and they are a class which, while it
draws little or no support from its connection with England, is without that deep
root in and hold of the soil of India from which our native public servants, through
their families and relatives, derive advantage.
draws little or no support from its connection with England, is without that deep
root in and hold of the soil of India from which our native public servants, through
their families and relatives, derive advantage.
Cambridge History of India - v4 - Indian Empire
in the pound) on higher incomes.
This was followed by
a super-tax which might run up to 3 annas in the rupee on incomes
in excess of Rs. 50,000 per annum. As the demands for Indian products
increased, a trade boom set in, which was reflected in increased
receipts from the more elastic sources of revenue. In 1917–18 receipts
from customs rose to £11,056,000, from excise to f10,161,000 and
from income-tax to £6,308,000. The railway receipts of that year
broke all previous records. The surplus of the year ending March,
1917, amounted to nearly £10,000,000, and that of the following year
exceeded this figure. Meanwhile the gold standard reserve had risen
to £34,000,000 in securities and cash at short notice. Though India
prospered during the war, her financial contribution was no less
generous and whole-hearted than her military, for in 1917 she
proffered a sum of £100,000,000 as a war gift to the home government,
and part of the taxation imposed was to meet the interest
on the loans
raised for the purpose of making this subvention.
The revenues at the end of the financial year 1917–18 amounted
to £113,000,000, a large advance on the figures of the first regular
budget. In spite of this increase, there was no considerable source of
central taxation, excluding the super-tax levied at a late stage of the
war,
which had not already been imposed in 1860, and in many cases
the rate of assessment had been lowered. The salt-tax had been con-
siderably reduced, and customs duties were levied at a lower rate.
Though the income-tax on higher incomes was somewhat heavier,
the minimum taxable limit had been raised and agricultural incomes
excluded from direct taxation. The incidence of the land-revenue per
cultivated acre was lower and, in view of the great rise in the prices
of produce, it imposed a far lighter burden on the occupier of the land.
The increase in total receipts was due mainly to the greater wealth
and prosperity of the country, and the development of the commercial
services which accounted for over 25 per cent. of the gross revenues.
The unproductive debt, which had sunk to the low figure of
£3,000,000 in 1915, had risen under the stress of war to £67,000,000;
but the greater part of the debt, viz. £283,000,000, had been incurred
on works of a productive character. When the period under review
opened, India was almost unequipped with the public utility services
of a modern state, while its finances were liable to be paralysed by the
frequent occurrence of disastrous famines. Without its system of rail-
ways and canals, the commercial and industrial development of the
i Finance and Revenue Accounts.
## p. 334 (#372) ############################################
334
THE FINANCES OF INDIA, 1858-1918
country, reflected in the increase of its revenues, would have been
impossible; and by the protection they ensured, these undertakings
had so far mitigated the effects of the uncertainty of the weather thai
famines in their former severity had become things of the past. The
two outstanding achievements of the era were the financing of these
great public works during a period of great monetary stress and the
stabilising of the currency by the setting up of the gold exchange
standard. The latter not only served its immediate purpose by rescuing
the finances of the state from the depths of depression into which they
had fallen, but, when perfected, permitted of the building up of a
substantial gold reserve without trenching on the ordinary income.
The best evidence of its success was its wide imitation throughout the
East. Commenting on this, Mr J. M. Keynes wrote: “I believe it con-
tains one essential—the use of a cheap local currency artificially
maintained at par with the international currency or standard of
value (whatever it may ultimately turn out to be)-in the ideal
currency of the future”'1
· Keynes, op. cit. chap. ii.
## p. 335 (#373) ############################################
CHAPTER XIX
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
1858–1918
The Mutiny threw back large tracts of Northern India into anarchy.
In important provinces the law courts were closed for months. When
reorganisation began, the finances of the country were in grave
disorder. Large expenditure was required in all directions; and a
succession of famines occurring at intervals of no long duration
impressed very strongly upon the government the urgent need of
railways, roads and a large extension of canals. Profit from such
reproductive works did not come in at once and meantime various
military needs constantly asserted themselves. Sufficient funds for
education were difficult to find; but had they been abundant, it would
still have been a most arduous task to cause a stream of useful know-
ledge to percolate through the innumerable strata of immense popu-
lations rooted in institutions immemorial in their antiquity and unique
in the complex character of their framework. The contrast between
conditions in England and conditions in India had been clearly
pointed out by Sir Charles Wood in 1853. In the former country
there was every possible stimulus to active exertion, both public and
private, public ambition, private rivalry, large capital, general educa-
tion, and every motive which could make an energetic race urge on
progressive improvements and suffer no prejudices to interfere.
"In India", said Wood," you have on the contrary a race of people slow to change,
bound up by religious prejudices and antiquated customs. There are there in fact
many—I had almost said all—the obstacles to rapid progress, whereas in this
country there exist every stimulus and every motive to accelerated advance. ''
Lord Stanley, the first secretary of state for India, lost no time in
turning his attention to the subject of education. In a dispatch dated
7 April, 1859, he summarised all information up to that time received
regarding the results of the policy laid down in 1854 and asked for
more. But his term of office was short; and his letter had hardly
reached India when he was succeeded by Wood, the chief author of
the policy proclaimed in 1854. Stanley's dispatch® had dealt with all
the main points in issue, laying down that as a general rule appoint-
ments in the department of education should be filled by individuals
unconnected with the civil or military service of the government.
Grants-in-aid for Anglo-vernacular schools had evidently been much
1 Napier, Life of Lord Napier of Magdala, pp. 260–2.
• Hansard, 3 June, 1853, CXXVII, 101.
• Richey, Selections, p. 426; Satthianadhan, History of Education in Madras, Appendix
D, p. xliii.
## p. 336 (#374) ############################################
336
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL PCLICY
appreciated, but it was generally impossible to procure local support
for the establishment of any new elementary (vernacular) schools.
Educational officers should apparently be relieved of the invidious
task of soliciting contributions for the support of such institutions from
classes whose means were generally extremely limited and whose
appreciation of the advantages of education did not dispose them to
make sacrifices for obtaining it. The means of elementary education
should be provided by the direct instrumentality of the officers of
government according to one or other of the plans in operation in
certain provinces. Teaching in state schools must be entirely secular.
In spite of grave financial difficulties, both Wood, who held office
till 1866, and the governor-general in council were anxious to spare
money for education. The new department in each province con-
sisted of a director, an establishment of inspecting officers, and a
teaching staff rising from masters of primary schools to professors and
principals of colleges. In 1871 control of these departments was made
over to provincial governments, who were given fixed assignments
from central revenues. But the central government kept in touch with
all provincial proceedings and granted additional funds from time to
time. The superior officers were classified in four grades, in Bengal in
1865and in other provinces afterwards. The average value of a
graded post was about Rs. 900 a month, comparing poorly with the
salary of the average civil servants of a corresponding position; but
the work attracted distinguished university men from Great Britain. a
Graded officers were appointed by the secretary of state, and ungraded
inspectors and teachers by the provincial authorities. Each provincial
government shared its responsibility for higher education with one of
the universities.
These were purely examining bodies. The affairs, concern and
property of each were managed by a senate which consisted of a
chancellor, vice-chancellor and fellows, who were chiefly government
servants. The senate drew up by-laws and regulations for the approval
of the governor-general in council in the case of Calcutta, and of the
governors in council in the case of Bombay and Madras. The universi-
ties awarded “academical degrees as evidence of attainments and
marks of honour proportioned thereto", admitting to their examina-
tions students from colleges affiliated by permission of the local
governments concerned. Each university had its separate sphere of
influence. Calcutta presided over higher education in Northern
India, the Central Provinces and British Burma; Bombay and Madras
rendered the same service to their respective presidencies and to the
native states of Western and Southern India.
1 Howell says 1864. But see Report of the Education Commission, 1882, para. 346.
3 Fraser, Among Indian Rajas and Ryots, p. 44. See also Howell, Education in British India,
p. 92.
3 Report of the Indian Education Commission, 1882, para. 340.
## p. 337 (#375) ############################################
THE NEW SYSTEM
337
The senates committed executive authority to subordinate syn-
dicates which consisted of small bodies of fellows sitting together with
the vice-chancellors; they also appointed members of the various
faculties, which were four in each university: (1) arts (or general
education) including science, (2) law, (3) medicine and (4) en-
gineering. The faculties elected members to the syndicates and recom-
mended examiners. The dispatch of 1854 had advised the institution
of certain chairs, but Dalhousie had rejected this suggestion, observing
that the universities would be ill qualified to superintend actual
tuition. ' Teaching therefore devolved wholly upon the widely
scattered colleges, government, missionary and private. Proprietary
colleges were being established by private enterprise mainly in Bengal.
