"
See Godechot, "Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme" (see Intro.
See Godechot, "Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme" (see Intro.
Cult of the Nation in France
aise (Paris, 1836), 9.
See also Marie- Joseph Che?
nier, Charles IX, ou l'e?
cole des rois (Paris, 1790); Louis-Se?
bastien Mercier, La destruction de la Ligue, ou la re?
duction de Paris (Amsterdam,
1782). Notes to Pages 31-34
50. The classic theoretical expositions of this perspective are Karl Deutsch, Na- tionalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass. , 1966), and Gellner, Nations and Nationalism.
51. Two works exemplifying the cultural historical approach to nationalism are Ford, Creating the Nation, and Lehning, Peasant and French (see Intro. , n. 28). More generally, see J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, Language and Time (Cambridge, 1985), 1-34; Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); Dror Wahrman, Imag- ining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain, c. 1780- 1840 (Cambridge, 1995). On the French state as nation-builder, see Englund, "The Ghost of Nation Past," and Bell, "Paris Blues" (see Intro. , n. 27).
52. See Chapter 6, below.
53. See James B. Collins, The State in Early Modern France (Cambridge, 1995).
54. See Theodore K. Rabb, The Struggle for Stability in Early Modern Europe (Ox-
ford, 1975), 116-45.
55. Michael Kwass, "A Kingdom of Taxpayers: State Formation, Privilege, and Po-
litical Culture in Eighteenth-Century France," Journal of Modern History, LII/
2 (1998), 295-339, quote from 301-2.
56. Quoted in Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV: The Political and Social
234
Notes to Pages 34-37
? 57. 58.
59. 60.
Notes to Pages 34-37
61. 62.
63.
64. 65.
66. 67. 68.
Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965), 284-85. See also Dan- iel Nordman and Jacques Revel, "La connaissance du territoire," in Jacques Revel and Andre? Burguie`re, eds. , Histoire de la France: L'espace franc? ais (Paris, 1989), 71-115, esp. 83-87 ("La naissance de la statistique") and 108-15. See also "Instruction pour les Mai^tres des Reque^tes, commissaires de? partis dans les provinces," Sept. 1663, in Lettres, instructions et me? moires de Colbert, ed. Pierre Cle? ment (Paris, 1877), IV, 27-43. My thanks to Orest Ranum for pointing out this text to me.
See Rothkrug, 356-60.
On the Dutch papers, see Jeremy D. Popkin, News and Politics in the Age of Revolution: Jean de Luzac's Gazette de Leyde (Ithaca, 1989). Good surveys of the press are found in Jack Censer, The French Press in the Age of Enlighten- ment (London, 1994); Jeremy D. Popkin, "The Prerevoluionary Origins of Political Journalism," in Baker, ed. , Political Culture, 203-224.
Habermas, Structural Transformation, 14ff.
Margaret C. Jacob, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York, 1991), 27; Dena Goodman, The Re- public of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, 1994), 74-77.
See Chartier, Cultural Origins (see Intro. , n. 32), 20-35. Chartier notes the shift from seventeenth- to eighteenth-century ideas of the public.
Robert A. Schneider, Public Life in Toulouse, 1463-1789: From Municipal Re- public to Cosmopolitan City (Ithaca, 1989), esp. 255-61, quote from 255. For a view of somewhat similar processes occurring in Britain, see Dror Wahrman, "National Society, Communal Culture: An Argument about the Recent His- toriography of Eighteenth-Century Britain," Social History, XVII/1 (1992), 43-62.
Jean-Franc? ois Sobry, Le mode franc? ois, ou discours sur les principaux usages de la nation franc? oise (Paris, 1786), 10. On the book, see Barbier's Dictionnaire des anonymes. The book was suppressed by the Breteuil ministry because of its attack on state finances.
Quoted in Moras, Ursprung, 6.
John Brewer has made much this argument about politeness in the first chapter of his The Pleasures of the Imagination (London, 1997). See also Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests; Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and His- tory, and Chartier, "From Texts to Manners. "
See Sahlins, "The Eighteenth-Century Revolution of Citizenship. "
See Chartier, Cultural Origins, 92-110.
Bernard Groethuysen, The Bourgeois: Catholicism versus Capitalism in Eigh- teenth-Century France, trans. Mary Ilford (New York, 1968, orig. 1927), 39, 40. See on this subject Daniel Gordon, "Bernard Groethuysen and the Hu- man Conversation," History and Theory, 36/2 (1997), 289-311.
69. On this point, see esp. Koselleck, 18-32.
70. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 464-5. Maurice Cranston's admittedly too free trans-
lation (The Social Contract, London, 1968), renders "the religion of man" as
"the religion of the private person" (182).
