killed on the Aventine hill, and the latter was brought down from the Capitol with the praetor Glaucia and put to death. He means that after their deaths, P. Popilius, who had been forced to leave {Rome} by Gracchus, and Q. Metellus Numidicus, who had gone into exile to avoid the violence of L. Apuleius, were both restored to the state. Therefore Cicero boasts of his own good fortune, because he was restored while his enemy Clodius was still alive.
I yielded to the armed force either of your urban mob, or (as was believed at the time) of someone else.
The bitterness of the quarrel . . .
[18 lines missing. ]
. . . the uncertain belief that he had been received back into favour. But Tullius describes this carefully, in a very rhetorical way, so that no-one should think that Pompeius acknowledged {Clodius} as a good citizen, when he put an end to his quarrel with him. Cicero calls {Pompeius} "a very cautious man," whose safety depended not so much on Clodius' trustworthiness and innocence - which was non-existent - as on his own foresight, when he avoided being trapped by Clodius' plots.
End of: ["About the debts of Milo"]
IN DEFENCE OF ARCHIAS
[175] L . . . he particularly devoted himself to the study of poetry, and as it seems was pre-eminent in this form of literature. Therefore he was on friendly terms with some famous men, as M. Tullius states in the course of this speech. [ . . . (? ) when he came back with Lucullus, he went to live] in Heracleia, which was then an allied state, and was enrolled as a Heracleian citizen. Then the consuls Silvanus and Carbo passed a law, that that anyone who belonged to an allied people could obtain Roman citizenship, if only he was living in Italy at the time that the law was passed, and if he made an application to the praetor within sixty days. Licinius Archias was unable to provide the necessary evidence that he was entitled to Roman citizenship, because he was unable to prove that he had been enrolled as a citizen of Heracleia, after the records office of that city was burnt down during the civil war, and he had not declared his property in the census. Therefore he was prosecuted under the Lex Papia, which had been passed to detain those who falsely and illegally claimed Roman citizenship. {Cicero's} argument proceeds from conjecture, as to whether Archias was enrolled as a citizen of Heracleia, and whether he had done everything which was required of claimants from allied peoples. It lacks proof on many points, but depends on the evidence of the people of Heracleia and particularly - the theme that permeates the whole speech - on his reputation as a talented poet and a charming scholar. Apart from this conjecture, there is an argument that the excellence of his character would justify him being admitted as a Roman citizen, even if he had not been enrolled already.
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Plutarch: Sayings of kings and commanders
Pages 172 - 189
Although it was probably not written by Plutarch himself, this entertaining collection of sayings shares his desire to illustrate the character of great men. It contains quotations gathered from the Parallel Lives, as well as many from other sources.
Translated by E. Hinton of Witney, revised by W. Goodwin (1878). A few words and spellings have been changed. The page numbers in the Greek text are shown in red. Click on the G symbols to go to the Greek text of each section.
G PLUTARCH WISHES PROSPERITY TO TRAJANUS THE EMPEROR.
[172] Artaxerxes, King of Persia, O Caesar Trajanus, greatest of princes, esteemed it no less royal and bountiful kindly and cheerfully to accept small, than to make great presents, and when he was in a progress, and a common country labourer, having nothing else, took up water with both his hands out of the river and presented it to him, he smiled and received it pleasantly, measuring the kindness not by the value of the gift, but by the affection of the giver. And Lycurgus ordained in Sparta very cheap sacrifices, that they might always worship the Gods readily and easily with such things as were at hand. Upon the same account, when I bring a mean and slender present of the common first-fruits of philosophy, accept also (I beseech you) with my good affection these short memorials, if they may contribute any thing to the knowledge of the manners and dispositions of great men, which are more apparent in their words than in their actions. My former treatise contains the lives of the most eminent princes, law givers, and generals, both Romans and Greeks; but most of their actions admit a mixture of fortune, whereas such speeches and answers as happened amidst their employments, passions, and events afford us ( as in a looking-glass) a clear discovery of each particular temper and disposition. Accordingly Seiramnes the Persian, to such as wondered that he usually spoke like a wise man and yet was unsuccessful in his designs, replied: I myself am master of my words, but the king and fortune have power over my actions. In the former treatise speeches and actions are mingled together, and require a reader that is at leisure; but in this the speeches, being as it were the seeds and the illustrations of those lives, are placed by themselves, and will not (I think) be tedious to you, since they will give you in a few words a review of many memorable persons.
G CYRUS. The Persians affect such as are hawk-nosed and think them most beautiful, because Cyrus, the most beloved of their kings, had a nose of that shape.