Many colleges held classes in school-courses and had been originally
"high" or Anglo-vernacular schools. Some high schools possessed
college classes. The great majority of colleges throughout our period
were “arts” colleges, giving a literary education to students whose
inherited tastes inclined them toward literary courses with govern-
ment service, the bar or teaching as the eventual goal. Two govern-
ment Sanskrit colleges, originally organised as “tols”,? had also
"
started English departments. There were two colleges of engineering,
established one at Rurki in the North-Western Provinces in 1847, and
the other at Sibpur near Calcutta in 1856; and others were in con-
templation. A class for instruction in engineering and surveying had
been opened in Elphinstone College, Bombay, as far back as 1844.
Medical colleges at Calcutta, Madras and Bombay were doing most
useful work. Law colleges followed later.
For admission to a college or to a college class in a high school,
a. candidate must satisfy examiners appointed by the university to
conduct a matriculation or "entrance” examination. An under-
graduate who passed the entrance and wished to proceed to the
degree of bachelor of arts must first for two years read up to a “first
arts" or "intermediate” examination. This test satisfied, he must go
through a course of more specialised study and might then present
himself for the bachelors' examination. The degree of master of arts
was conferred after a further examination, the conditions of which
varied at the different universities. The ordinary age for matriculation
varied from about fourteen to seventeen. Students sometimes gra-
duated at eighteen or nineteen. The great majority did not proceed
to a degree for the course was long, and a certificate of having passed
the entrance qualified a youth to be a candidate for clerical posts in
government service which required some knowledge of English, while
a certificate of having passed the intermediate or first arts was a still
more useful credential.
Colleges were of the first or second grade according as they gave
i Richey, Selections, p. 402.
• Cf. p. 101, supra.
a
OHIVI
22
## p. 338 (#376) ############################################
338
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
a
instruction for the full university course or only for that part ofit
which led up to the intermediate. Teaching therein was conducted
in English mainly by lectures and to a far smaller degree by tutorial
assistance. It was presumed that a student admitted to a college after
matriculation came from his high school equipped with a knowledge
of English sufficient to enable him to follow and understand the
lectures. If therefore he was to benefit really from college he must
matriculate with a substantial knowledge of that language. The
entrance must be a real test. If the whole collegiate training were not
to fail in a vital point, the teaching of English in the high (Anglo-
vernacular) schools must be thorough and good. And as these schools
were managed and owned by various authorities, the only hope of
bringing school-teaching up to a satisfactory standard lay in securing
frequent visits from competent inspectors.
Schools admitted within the pale of the system devised in 1854 were
“recognised” by the government and inspected by its officers. There
were various stages in school education, each averaging from two to
three years, and ending in an examination. The schools corresponded
in grade to each of these stages. Those which prepared pupils for the
matriculation were high schools. Teaching here tended, in areas
subject to the Calcutta University, toward neglect of the vernacular
largely because the senate, after first allowing all answers to questions
in geography, history and mathematics to be given in any living
language, ruled in 1861–2 that all answers in each subject should be
given in English except when otherwise specified. The object was to
ensure that all matriculates should be able to follow college lectures
satisfactorily, but while this object was by no means achieved, study
of the vernaculars materially suffered. In the high schools boys might
be taught in either English or the vernacular. The courses were
predominantly literary, according to the tastes and inclinations of
teachers and taught, and affording large scope for memorising, of
which full advantage was taken. High schools often contained
classes usually associated with schools of a lower grade. Below them
were preparatory “middle English” schools; and there were vernacu-
lar middle schools which did not lead up to any of the openings
provided by university credentials, but afforded opportunities for
further study to boys who were not content with an elementary
education and wished to qualify for vernacular clerical or teaching
posts. Last came the primary schools, either “upper”, more ele-
mentary editions of the vernacular middle school, or "lower”, which
varied from the old indigenous patshala or maktab, assisted now by a
government grant, to a modern institution. The cost of maintaining
a primary school was met only partly by fees, which were everywhere
extremely low.
Schools of higher and lower grades were connected by a system o
1 Report of the Calcutta University Commission, pt I, chap. xviii.
a
## p. 339 (#377) ############################################
EARLY DEVELOPMENT
339
1
state scholarships. "Normal" schools were provided for the training
of teachers in vernacular schools.
Such were the main features of an elaborately organised system.
Outside its pale were many indigenous institutions, of the varieties
described in a previous chapter, where masters and pupils walked in
the old ways asking for nothing from the state. Outside, too, were
denominational and endowed schools for the children of the com-
munity of domiciled Europeans and Eurasians.
The system took time to develop; and even in the middle 'sixties
British Burma had no regularly organised department of public
instruction. Some idea of early progress in India generally may be
gathered from a "note” on the state of education in 1865–6 prepared
under governmentorders by A. M. Monteath, secretary to the Govern-
ment of India, which was laid before parliament together with some
critical observations by Sir A. Grant, director of public instruction at
Bombay. 1
The universities, it was said, had supplied reliable tests and stimu-
lated educational institutions. In higher education Bengal stood first.
The largest number and the best specimens of colleges and schools
were to be found there, filled by pupils whose appreciation of the
education received was attested by the considerable amount of fees
paid. In no other province of India were the literary or professional
classes so closely interwoven with the landed classes; and in no other
province were university credentials so valuable to a bridegroom. So
far Bengal arrangements had prospered; but here their success ter-
minated. The great mass of the people, the labouring and agricultural
classes, had hardly been touched. The old indigenous schools retained
their ground. Various efforts were being made with indifferent success
to mould these into efficient institutions, although some of their gurus
or teachers were induced by stipends to undergo courses of training
at normal schools. In the North-Western Provinces, on the other
hand, while arrangements for education for the higher and middle
classes were meagre and received with moderate enthusiasm, village
schools under government direction, established on the plan devised
by Thomason and assisted by a i per cent. school-rate on all newly
settled land-revenue, were working well and ousting the indigenous
schools the teachers of which were set against reform, desiring "no
assistance which should involve the trouble of improvement”.
In British India generally higher instruction was making way, but
primary education was advancing very slowly. It was possible for
zealous educational officers to procure promises of contributions for
the upkeep of village schools, but difficult to collect such contributions,
as interest soon flagged. Missionary help was highly valued. In
Burma the Buddhist monasteries imparted a knowledge of reading
and writing to three-quarters of the juvenile male population, and
· Parl. Papers, 1867-8, 1, 1 sqq. Cf. Calcutta Review, XLV, 414-50.
22-2
## p. 340 (#378) ############################################
340
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
>
.
the chief commissioner was endeavouring to induce the monks to
accept ordinary school-books for the instruction of their pupils.
Monteath described university conditions. The directors had ordered
in 1854 that the standards for common degrees should be fixed so as
"to command respect without discouraging the efforts of deserving
students”, while in the competition for honours care was to be taken
to maintain "such a standard as would afford a guarantee of high
ability and valuable attainments”. Colleges affiliated to the Calcutta
University numbered eighteen in Bengal, ten of which were private,
seven in the North-Western Provinces, three of which were private,
one in the Panjab, one in the Central Provinces, two in Ceylon. In
1861 candidates for the Calcutta entrance examination had num-
bered 1058, of whom 477 obtained admission to colleges. In 1866,
the corresponding figures were 1350 and 638. Of these a solid pro-
portion were assisted in pursuing their university careers by scholar-
ships contributed by the state. Bachelors of arts numbered fifteen in
1861 and seventy-nine in 1866. In Madras affiliated colleges and
schools educating up to and beyond the matriculation standard num-
bered nineteen, eleven of which were conducted by missionary
societies, but the senate admitted students to its examinations without
compelling them to produce certificates from affiliated institutions.
Candidates for the entrance numbered eighty in 1860-1, and 555 in
1865-6, of whom 229 passed. In Bombay higher education had
progressed slowly. Even in 1866 only 109 candidates passed the
entrance and bachelors of arts were only twelve. There were four
affiliated colleges, three of which were situate in Bombay. But a strong
stimulus had been recently applied by very liberal private donations
from Indian gentlemen totalling Rs. 20,000 in 1862-3, Rs. 471,000
in 1863-4 and Rs. 401,200 in 1864-5.
The education of Muhammadan boys was relatively backward. In
Bengal particularly the Muhammadan community was falling behind
and losing influence. 1 There was very little education of girls either
Hindu or Muhammadan. In Bengal English was too freely employed
as the medium of instruction, and this to such an extent as seriously
to retard the progress of the pupils in their acquisition of general
knowledge; while as regards quality the English taught was not only
rudimentary but curiously faulty in idiom and accent. In the North-
Western Provinces and Panjab English was merely studied as a
language. The neglect of vernacular studies for the purpose of learning
it was strictly prohibited. In Madras the result of attempts made to
carry on instruction through English before pupils had obtained
sufficient grasp of that language had been “failure more or less
complete”. In Bombay English education had been starved in the
interest of vernacular education; but the desire for the knowledge of
English was increasing through a desire to acquire superior qualifica-
i Calcutta Review, XLV, 441.
