We deprecate the effect of the
doctrines
which must
support and countenance the government over conquered Englishmen.
support and countenance the government over conquered Englishmen.
Edmund Burke
We
trust, therefore, that we shall stand justified in offering to our sovereign and the public our reasons
for persevering inflexibly in our uniform dissent from
every part of those measures. We lament them from
an experience of their mischief, as we originally opposed them from a sure foresight of their unhappy
and inevitable tendency.
We see nothing in the present events in the least
degree sufficient to warrant an alteration in our opinion. We were always steadily averse to this civil
war, --not because we thought it impossible that it
should be attended with victory, but because we were
fully persuaded that in such a contest victory would
only vary the mode of our ruin, and by making it
less immediately sensible would render it the more
lasting and the more irretrievable. Experience had
but too fully instructed us in the possibility of the
reduction of a free people to slavery by foreign mercenary armies. But we had an horror of becoming
the instruments in a design, of which, in our turn,
we might become the victims. Knowing the inestimable value of peace, and the contemptible value
of what was sought by war, we wished to compose
the distractions of our country, not by the use of
foreign arms, but by prudent regulations in our own
domestic policy. We deplored, as your Majesty has
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 163
done in your speech from the throne, the disorders
which prevail in your empire; but we are convinced
that the disorders of the people, in the present time
and in the present place, are owing to the usual and
natural cause of such disorders at all times and in
all places, where such have prevailed, - the misconduct of government;- that they are owing to plans
laid in error, pursued with obstinacy, and conducted
witlhout wisdom.
We cannot attribute so much to the power of faction, at the expense of human nature, as to suppose, that, in any part of the world, a combination of
men, few ill number, not considerable in rank, of
no natural hereditary dependencies, should be able,
by the efforts of their policy alone, or the mere exertion of any talents, to bring the people of your American dominions into the disposition which has
produced the present troubles. We cannot conceive,
that, without some powerful concurring cause, any
management should prevail on some millions of people, dispersed over an whole continent, in thirteen provinces, not only unconnected, but, in many particulars of religion, manners, government, and local interest, totally different and adverse, voluntarily to
submit themselves to a suspension of all the profits
of industry and all the comforts of civil life, added
to all the evils of an unequal war, carried on with
circumstances of the greatest asperity and rigor.
This, Sir, we conceive, could never have happened,
but from a general sense of some grievance so radical in its nature and so spreading in its effects as
to poison all the ordinary satisfactions of life, to discompose the frame of society, and to convert into fear and hatred that habitual reverence ever paid by mankind to an ancient and venerable government.
? ? ? ? 164 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
That grievance is as simple in its nature, and as
level to the most ordinary understanding, as it is
powerful in affecting the most languid passions: it
is" AN ATTEMPT MIADE TO DISPOSE OF THE PROPERTY
OF A WHOLE PEOPLE WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT. "
Your Majesty's English subjects in the colonies, possessing the ordinary faculties of mankind, know that to live under such a plan of government is not to live
in a state of freedom. Your English subjects in the
colonies, still impressed with the ancient feelings of
the people from whom they are derived, cannot live
under a government which does not establish freedom as its basis.
This scheme, being, therefore, set up in direct opposition to the rooted and confirmed sentiments and habits of thinking of an whole people, has produced
the effects which ever must result from such a collision of power and opinion. For we beg leave, with
all duty and humility, to represent to your Majesty,
(what we fear has been industriously concealed from
you,) that it is not merely the opinion of a very great
number, or even of the majority, but the universal
sense of the whole body of the people in those provinces, that the practice of taxing, in the mode and on the principles which have been lately contended for
and enforced, is subversive of all their rights.