71. On this point see Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty, 76-85.
72. Encyclope? die, XII (1765), 510. Cited in Gordon, 83.
73. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political
Theology (Princeton, 1957), 232-72, quote from 267. On the original reli- gious connotations of patria, see also Viroli, For Love of Country (see Intro. , n. 68), 18-19.
74. Quoted in Church, "France," 49, and Yardeni, La conscience nationale, 107.
75. Chateaubrun, Philocte`te (Paris, 1756), 5; Me? tal, Description et explication de la Philopatrie, personnage iconologique . . . (Paris, 1782), 27; Chevalier de Jaucourt, "Patrie," in Encyclope? die (1765), XII, 178-80, quote from 178; Fran- c? ois Ferlus, Le patriotisme chre? tien (Montpellier, 1787), 12; [Claude-Rigobert Lefe`bvre de Beauvray], Adresse a` la nation Angloise, poe`me patriotique (Am-
sterdam, 1757), 6; Foix, Le patriotisme, ou la France sauve? e (n. p. , 1789), 3.
76. Quoted in Perkins, Nation and Word, 270.
77. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 347-470, and esp. 381-84 on the Lawgiver and 460-69
on Civil Religion.
78. Ibid. , III, 956.
79. Ibid. , III, 957-58. Rousseau put Numa and Moses alongside the Spartan
Lycurgus.
80. On patrie, see Nathalie Elie-Lefebvre, "Le de? bat sur l'ide? e de patrie et sur le
patriotisme, 1742-1789," unpublished Me? moire de Mai^trise, Universite? de Paris I, 1974; Dupuy, "Gene`se de la Patrie Moderne"; Dziembowski, Un nou- veau patriotisme franc? ais (see Intro. , n. 33), 321-68.
81. Voltaire, in Philosophical Dictionary, http://www. voltaire-integral. com/20/ patrie. htm; quoted in Alphonse Aulard, Le patriotisme franc? ais de la Renais- sance a` la Re? volution (Paris, 1921), 58, and Goodman, The Republic of Letters, 50.
82. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, 25-27 (III, chs. 5-7). The point is con- vincingly demonstrated by Viroli, in For Love of Country, esp. 63-94. The di- vergence of meaning in France, however, does call into question Viroli's as- sertion that patriotism was a coherent "language," as opposed to a loose set of associations.
83. On notions of time in republican thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machia- vellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tra- dition (Princeton, 1975), esp 3-80.
84. The word civilisation did exist before the eighteenth century, but meant the transformation of a criminal trial into a civil one. The verb "to civilize" dated back to the seventeenth century. See Michel, "Barbarie . . . ," 10.
Notes to Pages 37-41 235
? Notes to Pages 37-41
236
Notes to Pages 41-44
? 85.
86.
87. 88.
Notes to Pages 41-44
89. 90.
91.
92. 93.
94.
95. 96.
Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas de Condorcet, Esquisse d'un tableau historique du progre`s de l'esprit humain (Paris, 1966), 203. On the general question of the value of human progress, see also the helpful work of Jean-Marie Goulemot, Discours, histoire et re? volutions (Paris, 1975). On "civilization," see Febvre, "Civilization"; Moras, Ursprung; Michel, "Barbarie"; Pagden, "The 'Defence of Civilization. '"
As in this 1767 poem: "Toute Socie? te? languit, se de? compose, / De`s qu'on desserre ce lien. /La chute des Etats n'a jamais d'autre cause/Que le rela^chement de l'esprit Citoyen" ("Every Society languishes and decomposes, once this bond slackens. The fall of States never has any cause other than the loosening of the Citizen spirit"). Le patriotisme, poe`me qui a e? te? pre? sente? a l'Acade? mie franc? oise pour le prix de 1766 et dont on n'a fait aucune mention (Paris, 1767), 6.
This point is made by Sahlins, "Fictions of a Catholic France.
"
See Godechot, "Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme" (see Intro. , n. 22), 486; Guiomar, L'ide? ologie nationale: Nation, repre? sentation, proprie? te? (Paris, 1974), 31; Boe? s, La lanterne magique (see Intro. , n. 44), 5; quote from Fehrenbach, "Nation" (see Intro. , n. 46), 76.
See the discussion of these points by Pierre Nora, "Nation" (see Intro. , n. 77), esp. 802.
Victor de Riquetti de Mirabeau, L'ami des hommes, ou traite? de la population, ed. Rouxel (Paris, 1883). On the enormous popularity of the book in the 1760s, see vi. Mirabeau, often identified with the physiocrats, was the father of the revolutionary orator.