## p. 341 (#379) ############################################
WESTERN INFLUENCES
341
1
tions for government and other employ. This desire was everywhere
the powerful influence which, more rapidly in some provinces than
in others, was moulding the future. Education was in demand mainly
as a channel for employment, and a knowledge of English was the
royal road which led to the most lucrative positions and professions.
The total cost of education in 1865-6 was estimated at Rs. 8,217,669,
but of this sum Rs. 4,529,580 only came from imperial funds. The
rest was supplied by local sources "such as education cesses, school
fees, private endowments, subscriptions". But information regarding
expenditure on private institutions was neither exhaustive nor re-
liable. Special rules had been framed to regulate grants-in-aid to
schools designed for the instruction of European and Eurasian
children.
In this connection we may just now particularly recall Lord
Canning's words:
The Eurasian class have a special claim upon us. The presence of a British
government has called them into being;. . .
and they are a class which, while it
draws little or no support from its connection with England, is without that deep
root in and hold of the soil of India from which our native public servants, through
their families and relatives, derive advantage. "
The state educational system was only one side of a process which
was rapidly spreading abroad Western culture and ideas. The scene
had indeed changed since the days when crowds assembled, with
the law's permission, to see widows burnt alive, and missionaries
sought refuge in Danish territory, when dacoits exercised a “horrid
ascendancy” over large tracts of country, and “thags” were able to
"glory in their achievements as acts pleasing to a deity”. 2 Elaborate
and carefully considered codes of substantive law and procedure,
criminal and civil, were coming gradually into force and were begin-
ning to exercise a powerful influence over thought. In the seaports,
in the provincial capitals, in the historic cities inland, a new India
was growing up, an India of railways and telegraphs, of law courts
and lawyers, of newspapers and examinations. Extending communi-
cations, widening commerce, developing industries were increasing
the European population. The railways were mainly manned by
European officials; road-surveyors, contractors, tradesmen, custom-
house officers were multiplying. Assam and the slopes of the Hima-
layas abounded with tea-planters, Tirhut and Lower Bengal with
indigo-planters. The Indus, the Brahmaputra, the Irawadi, the
Ganges to some extent, and the whole coast from Calcutta to Persia
on the one side, and to the Straits on the other, were navigated by
steamers under British commanders. The seaports and large cities
contained many families of mixed race, many European and Eurasian
>
· Quoted ap. Croft, Review of Education in India, p. 294. Cf. Calcutta Review, xLU, 57-93.
• Cf. chaps. ii and vii, supra.
## p. 342 (#380) ############################################
342
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
children whose minds needed rescue from the perils of unrelieved
materialism. 1
The new times were better than the old; but they had brought many
problems of their own. While the demand for Western education was
widening rapidly among the Hindu professional classes, it continued
to run almost invariably into literary courses, particularly in Bengal;
and the avenues to government service, the bar, teaching and jour-
nalism were gradually becoming thronged. The land-holders, on the
other hand, who had hitherto been the natural leaders of the people,
were slow to grasp new opportunities; the martial classes, who had
always been held in high social estimation, were equally indifferent;
and the masses themselves, in spite of much earnest effort on the part
of educational officers, up to the very end of our period, remained
chiefly and persistently illiterate. Even in 1919, although no longer
hostile to primary education, they were “lukewarm in its support and
seldom pressed for its extension". 3 Only 2. 4 per cent. were enrolled
in primary schools, and only 2. 8 were undergoing elementary educa-
tion of any kind. Even when allowance is made for the great increase
of population between 1860 and 1918 these figures are impressive.
Mass education was and is mainly a rural problem. - À villager
who sought the law courts hired a petition-writer and a pleader; if he
visited a shop he ascertained prices by enquiry. On the very rare
occasions on which he wished to send or decipher a letter, he obtained
the assistance of his village accountant or a professional scribe. “The
uselessness of education to such people”, wrote a school inspector
from the province of Oudh in 1883,
is proved by the fact, of which there is overwhelming evidence in every town or
village where a school has been established, that the great majority of o'ır ex-
students, in less than 10 years after leaving school, can neither read, nor write, nor
cipher, and that the sharpest among them are not able to do more than compose
a very simple letter, or decipher some 50 words out of 100 in a few lines of print.
From having nothing to read, having no occasion to write, and no accounts to
keep, they gradually forget whatever they learn, and are as ignorant as if they had
never been at school. There is no hope that knowledge will grow from more to more
so long as the daily life of the masses remains destitute of everything which can
afford scope to the utilisation of knowledge or engage the attention of an educated
man. 5
T'he writer based these observations on the assumption that the
agriculturist ex-student remained in his village and followed the
calling of his fathers.
If he goes elsewhere and enters into service or obtains clerical employment he
will find a use for his education. But government primary schools were not started
with the idea of seducing boys from their hereditary callings.
i Calcutta Review, XLII, 49. Cf. Strachey, India, pp. 10–11.
2 Cf. Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, 1, 341.
• Statement of Moral and Material Progress, 1917-18, p. 110.
• See Burn, Census Report on N. W. P. and Oudh, 1901, p. 160.
6 Nesfield, Calcutta Review, LXXVI, 356. Cf. Statement of Moral and Material Progress,
1925-6, p. 166.
## p. 343 (#381) ############################################
PRIMARY EDUCATION
343
It is certain that, while the cultivators often required cow and goat
herds in their open unfenced fields, they had solid reason for sup-
posing that, unless some particular opening presented itself, schooling
would prove an infructuous investment. If a parent embarked on it,
he did so in the hope that the boy would make education a stepping-
stone to service of some kind. To this expectation the new village
schools owed such vitality as they possessed. The old indigenous
elementary schools had been established by particular classes for
particular purposes in response to religious or business needs. Their
studies were of the humblest and most conservative character. They
were not looked on as paths to any particularly desirable employment.
The new schools offered fresh possibilities but. frequently led to dis-
appointment. A report by J. C. Nesfield, inspector of schools in the
North-Western Provinces, quoted in Croft's Review for the year 1886,2
illustrates this aspect of affairs.
"In one school", he writes, “there was a boy of the Kurmi caste, which is one of
the most industrious agricultural castes in Upper India. He had passed a very good
examination in the highest standard of village schools; after telling him that he had
now completed all that a village school could give him, I enquired what occupation
he intended to follow. His answer at once was—'Service; what else? ' I advised
him to revert to agriculture, as there was scarcely any chance of his getting literary
employment; but at this piece of advice he seemed to be surprised and even angry.
At another school I met a Pasi, a semi-hunting caste, much lower in every respect
than that of the Kurmi. He was a boy of quick understanding and had completed
the village school course in Nagari as well as Urdu, and could read and write both
characters with equal facility. He asked me what he was to do next. I could hardly
tell him to go back to pig-rearing, trapping birds, and digging vermin out of the
earth ! or food; and yet I scarcely saw what other opening was in store for him.
At another school there was the son of a chuhar, or village sweeper, a caste the
lowest of all the castes properly so called. He was asked with others to write an
original composition on the comparative advantages of trade and service as a
career. He expressed a decided preference for trade. Yet who would enter into
mercantile transactions with a sweeper even if a man of that caste could be started
in such a calling? Everything that he touches would be considered as polluted;
and no one would buy grain or cloth from his shop, if he could buy them from any
other. There seems to be no opening in store for this very intelligent youth but that
of scavengering, mat-making, trapping, etc. , all of which are far below the more
cultivated tastes he has acquired by attending school. And in such pursuits he is
not likely to evince the same degree of skill or enjoy the same contentment as one
who has grown up wholly illiterate. In these and such like ways the attempts made
by the government to raise the condition of the masses and place new facilities of
self-advancement within their reach, are thwarted by the absence of opportunities
and by the caste prejudices of the country. ”
In all provinces too the admission of low-caste boys into schools
attended by the sons of higher-caste Hindus was strongly resented.
So powerful was the feeling aroused that the commission of 1882,
whose labours will be noticed further on, holding that “no principle,
however sound, could be forced on an unwilling society in defiance
of their social and religious sentiments", recommended that separate
Chailley, Administrative Problems of British India, p. 491; Interim Report of the Indian
Statutory Commission, p. 37.
* Croft, op. cit. p. 231.
>
## p. 344 (#382) ############################################
344
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
schools should be opened for low-caste boys wherever they could be
induced to attend in sufficient number. The education of the children,
of the six millions of aborigines who were to be found in Bengal,
Bombay and the Central Provinces was left to the missionaries. No
one else was inclined to prepare grammars or dictionaries of the
non-Aryan languages.
The workers in the great field of public instruction might well ask
for time, might well beg that their efforts should not be hag-ridden
by impetuosity and constant demands for numerical results. In fact,
too, despite all obstacles, education in its broadest sense did progress
among the masses as English influences rolled on over the surface of
India. The most powerful teacher was the railway which, despite
some gloomy prophecies, had attained immediate popularity and
necessarily tended to break down the barriers of ages, to stimulate
movement, and exchange of thought. In railway carriages Brahmans
and Sudras, Muslims and Sikhs, peasants and townsmen sat side by
side. As early even as 1867–8 the total number of railway passengers
was 13,746,000, of whom 95 per cent. travelled third class. Reflection,
observation, interest in the outside world were stimulated; journeys
from villages to towns, emigration from India itself became more
common; life and property grew more secure; new impulses were
given to commerce, to industry and to agriculture. It should not be
forgotten that to English capital India owes the sinews of her railway
development.