This sense has been declared, as we understand on
good information, by the unanimous voice of all their
Assemblies: each Assembly also, on this point, is perfectly unanimous within itself. It has been declared as fully by the actual voice of the people without
these Assemblies as by the constructive voice within
them, as well by those in that country who addressed
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 165
as by those who remonstrated; and it is as much
the avowed opinion of those who have hazarded their
all, rather than take up arms against your Majesty's
forces, as of those who have run the same risk to
oppose them. The difference among them is not on
the grievance, but on the mode of redress; and we
are sorry to say, that they who have conceived hopes
from the placability of the ministers who influence
the public councils of this kingdom disappear in the
multitude of those who conceive that passive compliance only confirms and emboldens oppression.
The sense of a whole people, most gracious sovereign, never ought to be contemned by wise and
beneficent rulers, -- whatever may be the abstract
claims, or even rights, of the supreme power. We
have been too early instructed, and too long habituated to believe, that the only firm seat of all authority is in the minds, affections, and interests of the people, to change our opinions on the theoretic reasonings of speculative men, or for the convenience of
a mere temporary arrangement of state. It is not
consistent with equity or wisdom to set at defiance
the general feelings of great communities, and of all
the orders which compose them. Much power is tolerated, and passes unquestioned, where much is yielded to opinion. All is disputed, where everything is enforced.
Such are our sentiments on the duty and policy of
conforming to the prejudices of a whole people, even
where the foundation of such prejudices may be false
or disputable. But permit us to lay at your Majesty's feet our deliberate judgment on the real merits
of that principle, the violation of which is the known
ground and origin of these troubles. We assure your
? ? ? ? 166 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
Majesty, that, on our parts, we should think ourselves unjustifiable, as good citizens, and not influenced by the true spirit of Englishmen, if, with any effectual means of prevention in our hands, we were
to submit to taxes to which we did not consent, either
directly, or by a representation of the people securing
to us the substantial benefit of all absolutely free disposition of our own property in that important case.
And we add, Sir, that, if fortune, instead of blessing
us with a situation where we may have daily access
to the propitious presence of a gracious prince, had
fixed us in settlements on the remotest part of the
globe, we must carry these sentiments with us, as
part of our being, -- persuaded that the distance of
situation would render this privilege in the disposal
of property but the more necessary. If no provision
had been made for it, such provision ought to be
made or permitted. Abuses of subordinate authority increase, and all means of redress lessen, as the
distance of the subject removes him from the seat of
the supreme power. What, in those circumstances,
can save him from the last extremes of indignity and
oppression, but something left in his own hands which
may enable him to conciliate the favor and control
the excesses of government? When no means of
power to awe or to oblige are possessed, the strongest ties which connect mankind in every relation,
social and civil, and which teach them. mutually to
respect each other, are broken. Independency, from
that moment, virtually exists. Its formal declaration
will quickly follow. Such must be our feelings for
ourselves: we are not in possession of another rule
for our brethren.
When the late attempt practically to annihilate
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 167
that inestimable privilege was made, great disorders
and tumults, very unhappily and very naturally, arose
from it. In this state of things, we were of opinion
that satisfaction ought instantly to be given, or that,
at least, the punishment of the disorder ought to be
attended with the redress of the grievance. We were
of opinion, that, if our dependencies had so outgrown
the positive institutions made for the preservation of
liberty in this kingdom, that the operation of their
powers was become rather a pressure than a relief
to the subjects in the colonies, wisdom dictated that
the spirit of the Constitution should rather be applied
to their circumstances, than its authority enforced
with violence in those very parts where its reason
became wholly inllapplicable.
Other methods were then recommended and followed, as infallible means of restoring peace and order. We looked upon them to be, what they have since proved to be, the cause of inflaming discontent
into disobedience, and resistance into revolt. The
subversion of solemn, fundamental charters, on a suggestion of abuse, without citation, evidence, or hearing, -the total suspension of the commerce of a great maritime city, the capital of a great maritime
province, during the pleasure of the crown, - the establishment of a military force, not accountable to
the ordinary tribunals of the country in which it
was kept up, - these and other proceedings at that
time, if no previous cause of dissension had subsisted,
were sufficient to produce great troubles: unjust at
all times, they were then irrational.