On his use of "civilization," see Moras, Ursprung, 5; on his use of "regenera- tion," see Morrissey, L'empereur a` la barbe fleurie, 268. D'Alembert had used the originally theological concept of "regeneration" in the preliminary dis- course to the Encyclope? die, but far more sparingly. See Alyssa R. Sepinwall, "Regenerating France, Regenerating the World: The Abbe? Gre? goire and the French Revolution, 1750-1831," Ph. D. diss. , Stanford University (1998), 83- 87.
Mirabeau, L'ami des hommes, 247-68.
See esp. ibid. , 316-29, on the question of whether France itself had yet reached the point of decrepitude.
Robert-Martin Lesuire, Les sauvages de l'Europe (Berlin, 1760), quote from 41. The novel had sufficient success to be reprinted during France and England's next war (Paris, 1780); it was even translated into English (The Savages of Eu- rope, London, 1764).
Ibid. , 22, 35-9, 126, 42.
C. -S. Favart, L'anglois a` Bordeaux (Paris, 1763, repr. 1771), 5; Jean-Bernard Leblanc and La Coste, quoted in Grieder, Anglomania (see Intro. , n. 55), 42; Lettre d'un jeune homme (see Intro. , n. 70), 44; Louis-Charles Fougeret de
Notes to Pages 44-46 237
? Montbron, Pre? servatif contre l'Anglomanie ("Minorca," 1757), 51; Edmond- Jean-Franc? ois Barbier, Chronique de la re? gence et du re`gne de Louis XV, 7 vols. (Paris, 1885), III, 273. In general, see Grieder, Dziembowski, Un nouveau patriotisme; and Frances Acomb, Anglophobia in France: An Essay in the His- tory of Constitutionalism and Nationalism (Durham, 1950).
97. Acomb's Anglophobia, which focuses on attitudes toward the English consti- tution, concludes that "Anglophile liberalism" declined towards the end of the old regime. Grieder, whose Anglomania takes in a broader spectrum of cultural influences, argues for the persistence of a dialectic between Anglo- phobia and Anglomania, as does Dziembowski in Un nouveau patriotisme franc? ais.
98. See also Edmond Dziembowski, "Les de? buts d'un publiciste au service de la monarchie: L'activite? litte? raire de Jacob-Nicolas Moreau pendant la guerre de sept ans," Revue d'histoire diplomatique, 4 (1995), 305-22; J. Labourdette, Vergennes, 205-8 (see Intro. , n. 70).
99. For an overview of this literature, see Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought: Its Form and Function in the Ideas of Franklin, Hume, and Voltaire, 1694-1790 (South Bend, 1977); Gerd van den Heuvel, "Cosmopolite, cosmopolitisme," in Reichart and Schmitt, eds. , Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grundbegriffe, VI (Munich, 1986), 41-55. Notes to Pages 44-46
100. Ferlus, Le patriotisme, 29; abbe? Baudeau, quoted in Elie-Lefebvre, 170; Journal encyclope? dique, par une socie? te? de gens de lettres, I (Jan. 15, 1756), 31; ibid. , 30; Apologie du caracte`re des anglois et des franc? ois (n. p. , 1726), 65.
101. Elie-Lefebvre, 169-81; Montesquieu, Cahiers, 1716-1755, Bernard Grasset, ed. (Paris, 1941), 9-10.
102. Sobry, Le mode franc? ois, 12, 431.
103. Discours sur le patriotisme (see Intro. , n. 56), 10; A. J. de Baptestein de
Mouliers Rupe, Me? moire sur un moyen facile et infallible de faire renai^tre le patriotisme en France, dans toutes les classes des citoyens, comme dans les deux sexes (Amsterdam, 1789), 1; Le patriotisme, poe? me, 6; Claude-Rigobert Lefe`bvre de Beauvray, Dictionnaire social et patriotique (Amsterdam, 1770), unpaginated preface; Jean-Baptiste-Jacques Elie de Beaumont, Discours sur le patriotisme dans la monarchie (Bordeaux, 1777), 9.
104. Pierre-Laurent Buirette de Belloy, Le sie`ge de Calais (Leyden, 1765), 48-49. See Acomb, Anglophobia, 55-59, for a representative interpretation of the play.
105. See, for instance, Acomb, Anglophobia, 55.
106. Favart, L'anglois a` Bordeaux; Lesuire, esp 61.
107. The evidence for this assertion will be discussed in Chapter 3.
108. See Bernard Cottret, ed. , Bolingbroke's Political Writings: The Conservative En-
lightenment (New York, 1997).