English education advanced rapidly among the literary and pro-
fessional castes of Hindus. Voyages to England were cheaper and
easier, and venturesome youths began to finish their studies in that
country. The pioneers of this remarkable movement which has ex-
tended rapidly in our own time were four Hindu students of the
Calcutta Medical College who, braving social obstacles, embarked
for England in March, 1845, under the charge of one of their pro-
fessors, Dr H. H. Goodeve, were entered as pupils at University
College, London, and achieved distinguished success. Thirty years
later, recognising the trend of events, a few prominent Muhammadans
in the North-Western Provinces under the leadership of Maulvi
Sayyid Ahmad Khan, afterwards Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, banded
themselves together for the purpose of breaking down Muhammadan
aversion to Western learning. In 1871 the government of Lord Mayo
had initiated measures for this purpose; 4 and now the cause was taken
up in earnest by Muslims themselves under the inspiring influence of
a vigorous and outstanding personality. In 1871 they began to collect
funds; and in 1875 Sayyid Ahmad opened a high school for Muham-
1 Cf. Hansard, 8 July, 1927, pp. 1638-9.
2 Marshman, "Indian Railways" (Quarterly Review, cxxv, 60).
• Calcutta Review, XLII, 120; also Banerjee, A Nation in the Making, p. 10.
• Mahmud, English Education in India, chaps. xxiv, xxvii.
## p. 345 (#383) ############################################
ALIGARH
345
madans at Aligarh. In 1878 the school was raised to a second-grade
college and affiliated to the Calcutta University. At first Sayyid
Ahmad was fiercely opposed by conservative Muhammadans. But,
strongly encouraged by the government, he triumphed over all
obstacles. Princes and nobles, Muslim and Hindu, offered munificent
endowments. Viceroys and lieutenant-governors came forward as
benefactors.
While primarily intended for Muhammadans, and insisting on
religious instruction for its Muslim students, the Muhammadan
Anglo-Oriental College admitted pupils of all faiths, and after ten
years of struggle became a highly esteemed seat of education. It
started with an English and an Oriental department. In the former
all subjects were taught in English, and Arabic, Persian or Sanskrit
was taken up as a second language; in the latter either Arabic or
Persian literature was studied; history, geography, mathematics, etc.
were taught in Urdu, while English was a second language. The
commission of 1882 reported that the Oriental department attracted
hardly any students. The principal of the college and the headmaster
of the school were both Europeans. "
The obstacles to the spread of female education have been described
in a previous chapter. These had hardly lessened with time and are
strong even now. In 1882 it was ascertained that the percentage of
girls at school to girls of a school-going age was •85 for all India,
1. 59 for Bombay, 1•50 for Madras, •80 for Bengal, . 72 for the Panjab
and •28 for the North-Western Provinces. From 1823 to 1851 female
education in Bombay had engaged the attention of the missionaries.
Then the Parsi and the Hindu merchants of Gujarat had taken the
matter up, and their example had been followed by certain Maratha
chiefs. Since 1871 the Bombay Government had been endeavouring
to collect an efficient staff of female teachers. In Madras, too,
missionaries had led the way. Indian societies had followed. In
Northern as well as in Southern India, missionary societies were the
pioneers and in 1882 were still foremost. But progress was very slow.
There was a great dearth of female teachers due to an impression that
such a calling could not be pursued by a modest woman. *
As the aristocracy and titled classes were disinclined to allow their
sons to associate with the scholars and students of government schools,
regarding them as their social inferiors, Lord Mayo initiated the
establishment of chiefs' colleges, making known to the Rajput nobles
in durbar at Ajmer his strong desire to establish in that city a college
“for the sons and relatives of the chiefs, nobles, and principal thakurs
of Rajputana”,5 A liberal endowment fund was subscribed; the
1 Mahmud, op. cit. pp. 163-4 n.
: Cf. The Statutory Commission's Interim Report, pp. 150-83.
• Report of 1882 Commission, PP. 525, 5357 Report of 1882 Commission, p. 487.
• Burn, op. cil. p. 160.
## p. 346 (#384) ############################################
346
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
1
government gave an equivalent sum, and the Mayo College at Ajmer
under carefully selected British principals proved a remarkable
success. Similar in character though smaller in scale was the Rajaram
College at Kathiawar. Other colleges started special classes for the
sons of native chiefs and large landed proprietors. All these innova-
tions were designed to encourage good education, “a healthy tone
and manly habits” among the sons of chiefs and nobles. But even so
the cadets of aristocratic or opulent families were frequently brought
up to lead idle lives.
In struggling to carry out the policy laid down in 1854, the govern-
ment found it necessary more than once to pause and take stock of
conditions and tendencies. This was done by means of commissions
appointed with the concurrence of the secretary of state. The first
education commission was charged by Lord Ripon's government in
1882 with the duty of enquiring into “the manner in which effect had
been given to the principles of the dispatch of 1854, and of suggesting
such measures as might seem desirable. in order to further carrying
out of the policy laid down therein”. The principal object of enquiry
was to be the present state of elementary education and the means
by which this can everywhere be extended and improved". 1 The
general operation of the universities was withdrawn from the field of
investigation, but the work carried on in the colleges was to be
reviewed. The commission, which was highly officialised, consisted of
twenty-two members (British and Indian) under the late Sir William
Hunter as president. Nearly 200 witnesses were examined: over 300
memorials were presented: 222 resolutions were passed, 180 unani-
mously. The main conclusions of the commission were that while
higher and secondary education was popular and successful among
the middle classes, particularly in Bengal, primary education needed
the strongest encouragement and should be declared "that part of the
system of public instruction which possesses an almost exclusive claim
on provincial revenues”. It might well be provided, irrespective of
private co-operation, by the state or by the local self-government
boards, district and municipal, which were then taking more definite
shape and assuming new responsibilities. The means of secondary
education, on the other hand, should ordinarily be provided only
where local or private co-operation was forthcoming.
The commission was favourably impressed by the results of grants-
in-aid in Bengal where for one high school maintained by government
there were three, two aided and one unaided, established by private
effort, and only a few English middle schools supported wholly by
the state. In the hope that, as had happened in England, Western
education in India would lead to increased industrialism and there-
fore to fresh opportunities of employment, it recommended the in-
1 Resolution of the Government of India, Home Dept. (Education), Nos. 1-60,
3 February, 1882, para. 8.
.
$
## p. 347 (#385) ############################################
THE HUNTER COMMISSION
347
stitution of school-courses alternative to the established “entrance"
course, and including subjects chosen with a view to the requirements
of commercial and industrial pursuits. Anxious to de-officialise higher
education as far as possible and to render it self-dependent, it advised
that all secondary schools should be made over to private manage-
ment whenever this could be done without lowering the standard or
diminishing the supply of instruction, and that the managers of aided
schools and colleges should be allowed to charge fees lower than those
payable at state schools of the same class. At the same time it urged
that, whatever withdrawal there might be from direct supervision of
education, there should be none from indirect but efficient control.
But “only in cases of extreme necessity" should private schools be
interfered with. In effect it recommended that system of cheap, un-
controlled venture schools, which has done so much to lower the
standard of education in Bengal.
The commission proposed special measures for encouraging educa-
tion among Muhammadans. It considered that all elementary schools
should be subject to the inspection and supervision of the govern-
ment's educational officers, but should be made over to the care of
district and municipal boards, whose educational responsibilities
should be defined by legislation. It pointed out the importance of
physical education as well as mental, and considered that although
religious teaching must be excluded from the government schools,
something should be done, in response to a widespread feeling, to
develop the sense of right and wrong in the minds of scholars of all
grades. After long debate, it resolved by a narrow majority, (a) that
an attempt should be made to prepare a moral textbook based upon
“the fundamental principles of natural religion” and suitable for use
by teachers in all government and other colleges; (b) that the principal
or one of the professors in each government or aided college should
deliver to each college class in every session a series of lectures “on the
duties of a man and a citizen”. But these suggestions were severely
criticised by the various local governments and were rejected by the
Government of India and by Lord Kimberley, secretary of state. The
general trend of criticism is indicated by the words of Sir Alfred Lyall,
lieutenant-governor of the North-Western Provinces. It was, he wrote,
no part of the functions of the Government of India to draw up a code
or morality, and issue it officially for the instruction of students, since
these could hardly be charged with ignorance of the commonly
accepted code of civilised communities, or with an acceptance of
principles contrary to that code. The objcction to instituting courses
of lectures on the duties of a man and citizen was that possibly no two
professors would agree as to what these duties were; and it was clearly
undesirable to introduce into schools and colleges discussions on
subjects that opened qut a very wide field of debate. 2
· Cf. Croft, op. cit. p. 330; Mahmud, op.
a super-tax which might run up to 3 annas in the rupee on incomes
in excess of Rs. 50,000 per annum. As the demands for Indian products
increased, a trade boom set in, which was reflected in increased
receipts from the more elastic sources of revenue. In 1917–18 receipts
from customs rose to £11,056,000, from excise to f10,161,000 and
from income-tax to £6,308,000. The railway receipts of that year
broke all previous records. The surplus of the year ending March,
1917, amounted to nearly £10,000,000, and that of the following year
exceeded this figure. Meanwhile the gold standard reserve had risen
to £34,000,000 in securities and cash at short notice. Though India
prospered during the war, her financial contribution was no less
generous and whole-hearted than her military, for in 1917 she
proffered a sum of £100,000,000 as a war gift to the home government,
and part of the taxation imposed was to meet the interest
on the loans
raised for the purpose of making this subvention.