We could not conceive, when disorders had arisen
from the complaint of one violated right, that to violate every other was the proper means of quieting an
? ? ? ? 168 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
exasperated people. It seemed to us absurd and preposterous to hold out, as the means of calming a people in a state of extreme inflammation, and ready to take up arms, the austere law which a rigid conqueror would impose as the sequel of the most decisive
victories.
Recourse, indeed, was at the same time had to
force; and we saw a force sent out, enough to menace liberty, but not to awe opposition, - tending to
bring odium on the civil power, and contempt on the
military, -at once to provoke and encourage resistance. Force was sent out not sufficient to hold one
towni; laws were passed t'o inflame thirteen provinces.
This mode of proceeding, by harsh laws and feeble
armies, could not be defended on the principle of
mercy and forbearance. For mercy, as we conceive,
consists, not in the weakness of the means, but in the
benignity of the ends. We apprehend that mild measures may be powerfully enforced, and that acts of extreme rigor and injustice may be attended with as much feebleness in the execution as severity in the
formation.
In consequence of these terrors, which, falling
upon some, threatened all, the colonies made a common cause with the sufferers, and proceeded, on
their part, to acts of resistance. In that alarming
situation, we besought your Majesty's ministers to
entertain some distrust of the operation of coercive
measures, and to profit of their experience. Experience had no effect. The modes of legislative rigor
were construed, not to have been erroneous in their
policy, but too limited in their extent. New severities were adopted. The fisheries of your people in
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 169
America followed their charters; and their mutual
combination to defend what they thought their commonl rights brought on a total prohibition of their
mutual commercial intercourse. No distinction of
persons or merits was observed: the peaceable and
the mutinous, friends and foes, were alike involved,
as if the rigor of the laws had a certain tendency to
recommend the authority of the legislator.
Whilst the penal laws increased in rigor, and extended in application over all the colonies, the direct
force was applied. but to one part. Had the great
fleet and foreign army since employed been at that
time called for, the greatness of the preparation would
have declared the magnitude of the danger. The nation would have been alarmed, and taught the necessity of some means of reconciliation with our counltrymen in America, who, whenever they are provoked to resistance, demand a force to reduce them to
obedience full as destructive to us as to them. But
Parliament and the people, by a premeditated coincealment of their real situation, were drawn into
perplexities which furnished excuses for further
armaments, and whilst they were taught to believe
themselves called to suppress a riot, they found themselves involved in a mighty war.
At length British blood was spilled by British
hands: a fatal era, which we must ever deplore, because your empire will forever feel it. Your Majesty was touched with a sense of so great a disaster.
Your paternal breast was affected with the sufferings
of your English subjects in America. In your speech
from the throne, in the beginning of the session of
1775, you were graciously pleased to declare yourself inclined to relieve their distresses and to pardon
? ? ? ? 170 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
their errors. You felt their sufferings under the late
penal acts of Parliament. But your ministry felt differently. Not discouraged by the pernicious effects
of all they had hitherto advised, and notwithstanding
the gracious declaration of your Majesty, they obtained another act of Parliament, in which the rigors
of all the former were consolidated, and embittered
by circumstances of additional severity and outrage.
The whole trading property of America (even unoffending shipping in port) was indiscriminately and
irrecoverably given, as the plunder of foreign enemies, to the sailors of your navy. This property was
put out of the reach of your mercy. Your people
were despoiled; and your navy, by a new, dangerous,
and prolific example, corrupted with the plunder of
their countrymen. Your people in that part of your
dominions were put, in their general and political, as
well as their personal capacity, wholly out of the protection of your government.
Though unwilling to dwell on all the improper
modes of carrying on this unnatural and ruinous
war, and which have led directly to the present unhappy separation of Great Britain and its colonies, we
must beg leave to represent two particulars, which we
are sure must have been entirely contrary to your
Majesty's order or approbation. Every course of action in hostility, however that hostility may be just or
merited, is not justifiable or excusable. It is the duty of those who claim to rule over others not to provoke them beyond the necessity of the case, nor to leave stings in their minds which must long rankle
even when the appearance of tranquillity is restored.