Cyrus said that those that would not do good for themselves ought to be compelled to do good for others; and that nobody ought to govern, unless he was better than those he governed.
When the Persians were desirous to exchange their hills and rocks for a plain and soft country, he would not suffer them, saying that both the seeds of plants and the lives of men resemble the soil they inhabit.
G DARIUS. Darius the father of Xerxes used to praise himself, saying that he became even wiser in battles and dangers.
When he laid a tax upon his subjects, he summoned his lieutenants, and asked them whether the tax was burdensome or not. When they told him it was moderate, he commanded them to pay half as much as was at first demanded.
[173] As he was opening a pomegranate, one asked him what it was of which he would wish for a number equal to the seeds thereof. He said, Of men like Zopyrus, - who was a loyal person and his friend.
This Zopyrus, after he had maimed himself by cutting off his nose and ears, beguiled the Babylonians; and being trusted by them, he betrayed the city to Darius, who often said that he would not have had Zopyrus maimed to gain a hundred Babylons.
G SEMIRAMIS. Semiramis built a monument for herself, with this inscription: Whatever king wants treasure, if he open this tomb, he may be satisfied. Darius therefore opening it found no treasure, but another inscription of this import : If you were not a wicked person and of insatiable covetousness, you would not disturb the mansions of the dead.
G XERXES. Arimenes came out of Bactria as a rival for the kingdom with his brother Xerxes, the son of Darius. Xerxes sent presents to him, commanding those that brought them to say: With these your brother Xerxes now honours you; and if he chance to be proclaimed king, you shall be the next person to himself in the kingdom. When Xerxes was declared king, Arimenes immediately did him homage and placed the crown upon his head; and Xerxes gave him the next place to himself.
Being offended with the Babylonians, who rebelled, and having overcome them, he forbade them weapons, but commanded they should practise singing and playing on the flute, keep brothel-houses and taverns, and wear loose coats.
He refused to eat Attic figs that were brought to be sold, until he had conquered the country that produced them.
When he caught some Greek scouts in his camp, he did them no harm, but having allowed them to view his army as much as they pleased, he let them go.
G ARTAXERXES. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, surnamed Longimanus (or Long-hand) because he had one hand longer than the other, said, it was more princely to add than to take away.
He first gave leave to those that hunted with him, if they would and saw occasion, to throw their darts before him.
He also first ordained that punishment for his nobles who had offended, that they should be stripped and their garments scourged instead of their bodies ; and whereas then, hair should have been plucked out, that the same should be done to their turbans.
When Satibarzanes, his chamberlain, petitioned him in an unjust matter, and he understood he did it to gain thirty thousand darics, he ordered his treasurer to bring the said sum, and gave them to him, saying: O Satibarzanes ! take it ; for when I have given you this, I shall not be poorer, but it had been more unjust if I had granted your petition.
G CYRUS THE YOUNGER. Cyrus the Younger , when he was exhorting the Lacedaemonians to side with him in the war, said that he had a stronger heart than his brother, and could drink more wine unmixed than he, and bear it better ; that his brother, when he hunted, could scarce sit his horse, or when ill news arrived, his throne. He exhorted them to send him men, promising he would give horses to footmen, chariots to horsemen, villages to those that had farms, and those that possessed villages he would make lords of cities; and that he would give them gold and silver, not by tale but by weight.
G ARTAXERXES MNEMON. Artaxerxes, the brother of Cyrus the Younger, called Mnemon, did not only give very free and patient access to any that would speak with him, but commanded the queen his wife to draw the curtains of her chariot, that petitioners might have the same access to her also.
[174] When a poor man presented him with a very fair and great apple, By the Sun, said he, 'tis my opinion, if this person were entrusted with a small city, he would make it great.
In his flight, when his carriages were plundered, and he was forced to eat dry figs and barley-bread, Of how great pleasure, said he, have I hitherto lived ignorant !
G PARYSATIS. Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, advised him that would discourse freely with the king, to use words of fine linen.
G ORONTES. Orontes, the son-in-law of King Artaxerxes, falling into disgrace and being condemned, said: As mathematicians count sometimes myriads on their fingers, sometimes units only; in like manner the favourites of kings sometimes can do every thing with them, sometimes little or nothing.
G MEMNON. Memnon, one of King Darius' generals against Alexander, when a mercenary soldier excessively and impudently reviled Alexander, struck him with his spear, adding, I pay you to fight against Alexander, not to reproach him.
G EGYPTIAN KINGS.