The revenues at the end of the financial year 1917–18 amounted
to £113,000,000, a large advance on the figures of the first regular
budget. In spite of this increase, there was no considerable source of
central taxation, excluding the super-tax levied at a late stage of the
war,
which had not already been imposed in 1860, and in many cases
the rate of assessment had been lowered. The salt-tax had been con-
siderably reduced, and customs duties were levied at a lower rate.
Though the income-tax on higher incomes was somewhat heavier,
the minimum taxable limit had been raised and agricultural incomes
excluded from direct taxation. The incidence of the land-revenue per
cultivated acre was lower and, in view of the great rise in the prices
of produce, it imposed a far lighter burden on the occupier of the land.
The increase in total receipts was due mainly to the greater wealth
and prosperity of the country, and the development of the commercial
services which accounted for over 25 per cent. of the gross revenues.
The unproductive debt, which had sunk to the low figure of
£3,000,000 in 1915, had risen under the stress of war to £67,000,000;
but the greater part of the debt, viz. £283,000,000, had been incurred
on works of a productive character. When the period under review
opened, India was almost unequipped with the public utility services
of a modern state, while its finances were liable to be paralysed by the
frequent occurrence of disastrous famines. Without its system of rail-
ways and canals, the commercial and industrial development of the
i Finance and Revenue Accounts.
## p. 334 (#372) ############################################
334
THE FINANCES OF INDIA, 1858-1918
country, reflected in the increase of its revenues, would have been
impossible; and by the protection they ensured, these undertakings
had so far mitigated the effects of the uncertainty of the weather thai
famines in their former severity had become things of the past. The
two outstanding achievements of the era were the financing of these
great public works during a period of great monetary stress and the
stabilising of the currency by the setting up of the gold exchange
standard. The latter not only served its immediate purpose by rescuing
the finances of the state from the depths of depression into which they
had fallen, but, when perfected, permitted of the building up of a
substantial gold reserve without trenching on the ordinary income.
The best evidence of its success was its wide imitation throughout the
East. Commenting on this, Mr J. M. Keynes wrote: “I believe it con-
tains one essential—the use of a cheap local currency artificially
maintained at par with the international currency or standard of
value (whatever it may ultimately turn out to be)-in the ideal
currency of the future”'1
· Keynes, op. cit. chap. ii.
## p. 335 (#373) ############################################
CHAPTER XIX
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
1858–1918
The Mutiny threw back large tracts of Northern India into anarchy.
In important provinces the law courts were closed for months. When
reorganisation began, the finances of the country were in grave
disorder. Large expenditure was required in all directions; and a
succession of famines occurring at intervals of no long duration
impressed very strongly upon the government the urgent need of
railways, roads and a large extension of canals. Profit from such
reproductive works did not come in at once and meantime various
military needs constantly asserted themselves. Sufficient funds for
education were difficult to find; but had they been abundant, it would
still have been a most arduous task to cause a stream of useful know-
ledge to percolate through the innumerable strata of immense popu-
lations rooted in institutions immemorial in their antiquity and unique
in the complex character of their framework. The contrast between
conditions in England and conditions in India had been clearly
pointed out by Sir Charles Wood in 1853. In the former country
there was every possible stimulus to active exertion, both public and
private, public ambition, private rivalry, large capital, general educa-
tion, and every motive which could make an energetic race urge on
progressive improvements and suffer no prejudices to interfere.
"In India", said Wood," you have on the contrary a race of people slow to change,
bound up by religious prejudices and antiquated customs. There are there in fact
many—I had almost said all—the obstacles to rapid progress, whereas in this
country there exist every stimulus and every motive to accelerated advance. ''
Lord Stanley, the first secretary of state for India, lost no time in
turning his attention to the subject of education. In a dispatch dated
7 April, 1859, he summarised all information up to that time received
regarding the results of the policy laid down in 1854 and asked for
more. But his term of office was short; and his letter had hardly
reached India when he was succeeded by Wood, the chief author of
the policy proclaimed in 1854. Stanley's dispatch® had dealt with all
the main points in issue, laying down that as a general rule appoint-
ments in the department of education should be filled by individuals
unconnected with the civil or military service of the government.
Grants-in-aid for Anglo-vernacular schools had evidently been much
1 Napier, Life of Lord Napier of Magdala, pp. 260–2.
• Hansard, 3 June, 1853, CXXVII, 101.
• Richey, Selections, p. 426; Satthianadhan, History of Education in Madras, Appendix
D, p. xliii.
## p. 336 (#374) ############################################
336
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL PCLICY
appreciated, but it was generally impossible to procure local support
for the establishment of any new elementary (vernacular) schools.
Educational officers should apparently be relieved of the invidious
task of soliciting contributions for the support of such institutions from
classes whose means were generally extremely limited and whose
appreciation of the advantages of education did not dispose them to
make sacrifices for obtaining it. The means of elementary education
should be provided by the direct instrumentality of the officers of
government according to one or other of the plans in operation in
certain provinces. Teaching in state schools must be entirely secular.
In spite of grave financial difficulties, both Wood, who held office
till 1866, and the governor-general in council were anxious to spare
money for education. The new department in each province con-
sisted of a director, an establishment of inspecting officers, and a
teaching staff rising from masters of primary schools to professors and
principals of colleges. In 1871 control of these departments was made
over to provincial governments, who were given fixed assignments
from central revenues. But the central government kept in touch with
all provincial proceedings and granted additional funds from time to
time. The superior officers were classified in four grades, in Bengal in
1865and in other provinces afterwards. The average value of a
graded post was about Rs. 900 a month, comparing poorly with the
salary of the average civil servants of a corresponding position; but
the work attracted distinguished university men from Great Britain. a
Graded officers were appointed by the secretary of state, and ungraded
inspectors and teachers by the provincial authorities. Each provincial
government shared its responsibility for higher education with one of
the universities.
These were purely examining bodies. The affairs, concern and
property of each were managed by a senate which consisted of a
chancellor, vice-chancellor and fellows, who were chiefly government
servants. The senate drew up by-laws and regulations for the approval
of the governor-general in council in the case of Calcutta, and of the
governors in council in the case of Bombay and Madras. The universi-
ties awarded “academical degrees as evidence of attainments and
marks of honour proportioned thereto", admitting to their examina-
tions students from colleges affiliated by permission of the local
governments concerned. Each university had its separate sphere of
influence. Calcutta presided over higher education in Northern
India, the Central Provinces and British Burma; Bombay and Madras
rendered the same service to their respective presidencies and to the
native states of Western and Southern India.
1 Howell says 1864. But see Report of the Education Commission, 1882, para. 346.
3 Fraser, Among Indian Rajas and Ryots, p. 44. See also Howell, Education in British India,
p. 92.
3 Report of the Indian Education Commission, 1882, para. 340.
## p. 337 (#375) ############################################
THE NEW SYSTEM
337
The senates committed executive authority to subordinate syn-
dicates which consisted of small bodies of fellows sitting together with
the vice-chancellors; they also appointed members of the various
faculties, which were four in each university: (1) arts (or general
education) including science, (2) law, (3) medicine and (4) en-
gineering. The faculties elected members to the syndicates and recom-
mended examiners. The dispatch of 1854 had advised the institution
of certain chairs, but Dalhousie had rejected this suggestion, observing
that the universities would be ill qualified to superintend actual
tuition. ' Teaching therefore devolved wholly upon the widely
scattered colleges, government, missionary and private. Proprietary
colleges were being established by private enterprise mainly in Bengal.
Many colleges held classes in school-courses and had been originally
"high" or Anglo-vernacular schools. Some high schools possessed
college classes. The great majority of colleges throughout our period
were “arts” colleges, giving a literary education to students whose
inherited tastes inclined them toward literary courses with govern-
ment service, the bar or teaching as the eventual goal. Two govern-
ment Sanskrit colleges, originally organised as “tols”,? had also
"
started English departments. There were two colleges of engineering,
established one at Rurki in the North-Western Provinces in 1847, and
the other at Sibpur near Calcutta in 1856; and others were in con-
templation. A class for instruction in engineering and surveying had
been opened in Elphinstone College, Bombay, as far back as 1844.