We therefore assure your Majesty that it is with
shame and sorrow we have seen several acts of
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO TBE KING. 171
hostility which could have no other tendency than
incurably to alienate the minds of your American
subjects. To excite, by a proclamation issued by
your Majesty's governor, an universal insurrection
of negro slaves in any of the colonies is a measure
full of complicated horrors, absolutely illegal, suitable neither to the practice of war nor to the laws of peace. Of the same quality we look upon all attemptv
to bring down on your subjects an irruption of those
fierce and cruel tribes of savages and cannibals in
whom the vestiges of human nature are nearly effaced by ignorance and barbarity. They are not fit allies for your Majesty in a war with your people.
They are not fit instruments of an English government. These and many other acts we disclaim as having advised, or approved when done; and we
clear ourselves to your Majesty, and to all civilized
nations, from any participation whatever, before or
after the fact, in such unjustifiable and horrid proceedings.
But there is one weighty circumstance which we
lament equally with the causes of the war, and with
the modes of carrying it on, - that no disposition
whatsoever towards peace or reconciliation has ever
been shown by those who have directed the public
councils of this kingdom, either before the breaking
out of these hostilities or during the unhappy continuance of them. Every proposition made in your Pavliament to remove the original cause of these
troubles, by taking off taxes obnoxious for their
principle or their design, has been overruled, --
every bill brought in for quiet rejected, even on
the first proposition. The petitions of the colonies
havc not been admitted even to an hearinlg. The
? ? ? ? 172 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
very possibility of public agency, by which such petitions could authentically arrive at Parliament, has
been evaded and chicaned away. All the public declarations which indicate anything resembling a disposition to reconciliation seem to us loose, general, equivocal, capable of various meanings, or of none;
and they are accordingly construed differently, at different times, by those on whose recommendation they
have been made: being wholly unlike the precision
aild stability of public faith, and bearing no mark
of that ingenuous simplicity and native candor and
integrity which formerly characterized the English
nation.
Instead of any relaxation of the claim of taxing at
the discretion of Parliament, your ministers have devised a new mode of enforcing that claim, much more
effectual for the oppression of the colonies, though
not for your Majesty's service, both as to the quantity and application, than any of the former methods;
and their mode has been expressly held out by ministers as a plan not to be departed from by the House
of Commons, and as the very condition on which the
legislature is to accept the dependence of the colonies.
At length, when, after repeated refusals to hear or
to conciliate, an act dissolving your government, by
putting your people in America out of your protection, was passed, your ministers suffered several
months to elapse without affording to them, or' to
any community or any individual amongst them, the
means of entering into that protection, even on unconditional submission, contrary to your Majesty's
gracious declaration from the throne, and in direct
violation of the public faith.
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 173
We cannot, therefore, agree to unite in new severities against the brethren of our blood for their asserting an independency, to which we know, in our conscience, they have been necessitated by the conduct of those very persons who now make use of that
argument to provoke us to a continuance and repetition of the acts which in a regular series have led to
this great misfortune.
The reasons, dread Sir, which have been used to
justify this perseverance in a refusal to hear or conciliate have been reduced into a sort of Parliamentary
maxims which we do not approve. The first of these
maxims is, " that the two Houses ought not to receive (as they have hitherto refused to receive) petitions containing matter derogatory to any part of the authority they claim. " We conceive this maxim and
the consequent practice to be unjustifiable by reason
or the practice of other sovereign powers, and that it
must be productive, if adhered to, of a total separation between this kingdom and its dependencies.
The supreme power, being in ordinary cases the
ultimate judge, can, as we conceive, suffer nothing
in having any part of his rights excepted to; or even
discussed before himself. We know that sovereigns
in other countries, where the assertion of absolute
regal power is as high as the assertion of absolute
power in any politic body can possibly be here, have
received many petitions in direct opposition to many of their claims of prerogative, - have listened to
them, - condescended to discuss, and to give answers to them. This refusal to admit even the discussion of any part of an undefined prerogative wilf naturally tend to annihilate any privilege that can be
claimed by every inferior dependent community, and
every subordinate order in the state.