109. See on this subject Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism, esp. 1-47.
238
Notes to Pages 46-48
? 110.
Colley, Britons (see Intro. , n. 26), 36; Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism (see Intro. , n. 28); Kathleen Wilson, The Sense of the People: Politics, Culture, and Imperialism in England, 1715-1785 (Cambridge, 1995). Jeremy Black, however, argues against taking the conclusion too far in "Confessional State or Elect Nation? Religion and Identity in Eighteenth-Century England," in Claydon and McBride, Protestantism and National Identity, 53-74. T. H. Breen, "Ideology and Nationalism on the Eve of the American Revolution: Revisions Once More in Need of Revising," Journal of American History, LXXXIV/1 (1997), 13-39, emphasizes that Britain's exclusionary nationalism could even be directed at its own colonists in North America.
Johann Georg Zimmermann, Vom Nationalstolze (Zurich, 1768), 177. The book was published in at least four editions and translated into both English and French.
See Colley, esp. 1-54; Newman, esp. 49-120; Wilson, The Sense of the People, 140-65.
James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York, 1981).
Colley, 11-54.
Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism, 109-18, quotes from 115, 112.
See Lionel Gossman, Medievalism and the Ideologies of the Enlightenment: The World and Work of La Curne de Sainte-Palaye (Baltimore, 1968). See also be- low, Chapter 5.
Again belying Maurizio Viroli's claim that the "language of patriotism" had a single, essential meaning. See Viroli, For Love of Country, 1-2.
The English language, of course, has no real equivalent of patrie; "fatherland" and "motherland" are almost always used in reference to foreign countries. Nonetheless, the phrase "love of country" does convey much the same sense as "amour de la patrie. "
Colley, Britons, 29-33. On the Netherlands, see G. Groenhuis, De Predikanten: De sociale positie van de gereformeerde predikanten in de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden voor 1700 (Groningen, 1977), 77-86; Gorski, "The Mosaic Moment," 1434-52. In general on this theme, see William R. Hutchison and Hartmut Lehmann, eds. , Many Are Chosen: Divine Election and Western Nationalism (Minneapolis, 1994).
See Tony Claydon and Ian McBride, "The Trials of the Chosen Peoples," in Claydon and McBride, Protestantism, 13-15.
On English patriotism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood (see Intro. , n. 28); Greenfeld, Nationalism, 27-87; Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Forma- tion as Cultural Revolution (Oxford, 1985), 55-71, and William Hunt, "Civic Chivalry and the English Civil War," in Anthony Grafton and Ann Blair, eds. ,
111.
112. 113.
114. 115. 116.
Notes to Pages 46-48
117. 118.
119.
120. 121.
Notes to Pages 48-54 239
? The Transmission of Culture in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia, 1990),
204-37.
122. Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, 463 (bk. XXIV, ch. 5).
2. The Politics of Patriotism
1. Henri-Franc? ois d'Aguesseau, "De l'amour de la patrie" (1715), in Oeuvres, 13 vols. (Paris, 1759), I, 205-13, quote from 208.
2. Aulard, Le patriotisme franc? ais (see Ch. 1, n. 81), 27. Similar, if more muted opinions are expressed by Church, "France," 63-4 (see Ch. 1, n. 46), and Philippe Contamine, "Mourir pour la Patrie: Xe-XXe sie`cle," in Nora, ed. , Les lieux de me? moire (see Intro. , n. 33), pt. II, III, 31.
3. Understandably enough, perhaps, since Aulard initially made the pronounce- ment in a public lecture during World War I, when the historical continuity of patriotism was a matter of more than academic interest.
4. To take just one example, in November of 1730, when a group of obstreper- ous barristers claimed that the king was bound to his subjects by contract, d'Aguesseau himself insisted on drafting the royal declaration that con- demned their offending document to the flame, and threatened the signato- ries with dire penalties unless they formally retracted. See Bell, Lawyers and Citizens (see Ch. 1, n. 12), 92-3. D'Aguesseau's arre^t de conseil can be found in Bibliothe`que Nationale, Cabinet des Manuscrits, Fonds Joly de Fleury 97, fols. 281-82. On d'Aguesseau in general, see most recently Storez, Le chancelier Henri-Franc? ois d'Aguesseau (see Ch. 1, n. 45). Notes to Pages 48-54
5. D'Aguesseau never mentioned the king by name and insisted that whatever Louis's failings, his subjects suffered from them as well.
6. The only real predecessor I can find for d'Aguesseau in this respect is Soanen, in "Sur l'amour de la patrie" (see Intro. , n. 36).