Medical colleges at Calcutta, Madras and Bombay were doing most
useful work. Law colleges followed later.
For admission to a college or to a college class in a high school,
a. candidate must satisfy examiners appointed by the university to
conduct a matriculation or "entrance” examination. An under-
graduate who passed the entrance and wished to proceed to the
degree of bachelor of arts must first for two years read up to a “first
arts" or "intermediate” examination. This test satisfied, he must go
through a course of more specialised study and might then present
himself for the bachelors' examination. The degree of master of arts
was conferred after a further examination, the conditions of which
varied at the different universities. The ordinary age for matriculation
varied from about fourteen to seventeen. Students sometimes gra-
duated at eighteen or nineteen. The great majority did not proceed
to a degree for the course was long, and a certificate of having passed
the entrance qualified a youth to be a candidate for clerical posts in
government service which required some knowledge of English, while
a certificate of having passed the intermediate or first arts was a still
more useful credential.
Colleges were of the first or second grade according as they gave
i Richey, Selections, p. 402.
• Cf. p. 101, supra.
a
OHIVI
22
## p. 338 (#376) ############################################
338
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
a
instruction for the full university course or only for that part ofit
which led up to the intermediate. Teaching therein was conducted
in English mainly by lectures and to a far smaller degree by tutorial
assistance. It was presumed that a student admitted to a college after
matriculation came from his high school equipped with a knowledge
of English sufficient to enable him to follow and understand the
lectures. If therefore he was to benefit really from college he must
matriculate with a substantial knowledge of that language. The
entrance must be a real test. If the whole collegiate training were not
to fail in a vital point, the teaching of English in the high (Anglo-
vernacular) schools must be thorough and good. And as these schools
were managed and owned by various authorities, the only hope of
bringing school-teaching up to a satisfactory standard lay in securing
frequent visits from competent inspectors.
Schools admitted within the pale of the system devised in 1854 were
“recognised” by the government and inspected by its officers. There
were various stages in school education, each averaging from two to
three years, and ending in an examination. The schools corresponded
in grade to each of these stages. Those which prepared pupils for the
matriculation were high schools. Teaching here tended, in areas
subject to the Calcutta University, toward neglect of the vernacular
largely because the senate, after first allowing all answers to questions
in geography, history and mathematics to be given in any living
language, ruled in 1861–2 that all answers in each subject should be
given in English except when otherwise specified. The object was to
ensure that all matriculates should be able to follow college lectures
satisfactorily, but while this object was by no means achieved, study
of the vernaculars materially suffered. In the high schools boys might
be taught in either English or the vernacular. The courses were
predominantly literary, according to the tastes and inclinations of
teachers and taught, and affording large scope for memorising, of
which full advantage was taken. High schools often contained
classes usually associated with schools of a lower grade. Below them
were preparatory “middle English” schools; and there were vernacu-
lar middle schools which did not lead up to any of the openings
provided by university credentials, but afforded opportunities for
further study to boys who were not content with an elementary
education and wished to qualify for vernacular clerical or teaching
posts. Last came the primary schools, either “upper”, more ele-
mentary editions of the vernacular middle school, or "lower”, which
varied from the old indigenous patshala or maktab, assisted now by a
government grant, to a modern institution. The cost of maintaining
a primary school was met only partly by fees, which were everywhere
extremely low.
Schools of higher and lower grades were connected by a system o
1 Report of the Calcutta University Commission, pt I, chap. xviii.
a
## p. 339 (#377) ############################################
EARLY DEVELOPMENT
339
1
state scholarships. "Normal" schools were provided for the training
of teachers in vernacular schools.
Such were the main features of an elaborately organised system.
Outside its pale were many indigenous institutions, of the varieties
described in a previous chapter, where masters and pupils walked in
the old ways asking for nothing from the state. Outside, too, were
denominational and endowed schools for the children of the com-
munity of domiciled Europeans and Eurasians.
The system took time to develop; and even in the middle 'sixties
British Burma had no regularly organised department of public
instruction. Some idea of early progress in India generally may be
gathered from a "note” on the state of education in 1865–6 prepared
under governmentorders by A. M. Monteath, secretary to the Govern-
ment of India, which was laid before parliament together with some
critical observations by Sir A. Grant, director of public instruction at
Bombay. 1
The universities, it was said, had supplied reliable tests and stimu-
lated educational institutions. In higher education Bengal stood first.
The largest number and the best specimens of colleges and schools
were to be found there, filled by pupils whose appreciation of the
education received was attested by the considerable amount of fees
paid. In no other province of India were the literary or professional
classes so closely interwoven with the landed classes; and in no other
province were university credentials so valuable to a bridegroom. So
far Bengal arrangements had prospered; but here their success ter-
minated. The great mass of the people, the labouring and agricultural
classes, had hardly been touched. The old indigenous schools retained
their ground. Various efforts were being made with indifferent success
to mould these into efficient institutions, although some of their gurus
or teachers were induced by stipends to undergo courses of training
at normal schools. In the North-Western Provinces, on the other
hand, while arrangements for education for the higher and middle
classes were meagre and received with moderate enthusiasm, village
schools under government direction, established on the plan devised
by Thomason and assisted by a i per cent. school-rate on all newly
settled land-revenue, were working well and ousting the indigenous
schools the teachers of which were set against reform, desiring "no
assistance which should involve the trouble of improvement”.
In British India generally higher instruction was making way, but
primary education was advancing very slowly. It was possible for
zealous educational officers to procure promises of contributions for
the upkeep of village schools, but difficult to collect such contributions,
as interest soon flagged. Missionary help was highly valued. In
Burma the Buddhist monasteries imparted a knowledge of reading
and writing to three-quarters of the juvenile male population, and
· Parl. Papers, 1867-8, 1, 1 sqq. Cf. Calcutta Review, XLV, 414-50.
22-2
## p. 340 (#378) ############################################
340
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
>
.
the chief commissioner was endeavouring to induce the monks to
accept ordinary school-books for the instruction of their pupils.
Monteath described university conditions. The directors had ordered
in 1854 that the standards for common degrees should be fixed so as
"to command respect without discouraging the efforts of deserving
students”, while in the competition for honours care was to be taken
to maintain "such a standard as would afford a guarantee of high
ability and valuable attainments”. Colleges affiliated to the Calcutta
University numbered eighteen in Bengal, ten of which were private,
seven in the North-Western Provinces, three of which were private,
one in the Panjab, one in the Central Provinces, two in Ceylon. In
1861 candidates for the Calcutta entrance examination had num-
bered 1058, of whom 477 obtained admission to colleges. In 1866,
the corresponding figures were 1350 and 638. Of these a solid pro-
portion were assisted in pursuing their university careers by scholar-
ships contributed by the state. Bachelors of arts numbered fifteen in
1861 and seventy-nine in 1866. In Madras affiliated colleges and
schools educating up to and beyond the matriculation standard num-
bered nineteen, eleven of which were conducted by missionary
societies, but the senate admitted students to its examinations without
compelling them to produce certificates from affiliated institutions.
Candidates for the entrance numbered eighty in 1860-1, and 555 in
1865-6, of whom 229 passed. In Bombay higher education had
progressed slowly. Even in 1866 only 109 candidates passed the
entrance and bachelors of arts were only twelve. There were four
affiliated colleges, three of which were situate in Bombay. But a strong
stimulus had been recently applied by very liberal private donations
from Indian gentlemen totalling Rs. 20,000 in 1862-3, Rs. 471,000
in 1863-4 and Rs. 401,200 in 1864-5.
The education of Muhammadan boys was relatively backward. In
Bengal particularly the Muhammadan community was falling behind
and losing influence. 1 There was very little education of girls either
Hindu or Muhammadan. In Bengal English was too freely employed
as the medium of instruction, and this to such an extent as seriously
to retard the progress of the pupils in their acquisition of general
knowledge; while as regards quality the English taught was not only
rudimentary but curiously faulty in idiom and accent. In the North-
Western Provinces and Panjab English was merely studied as a
language. The neglect of vernacular studies for the purpose of learning
it was strictly prohibited. In Madras the result of attempts made to
carry on instruction through English before pupils had obtained
sufficient grasp of that language had been “failure more or less
complete”. In Bombay English education had been starved in the
interest of vernacular education; but the desire for the knowledge of
English was increasing through a desire to acquire superior qualifica-
i Calcutta Review, XLV, 441.
## p. 341 (#379) ############################################
WESTERN INFLUENCES
341
1
tions for government and other employ. This desire was everywhere
the powerful influence which, more rapidly in some provinces than
in others, was moulding the future. Education was in demand mainly
as a channel for employment, and a knowledge of English was the
royal road which led to the most lucrative positions and professions.