7. D'Aguesseau, 207-8.
1782). Notes to Pages 31-34
50. The classic theoretical expositions of this perspective are Karl Deutsch, Na- tionalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass. , 1966), and Gellner, Nations and Nationalism.
51. Two works exemplifying the cultural historical approach to nationalism are Ford, Creating the Nation, and Lehning, Peasant and French (see Intro. , n. 28). More generally, see J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, Language and Time (Cambridge, 1985), 1-34; Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); Dror Wahrman, Imag- ining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain, c. 1780- 1840 (Cambridge, 1995). On the French state as nation-builder, see Englund, "The Ghost of Nation Past," and Bell, "Paris Blues" (see Intro. , n. 27).
52. See Chapter 6, below.
53. See James B. Collins, The State in Early Modern France (Cambridge, 1995).
54. See Theodore K. Rabb, The Struggle for Stability in Early Modern Europe (Ox-
ford, 1975), 116-45.
55. Michael Kwass, "A Kingdom of Taxpayers: State Formation, Privilege, and Po-
litical Culture in Eighteenth-Century France," Journal of Modern History, LII/
2 (1998), 295-339, quote from 301-2.
56. Quoted in Lionel Rothkrug, Opposition to Louis XIV: The Political and Social
234
Notes to Pages 34-37
? 57. 58.
59. 60.
Notes to Pages 34-37
61. 62.
63.
64. 65.
66. 67. 68.
Origins of the French Enlightenment (Princeton, 1965), 284-85. See also Dan- iel Nordman and Jacques Revel, "La connaissance du territoire," in Jacques Revel and Andre? Burguie`re, eds. , Histoire de la France: L'espace franc? ais (Paris, 1989), 71-115, esp. 83-87 ("La naissance de la statistique") and 108-15. See also "Instruction pour les Mai^tres des Reque^tes, commissaires de? partis dans les provinces," Sept. 1663, in Lettres, instructions et me? moires de Colbert, ed. Pierre Cle? ment (Paris, 1877), IV, 27-43. My thanks to Orest Ranum for pointing out this text to me.
See Rothkrug, 356-60.
On the Dutch papers, see Jeremy D. Popkin, News and Politics in the Age of Revolution: Jean de Luzac's Gazette de Leyde (Ithaca, 1989). Good surveys of the press are found in Jack Censer, The French Press in the Age of Enlighten- ment (London, 1994); Jeremy D. Popkin, "The Prerevoluionary Origins of Political Journalism," in Baker, ed. , Political Culture, 203-224.
Habermas, Structural Transformation, 14ff.
Margaret C. Jacob, Living the Enlightenment: Freemasonry and Politics in Eighteenth-Century Europe (New York, 1991), 27; Dena Goodman, The Re- public of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, 1994), 74-77.
See Chartier, Cultural Origins (see Intro. , n. 32), 20-35. Chartier notes the shift from seventeenth- to eighteenth-century ideas of the public.
Robert A. Schneider, Public Life in Toulouse, 1463-1789: From Municipal Re- public to Cosmopolitan City (Ithaca, 1989), esp. 255-61, quote from 255. For a view of somewhat similar processes occurring in Britain, see Dror Wahrman, "National Society, Communal Culture: An Argument about the Recent His- toriography of Eighteenth-Century Britain," Social History, XVII/1 (1992), 43-62.
Jean-Franc? ois Sobry, Le mode franc? ois, ou discours sur les principaux usages de la nation franc? oise (Paris, 1786), 10. On the book, see Barbier's Dictionnaire des anonymes. The book was suppressed by the Breteuil ministry because of its attack on state finances.
Quoted in Moras, Ursprung, 6.
John Brewer has made much this argument about politeness in the first chapter of his The Pleasures of the Imagination (London, 1997). See also Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests; Pocock, Virtue, Commerce and His- tory, and Chartier, "From Texts to Manners. "
See Sahlins, "The Eighteenth-Century Revolution of Citizenship. "
See Chartier, Cultural Origins, 92-110.
Bernard Groethuysen, The Bourgeois: Catholicism versus Capitalism in Eigh- teenth-Century France, trans. Mary Ilford (New York, 1968, orig. 1927), 39, 40. See on this subject Daniel Gordon, "Bernard Groethuysen and the Hu- man Conversation," History and Theory, 36/2 (1997), 289-311.
69. On this point, see esp. Koselleck, 18-32.
70. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 464-5. Maurice Cranston's admittedly too free trans-
lation (The Social Contract, London, 1968), renders "the religion of man" as
"the religion of the private person" (182).