The total cost of education in 1865-6 was estimated at Rs. 8,217,669,
but of this sum Rs. 4,529,580 only came from imperial funds. The
rest was supplied by local sources "such as education cesses, school
fees, private endowments, subscriptions". But information regarding
expenditure on private institutions was neither exhaustive nor re-
liable. Special rules had been framed to regulate grants-in-aid to
schools designed for the instruction of European and Eurasian
children.
In this connection we may just now particularly recall Lord
Canning's words:
The Eurasian class have a special claim upon us. The presence of a British
government has called them into being;. . .
and they are a class which, while it
draws little or no support from its connection with England, is without that deep
root in and hold of the soil of India from which our native public servants, through
their families and relatives, derive advantage. "
The state educational system was only one side of a process which
was rapidly spreading abroad Western culture and ideas. The scene
had indeed changed since the days when crowds assembled, with
the law's permission, to see widows burnt alive, and missionaries
sought refuge in Danish territory, when dacoits exercised a “horrid
ascendancy” over large tracts of country, and “thags” were able to
"glory in their achievements as acts pleasing to a deity”. 2 Elaborate
and carefully considered codes of substantive law and procedure,
criminal and civil, were coming gradually into force and were begin-
ning to exercise a powerful influence over thought. In the seaports,
in the provincial capitals, in the historic cities inland, a new India
was growing up, an India of railways and telegraphs, of law courts
and lawyers, of newspapers and examinations. Extending communi-
cations, widening commerce, developing industries were increasing
the European population. The railways were mainly manned by
European officials; road-surveyors, contractors, tradesmen, custom-
house officers were multiplying. Assam and the slopes of the Hima-
layas abounded with tea-planters, Tirhut and Lower Bengal with
indigo-planters. The Indus, the Brahmaputra, the Irawadi, the
Ganges to some extent, and the whole coast from Calcutta to Persia
on the one side, and to the Straits on the other, were navigated by
steamers under British commanders. The seaports and large cities
contained many families of mixed race, many European and Eurasian
>
· Quoted ap. Croft, Review of Education in India, p. 294. Cf. Calcutta Review, xLU, 57-93.
• Cf. chaps. ii and vii, supra.
## p. 342 (#380) ############################################
342
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
children whose minds needed rescue from the perils of unrelieved
materialism. 1
The new times were better than the old; but they had brought many
problems of their own. While the demand for Western education was
widening rapidly among the Hindu professional classes, it continued
to run almost invariably into literary courses, particularly in Bengal;
and the avenues to government service, the bar, teaching and jour-
nalism were gradually becoming thronged. The land-holders, on the
other hand, who had hitherto been the natural leaders of the people,
were slow to grasp new opportunities; the martial classes, who had
always been held in high social estimation, were equally indifferent;
and the masses themselves, in spite of much earnest effort on the part
of educational officers, up to the very end of our period, remained
chiefly and persistently illiterate. Even in 1919, although no longer
hostile to primary education, they were “lukewarm in its support and
seldom pressed for its extension". 3 Only 2. 4 per cent. were enrolled
in primary schools, and only 2. 8 were undergoing elementary educa-
tion of any kind. Even when allowance is made for the great increase
of population between 1860 and 1918 these figures are impressive.
Mass education was and is mainly a rural problem. - À villager
who sought the law courts hired a petition-writer and a pleader; if he
visited a shop he ascertained prices by enquiry. On the very rare
occasions on which he wished to send or decipher a letter, he obtained
the assistance of his village accountant or a professional scribe. “The
uselessness of education to such people”, wrote a school inspector
from the province of Oudh in 1883,
is proved by the fact, of which there is overwhelming evidence in every town or
village where a school has been established, that the great majority of o'ır ex-
students, in less than 10 years after leaving school, can neither read, nor write, nor
cipher, and that the sharpest among them are not able to do more than compose
a very simple letter, or decipher some 50 words out of 100 in a few lines of print.
From having nothing to read, having no occasion to write, and no accounts to
keep, they gradually forget whatever they learn, and are as ignorant as if they had
never been at school. There is no hope that knowledge will grow from more to more
so long as the daily life of the masses remains destitute of everything which can
afford scope to the utilisation of knowledge or engage the attention of an educated
man. 5
T'he writer based these observations on the assumption that the
agriculturist ex-student remained in his village and followed the
calling of his fathers.
If he goes elsewhere and enters into service or obtains clerical employment he
will find a use for his education. But government primary schools were not started
with the idea of seducing boys from their hereditary callings.
i Calcutta Review, XLII, 49. Cf. Strachey, India, pp. 10–11.
2 Cf. Forbes, Oriental Memoirs, 1, 341.
• Statement of Moral and Material Progress, 1917-18, p. 110.
• See Burn, Census Report on N. W. P. and Oudh, 1901, p. 160.
6 Nesfield, Calcutta Review, LXXVI, 356. Cf. Statement of Moral and Material Progress,
1925-6, p. 166.
## p. 343 (#381) ############################################
PRIMARY EDUCATION
343
It is certain that, while the cultivators often required cow and goat
herds in their open unfenced fields, they had solid reason for sup-
posing that, unless some particular opening presented itself, schooling
would prove an infructuous investment. If a parent embarked on it,
he did so in the hope that the boy would make education a stepping-
stone to service of some kind. To this expectation the new village
schools owed such vitality as they possessed. The old indigenous
elementary schools had been established by particular classes for
particular purposes in response to religious or business needs. Their
studies were of the humblest and most conservative character. They
were not looked on as paths to any particularly desirable employment.
The new schools offered fresh possibilities but. frequently led to dis-
appointment. A report by J. C. Nesfield, inspector of schools in the
North-Western Provinces, quoted in Croft's Review for the year 1886,2
illustrates this aspect of affairs.
"In one school", he writes, “there was a boy of the Kurmi caste, which is one of
the most industrious agricultural castes in Upper India. He had passed a very good
examination in the highest standard of village schools; after telling him that he had
now completed all that a village school could give him, I enquired what occupation
he intended to follow. His answer at once was—'Service; what else? ' I advised
him to revert to agriculture, as there was scarcely any chance of his getting literary
employment; but at this piece of advice he seemed to be surprised and even angry.
At another school I met a Pasi, a semi-hunting caste, much lower in every respect
than that of the Kurmi. He was a boy of quick understanding and had completed
the village school course in Nagari as well as Urdu, and could read and write both
characters with equal facility. He asked me what he was to do next. I could hardly
tell him to go back to pig-rearing, trapping birds, and digging vermin out of the
earth ! or food; and yet I scarcely saw what other opening was in store for him.
At another school there was the son of a chuhar, or village sweeper, a caste the
lowest of all the castes properly so called. He was asked with others to write an
original composition on the comparative advantages of trade and service as a
career. He expressed a decided preference for trade. Yet who would enter into
mercantile transactions with a sweeper even if a man of that caste could be started
in such a calling? Everything that he touches would be considered as polluted;
and no one would buy grain or cloth from his shop, if he could buy them from any
other. There seems to be no opening in store for this very intelligent youth but that
of scavengering, mat-making, trapping, etc. , all of which are far below the more
cultivated tastes he has acquired by attending school. And in such pursuits he is
not likely to evince the same degree of skill or enjoy the same contentment as one
who has grown up wholly illiterate. In these and such like ways the attempts made
by the government to raise the condition of the masses and place new facilities of
self-advancement within their reach, are thwarted by the absence of opportunities
and by the caste prejudices of the country. ”
In all provinces too the admission of low-caste boys into schools
attended by the sons of higher-caste Hindus was strongly resented.
So powerful was the feeling aroused that the commission of 1882,
whose labours will be noticed further on, holding that “no principle,
however sound, could be forced on an unwilling society in defiance
of their social and religious sentiments", recommended that separate
Chailley, Administrative Problems of British India, p. 491; Interim Report of the Indian
Statutory Commission, p. 37.
* Croft, op. cit. p. 231.
>
## p. 344 (#382) ############################################
344
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
schools should be opened for low-caste boys wherever they could be
induced to attend in sufficient number. The education of the children,
of the six millions of aborigines who were to be found in Bengal,
Bombay and the Central Provinces was left to the missionaries. No
one else was inclined to prepare grammars or dictionaries of the
non-Aryan languages.
The workers in the great field of public instruction might well ask
for time, might well beg that their efforts should not be hag-ridden
by impetuosity and constant demands for numerical results. In fact,
too, despite all obstacles, education in its broadest sense did progress
among the masses as English influences rolled on over the surface of
India. The most powerful teacher was the railway which, despite
some gloomy prophecies, had attained immediate popularity and
necessarily tended to break down the barriers of ages, to stimulate
movement, and exchange of thought. In railway carriages Brahmans
and Sudras, Muslims and Sikhs, peasants and townsmen sat side by
side. As early even as 1867–8 the total number of railway passengers
was 13,746,000, of whom 95 per cent. travelled third class. Reflection,
observation, interest in the outside world were stimulated; journeys
from villages to towns, emigration from India itself became more
common; life and property grew more secure; new impulses were
given to commerce, to industry and to agriculture. It should not be
forgotten that to English capital India owes the sinews of her railway
development.