71. On this point see Gordon, Citizens without Sovereignty, 76-85.
72. Encyclope? die, XII (1765), 510. Cited in Gordon, 83.
73. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political
Theology (Princeton, 1957), 232-72, quote from 267. On the original reli- gious connotations of patria, see also Viroli, For Love of Country (see Intro. , n. 68), 18-19.
74. Quoted in Church, "France," 49, and Yardeni, La conscience nationale, 107.
75. Chateaubrun, Philocte`te (Paris, 1756), 5; Me? tal, Description et explication de la Philopatrie, personnage iconologique . . . (Paris, 1782), 27; Chevalier de Jaucourt, "Patrie," in Encyclope? die (1765), XII, 178-80, quote from 178; Fran- c? ois Ferlus, Le patriotisme chre? tien (Montpellier, 1787), 12; [Claude-Rigobert Lefe`bvre de Beauvray], Adresse a` la nation Angloise, poe`me patriotique (Am-
sterdam, 1757), 6; Foix, Le patriotisme, ou la France sauve? e (n. p. , 1789), 3.
76. Quoted in Perkins, Nation and Word, 270.
77. Rousseau, Oeuvres, III, 347-470, and esp. 381-84 on the Lawgiver and 460-69
on Civil Religion.
78. Ibid. , III, 956.
79. Ibid. , III, 957-58. Rousseau put Numa and Moses alongside the Spartan
Lycurgus.
80. On patrie, see Nathalie Elie-Lefebvre, "Le de? bat sur l'ide? e de patrie et sur le
patriotisme, 1742-1789," unpublished Me? moire de Mai^trise, Universite? de Paris I, 1974; Dupuy, "Gene`se de la Patrie Moderne"; Dziembowski, Un nou- veau patriotisme franc? ais (see Intro. , n. 33), 321-68.
81. Voltaire, in Philosophical Dictionary, http://www. voltaire-integral. com/20/ patrie. htm; quoted in Alphonse Aulard, Le patriotisme franc? ais de la Renais- sance a` la Re? volution (Paris, 1921), 58, and Goodman, The Republic of Letters, 50.
82. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, 25-27 (III, chs. 5-7). The point is con- vincingly demonstrated by Viroli, in For Love of Country, esp. 63-94. The di- vergence of meaning in France, however, does call into question Viroli's as- sertion that patriotism was a coherent "language," as opposed to a loose set of associations.
83. On notions of time in republican thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machia- vellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tra- dition (Princeton, 1975), esp 3-80.
84. The word civilisation did exist before the eighteenth century, but meant the transformation of a criminal trial into a civil one. The verb "to civilize" dated back to the seventeenth century. See Michel, "Barbarie . . . ," 10.
Notes to Pages 37-41 235
? Notes to Pages 37-41
236
Notes to Pages 41-44
? 85.
86.
87. 88.
Notes to Pages 41-44
89. 90.
91.
92. 93.
94.
95. 96.
Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas de Condorcet, Esquisse d'un tableau historique du progre`s de l'esprit humain (Paris, 1966), 203. On the general question of the value of human progress, see also the helpful work of Jean-Marie Goulemot, Discours, histoire et re? volutions (Paris, 1975). On "civilization," see Febvre, "Civilization"; Moras, Ursprung; Michel, "Barbarie"; Pagden, "The 'Defence of Civilization. '"
As in this 1767 poem: "Toute Socie? te? languit, se de? compose, / De`s qu'on desserre ce lien. /La chute des Etats n'a jamais d'autre cause/Que le rela^chement de l'esprit Citoyen" ("Every Society languishes and decomposes, once this bond slackens. The fall of States never has any cause other than the loosening of the Citizen spirit"). Le patriotisme, poe`me qui a e? te? pre? sente? a l'Acade? mie franc? oise pour le prix de 1766 et dont on n'a fait aucune mention (Paris, 1767), 6.
This point is made by Sahlins, "Fictions of a Catholic France.
"
See Godechot, "Nation, patrie, nationalisme et patriotisme" (see Intro. , n. 22), 486; Guiomar, L'ide? ologie nationale: Nation, repre? sentation, proprie? te? (Paris, 1974), 31; Boe? s, La lanterne magique (see Intro. , n. 44), 5; quote from Fehrenbach, "Nation" (see Intro. , n. 46), 76.
See the discussion of these points by Pierre Nora, "Nation" (see Intro. , n. 77), esp. 802.
Victor de Riquetti de Mirabeau, L'ami des hommes, ou traite? de la population, ed. Rouxel (Paris, 1883). On the enormous popularity of the book in the 1760s, see vi. Mirabeau, often identified with the physiocrats, was the father of the revolutionary orator.