English education advanced rapidly among the literary and pro-
fessional castes of Hindus. Voyages to England were cheaper and
easier, and venturesome youths began to finish their studies in that
country. The pioneers of this remarkable movement which has ex-
tended rapidly in our own time were four Hindu students of the
Calcutta Medical College who, braving social obstacles, embarked
for England in March, 1845, under the charge of one of their pro-
fessors, Dr H. H. Goodeve, were entered as pupils at University
College, London, and achieved distinguished success. Thirty years
later, recognising the trend of events, a few prominent Muhammadans
in the North-Western Provinces under the leadership of Maulvi
Sayyid Ahmad Khan, afterwards Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, banded
themselves together for the purpose of breaking down Muhammadan
aversion to Western learning. In 1871 the government of Lord Mayo
had initiated measures for this purpose; 4 and now the cause was taken
up in earnest by Muslims themselves under the inspiring influence of
a vigorous and outstanding personality. In 1871 they began to collect
funds; and in 1875 Sayyid Ahmad opened a high school for Muham-
1 Cf. Hansard, 8 July, 1927, pp. 1638-9.
2 Marshman, "Indian Railways" (Quarterly Review, cxxv, 60).
• Calcutta Review, XLII, 120; also Banerjee, A Nation in the Making, p. 10.
• Mahmud, English Education in India, chaps. xxiv, xxvii.
## p. 345 (#383) ############################################
ALIGARH
345
madans at Aligarh. In 1878 the school was raised to a second-grade
college and affiliated to the Calcutta University. At first Sayyid
Ahmad was fiercely opposed by conservative Muhammadans. But,
strongly encouraged by the government, he triumphed over all
obstacles. Princes and nobles, Muslim and Hindu, offered munificent
endowments. Viceroys and lieutenant-governors came forward as
benefactors.
While primarily intended for Muhammadans, and insisting on
religious instruction for its Muslim students, the Muhammadan
Anglo-Oriental College admitted pupils of all faiths, and after ten
years of struggle became a highly esteemed seat of education. It
started with an English and an Oriental department. In the former
all subjects were taught in English, and Arabic, Persian or Sanskrit
was taken up as a second language; in the latter either Arabic or
Persian literature was studied; history, geography, mathematics, etc.
were taught in Urdu, while English was a second language. The
commission of 1882 reported that the Oriental department attracted
hardly any students. The principal of the college and the headmaster
of the school were both Europeans. "
The obstacles to the spread of female education have been described
in a previous chapter. These had hardly lessened with time and are
strong even now. In 1882 it was ascertained that the percentage of
girls at school to girls of a school-going age was •85 for all India,
1. 59 for Bombay, 1•50 for Madras, •80 for Bengal, . 72 for the Panjab
and •28 for the North-Western Provinces. From 1823 to 1851 female
education in Bombay had engaged the attention of the missionaries.
Then the Parsi and the Hindu merchants of Gujarat had taken the
matter up, and their example had been followed by certain Maratha
chiefs. Since 1871 the Bombay Government had been endeavouring
to collect an efficient staff of female teachers. In Madras, too,
missionaries had led the way. Indian societies had followed. In
Northern as well as in Southern India, missionary societies were the
pioneers and in 1882 were still foremost. But progress was very slow.
There was a great dearth of female teachers due to an impression that
such a calling could not be pursued by a modest woman. *
As the aristocracy and titled classes were disinclined to allow their
sons to associate with the scholars and students of government schools,
regarding them as their social inferiors, Lord Mayo initiated the
establishment of chiefs' colleges, making known to the Rajput nobles
in durbar at Ajmer his strong desire to establish in that city a college
“for the sons and relatives of the chiefs, nobles, and principal thakurs
of Rajputana”,5 A liberal endowment fund was subscribed; the
1 Mahmud, op. cit. pp. 163-4 n.
: Cf. The Statutory Commission's Interim Report, pp. 150-83.
• Report of 1882 Commission, PP. 525, 5357 Report of 1882 Commission, p. 487.
• Burn, op. cil. p. 160.
## p. 346 (#384) ############################################
346
THE GROWTH OF EDUCATIONAL POLICY
1
government gave an equivalent sum, and the Mayo College at Ajmer
under carefully selected British principals proved a remarkable
success. Similar in character though smaller in scale was the Rajaram
College at Kathiawar. Other colleges started special classes for the
sons of native chiefs and large landed proprietors. All these innova-
tions were designed to encourage good education, “a healthy tone
and manly habits” among the sons of chiefs and nobles. But even so
the cadets of aristocratic or opulent families were frequently brought
up to lead idle lives.
In struggling to carry out the policy laid down in 1854, the govern-
ment found it necessary more than once to pause and take stock of
conditions and tendencies. This was done by means of commissions
appointed with the concurrence of the secretary of state. The first
education commission was charged by Lord Ripon's government in
1882 with the duty of enquiring into “the manner in which effect had
been given to the principles of the dispatch of 1854, and of suggesting
such measures as might seem desirable. in order to further carrying
out of the policy laid down therein”. The principal object of enquiry
was to be the present state of elementary education and the means
by which this can everywhere be extended and improved". 1 The
general operation of the universities was withdrawn from the field of
investigation, but the work carried on in the colleges was to be
reviewed. The commission, which was highly officialised, consisted of
twenty-two members (British and Indian) under the late Sir William
Hunter as president. Nearly 200 witnesses were examined: over 300
memorials were presented: 222 resolutions were passed, 180 unani-
mously. The main conclusions of the commission were that while
higher and secondary education was popular and successful among
the middle classes, particularly in Bengal, primary education needed
the strongest encouragement and should be declared "that part of the
system of public instruction which possesses an almost exclusive claim
on provincial revenues”. It might well be provided, irrespective of
private co-operation, by the state or by the local self-government
boards, district and municipal, which were then taking more definite
shape and assuming new responsibilities. The means of secondary
education, on the other hand, should ordinarily be provided only
where local or private co-operation was forthcoming.
The commission was favourably impressed by the results of grants-
in-aid in Bengal where for one high school maintained by government
there were three, two aided and one unaided, established by private
effort, and only a few English middle schools supported wholly by
the state. In the hope that, as had happened in England, Western
education in India would lead to increased industrialism and there-
fore to fresh opportunities of employment, it recommended the in-
1 Resolution of the Government of India, Home Dept. (Education), Nos. 1-60,
3 February, 1882, para. 8.
.
$
## p. 347 (#385) ############################################
THE HUNTER COMMISSION
347
stitution of school-courses alternative to the established “entrance"
course, and including subjects chosen with a view to the requirements
of commercial and industrial pursuits. Anxious to de-officialise higher
education as far as possible and to render it self-dependent, it advised
that all secondary schools should be made over to private manage-
ment whenever this could be done without lowering the standard or
diminishing the supply of instruction, and that the managers of aided
schools and colleges should be allowed to charge fees lower than those
payable at state schools of the same class. At the same time it urged
that, whatever withdrawal there might be from direct supervision of
education, there should be none from indirect but efficient control.
But “only in cases of extreme necessity" should private schools be
interfered with. In effect it recommended that system of cheap, un-
controlled venture schools, which has done so much to lower the
standard of education in Bengal.
The commission proposed special measures for encouraging educa-
tion among Muhammadans. It considered that all elementary schools
should be subject to the inspection and supervision of the govern-
ment's educational officers, but should be made over to the care of
district and municipal boards, whose educational responsibilities
should be defined by legislation. It pointed out the importance of
physical education as well as mental, and considered that although
religious teaching must be excluded from the government schools,
something should be done, in response to a widespread feeling, to
develop the sense of right and wrong in the minds of scholars of all
grades. After long debate, it resolved by a narrow majority, (a) that
an attempt should be made to prepare a moral textbook based upon
“the fundamental principles of natural religion” and suitable for use
by teachers in all government and other colleges; (b) that the principal
or one of the professors in each government or aided college should
deliver to each college class in every session a series of lectures “on the
duties of a man and a citizen”. But these suggestions were severely
criticised by the various local governments and were rejected by the
Government of India and by Lord Kimberley, secretary of state. The
general trend of criticism is indicated by the words of Sir Alfred Lyall,
lieutenant-governor of the North-Western Provinces. It was, he wrote,
no part of the functions of the Government of India to draw up a code
or morality, and issue it officially for the instruction of students, since
these could hardly be charged with ignorance of the commonly
accepted code of civilised communities, or with an acceptance of
principles contrary to that code. The objcction to instituting courses
of lectures on the duties of a man and citizen was that possibly no two
professors would agree as to what these duties were; and it was clearly
undesirable to introduce into schools and colleges discussions on
subjects that opened qut a very wide field of debate. 2
· Cf. Croft, op. cit. p. 330; Mahmud, op.