On his use of "civilization," see Moras, Ursprung, 5; on his use of "regenera- tion," see Morrissey, L'empereur a` la barbe fleurie, 268. D'Alembert had used the originally theological concept of "regeneration" in the preliminary dis- course to the Encyclope? die, but far more sparingly. See Alyssa R. Sepinwall, "Regenerating France, Regenerating the World: The Abbe? Gre? goire and the French Revolution, 1750-1831," Ph. D. diss. , Stanford University (1998), 83- 87.
Mirabeau, L'ami des hommes, 247-68.
See esp. ibid. , 316-29, on the question of whether France itself had yet reached the point of decrepitude.
Robert-Martin Lesuire, Les sauvages de l'Europe (Berlin, 1760), quote from 41. The novel had sufficient success to be reprinted during France and England's next war (Paris, 1780); it was even translated into English (The Savages of Eu- rope, London, 1764).
Ibid. , 22, 35-9, 126, 42.
C. -S. Favart, L'anglois a` Bordeaux (Paris, 1763, repr. 1771), 5; Jean-Bernard Leblanc and La Coste, quoted in Grieder, Anglomania (see Intro. , n. 55), 42; Lettre d'un jeune homme (see Intro. , n. 70), 44; Louis-Charles Fougeret de
Notes to Pages 44-46 237
? Montbron, Pre? servatif contre l'Anglomanie ("Minorca," 1757), 51; Edmond- Jean-Franc? ois Barbier, Chronique de la re? gence et du re`gne de Louis XV, 7 vols. (Paris, 1885), III, 273. In general, see Grieder, Dziembowski, Un nouveau patriotisme; and Frances Acomb, Anglophobia in France: An Essay in the His- tory of Constitutionalism and Nationalism (Durham, 1950).
97. Acomb's Anglophobia, which focuses on attitudes toward the English consti- tution, concludes that "Anglophile liberalism" declined towards the end of the old regime. Grieder, whose Anglomania takes in a broader spectrum of cultural influences, argues for the persistence of a dialectic between Anglo- phobia and Anglomania, as does Dziembowski in Un nouveau patriotisme franc? ais.
98. See also Edmond Dziembowski, "Les de? buts d'un publiciste au service de la monarchie: L'activite? litte? raire de Jacob-Nicolas Moreau pendant la guerre de sept ans," Revue d'histoire diplomatique, 4 (1995), 305-22; J. Labourdette, Vergennes, 205-8 (see Intro. , n. 70).
99. For an overview of this literature, see Thomas J. Schlereth, The Cosmopolitan Ideal in Enlightenment Thought: Its Form and Function in the Ideas of Franklin, Hume, and Voltaire, 1694-1790 (South Bend, 1977); Gerd van den Heuvel, "Cosmopolite, cosmopolitisme," in Reichart and Schmitt, eds. , Handbuch politisch-sozialer Grundbegriffe, VI (Munich, 1986), 41-55. Notes to Pages 44-46
100. Ferlus, Le patriotisme, 29; abbe? Baudeau, quoted in Elie-Lefebvre, 170; Journal encyclope? dique, par une socie? te? de gens de lettres, I (Jan. 15, 1756), 31; ibid. , 30; Apologie du caracte`re des anglois et des franc? ois (n. p. , 1726), 65.
101. Elie-Lefebvre, 169-81; Montesquieu, Cahiers, 1716-1755, Bernard Grasset, ed. (Paris, 1941), 9-10.
102. Sobry, Le mode franc? ois, 12, 431.
103. Discours sur le patriotisme (see Intro. , n. 56), 10; A. J. de Baptestein de
Mouliers Rupe, Me? moire sur un moyen facile et infallible de faire renai^tre le patriotisme en France, dans toutes les classes des citoyens, comme dans les deux sexes (Amsterdam, 1789), 1; Le patriotisme, poe? me, 6; Claude-Rigobert Lefe`bvre de Beauvray, Dictionnaire social et patriotique (Amsterdam, 1770), unpaginated preface; Jean-Baptiste-Jacques Elie de Beaumont, Discours sur le patriotisme dans la monarchie (Bordeaux, 1777), 9.
104. Pierre-Laurent Buirette de Belloy, Le sie`ge de Calais (Leyden, 1765), 48-49. See Acomb, Anglophobia, 55-59, for a representative interpretation of the play.
105. See, for instance, Acomb, Anglophobia, 55.
106. Favart, L'anglois a` Bordeaux; Lesuire, esp 61.
107. The evidence for this assertion will be discussed in Chapter 3.
108. See Bernard Cottret, ed. , Bolingbroke's Political Writings: The Conservative En-
lightenment (New York, 1997).
109. See on this subject Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism, esp. 1-47.
238
Notes to Pages 46-48
? 110.
Colley, Britons (see Intro. , n. 26), 36; Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism (see Intro. , n. 28); Kathleen Wilson, The Sense of the People: Politics, Culture, and Imperialism in England, 1715-1785 (Cambridge, 1995). Jeremy Black, however, argues against taking the conclusion too far in "Confessional State or Elect Nation? Religion and Identity in Eighteenth-Century England," in Claydon and McBride, Protestantism and National Identity, 53-74. T. H. Breen, "Ideology and Nationalism on the Eve of the American Revolution: Revisions Once More in Need of Revising," Journal of American History, LXXXIV/1 (1997), 13-39, emphasizes that Britain's exclusionary nationalism could even be directed at its own colonists in North America.
Johann Georg Zimmermann, Vom Nationalstolze (Zurich, 1768), 177. The book was published in at least four editions and translated into both English and French.
See Colley, esp. 1-54; Newman, esp. 49-120; Wilson, The Sense of the People, 140-65.
James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York, 1981).
Colley, 11-54.
Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism, 109-18, quotes from 115, 112.
See Lionel Gossman, Medievalism and the Ideologies of the Enlightenment: The World and Work of La Curne de Sainte-Palaye (Baltimore, 1968). See also be- low, Chapter 5.
Again belying Maurizio Viroli's claim that the "language of patriotism" had a single, essential meaning. See Viroli, For Love of Country, 1-2.
The English language, of course, has no real equivalent of patrie; "fatherland" and "motherland" are almost always used in reference to foreign countries. Nonetheless, the phrase "love of country" does convey much the same sense as "amour de la patrie. "
Colley, Britons, 29-33. On the Netherlands, see G. Groenhuis, De Predikanten: De sociale positie van de gereformeerde predikanten in de Republiek der Verenigde Nederlanden voor 1700 (Groningen, 1977), 77-86; Gorski, "The Mosaic Moment," 1434-52. In general on this theme, see William R. Hutchison and Hartmut Lehmann, eds. , Many Are Chosen: Divine Election and Western Nationalism (Minneapolis, 1994).
See Tony Claydon and Ian McBride, "The Trials of the Chosen Peoples," in Claydon and McBride, Protestantism, 13-15.
On English patriotism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood (see Intro. , n. 28); Greenfeld, Nationalism, 27-87; Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Forma- tion as Cultural Revolution (Oxford, 1985), 55-71, and William Hunt, "Civic Chivalry and the English Civil War," in Anthony Grafton and Ann Blair, eds. ,
111.
112. 113.
114. 115. 116.
Notes to Pages 46-48
117. 118.
119.
120. 121.
Notes to Pages 48-54 239
? The Transmission of Culture in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia, 1990),
204-37.
122. Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, 463 (bk. XXIV, ch. 5).
2. The Politics of Patriotism
1. Henri-Franc? ois d'Aguesseau, "De l'amour de la patrie" (1715), in Oeuvres, 13 vols. (Paris, 1759), I, 205-13, quote from 208.
2. Aulard, Le patriotisme franc? ais (see Ch. 1, n. 81), 27. Similar, if more muted opinions are expressed by Church, "France," 63-4 (see Ch. 1, n. 46), and Philippe Contamine, "Mourir pour la Patrie: Xe-XXe sie`cle," in Nora, ed. , Les lieux de me? moire (see Intro. , n. 33), pt. II, III, 31.
3. Understandably enough, perhaps, since Aulard initially made the pronounce- ment in a public lecture during World War I, when the historical continuity of patriotism was a matter of more than academic interest.
4. To take just one example, in November of 1730, when a group of obstreper- ous barristers claimed that the king was bound to his subjects by contract, d'Aguesseau himself insisted on drafting the royal declaration that con- demned their offending document to the flame, and threatened the signato- ries with dire penalties unless they formally retracted. See Bell, Lawyers and Citizens (see Ch. 1, n. 12), 92-3. D'Aguesseau's arre^t de conseil can be found in Bibliothe`que Nationale, Cabinet des Manuscrits, Fonds Joly de Fleury 97, fols. 281-82. On d'Aguesseau in general, see most recently Storez, Le chancelier Henri-Franc? ois d'Aguesseau (see Ch. 1, n. 45). Notes to Pages 48-54
5. D'Aguesseau never mentioned the king by name and insisted that whatever Louis's failings, his subjects suffered from them as well.
6. The only real predecessor I can find for d'Aguesseau in this respect is Soanen, in "Sur l'amour de la patrie" (see Intro. , n. 36).
7. D'Aguesseau, 207-8.