? ? ? ? 174 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
The next maxim which has been put as a bar
to any plan of accommodation is, "that no offer of
terms of peace ought to be made, before Parliament
is assured that these terms will be accepted. " On
this we beg leave to represent to your Majesty, that,
if, ill all events, the policy of this kingdom is to govern the people in your colonies as a free people, iio mischief can possibly happen from a declaration to
them, and to tile world, of the manner and form in
which Parliament proposes that they shall enjoy the
fieedom it protects. It is an encouragement to the
innocent and meritorious, that they at least shall enjoy those advantages which they patiently expected rather from the benignity of Parliament than their
own. efforts. Persons more contumacious may also
see that they are resisting terms of perhaps greater
freedom and happiness than they are now in arms
to obtain. The glory and propriety of offered mercy
is neither tarnished nor weakened by the folly of
those who refuse to take advantage of it.
We cannot think that the declaration of independency makes any natural difference in the reason
and policy of the offer. No prince out of the possession of his dominions, and become a sovereign de jure only, ever thought it derogatory to his rights
or his interests to hold out to his former subjects
a distinct prospect of the advantages to be derived
from his readmission, and a security for some of
the most fundamental of those popular privileges in
vindication of which he had been deposed. On the
contrary, such offers have been almost uniformly
made under similar circumstances. Besides, as your
Majesty has been graciously pleased, in your speech
from the throne, to declare your intention of restor
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 175
ing your people in the colonies to a state of law and
liberty, no objection can possibly lie against defining
what that law and liberty are; because those who
offer and those who are to receive terms frequently
differ most widely and most materially in the signification of these words, and in the objects to which
they apply.
To say that we do not know, at this day, what
the grievances of the colonies are (be they real or
pretended) would be unworthy of us. But whilst
we are thus waiting to be informed of what we perfectly know, we weaken tile powers of the commissioners, - we delay, perhaps we lose, the happy hour of peace,- we are wasting the substance of both
countries, --we are continuing the effusion of human, of Christian, of English blood.
We are sure that we must have your Majesty's
heart along with us, when we declare in favor of
mixing something conciliatory with our force. Sir,
we abhor the idea of making a conquest of our countrymen. We wish that they may yield to well-ascertained, well-autlhenticated, and well-secured terms of reconciliation, - not that your Majesty should
owe the recovery of your dominions to their total
waste and destruction. Humanity will not permit
us to entertain such a desire; nor will the reverence
we bear to the civil rights of mankind make us even
wish that questions of great difficulty, of the last importance, and lying deep in the vital principles of
the British Constitution, should be solved by the
arms of foreign mercenary soldiers.
It is not, Sir, from a want of the most inviolable
duty to your Majesty, not from a want of a partial
and passionate regard to that part of your empire
? ? ? ? 176 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
in which we reside, and which we wish to be supreme, that we have hitherto withstood all attempts
to render the supremacy of one part of your dominions inconsistent with the liberty and safety of all
the rest. The motives of our opposition are found
in those very sentiments which we are supposed to
violate. For we are convinced beyond a doubt, that
a system of dependence which leaves no security to
the people for any part of their freedom in their own
hands cannot be established in any inferior member
of the British empire, without consequentially destroying the freedom of that very body in favor of
whose boundless pretensions such a scheme is adopted. We know and feel that arbitrary power over
distant regions is not within the competence, nor to
be exercised agreeably to the forms or consistently
with the spirit, of great popular assemblies. If such
assemblies are called to a nominal share in the exercise of such power, in order to screen, under general participation, the guilt of desperate measures, it tends only the more deeply to corrupt the deliberative character of those assemblies, in training them
to blind obedience, in habituating them to proceed
upon grounds of fact with which they call rarely be
sufficiently acquainted, and in rendering them executive instruments of designs the bottom of which they
cannot possibly fathom.
To leave any real freedom to Parliament, freedom
must be left to the colonies. A military government
is the only substitute for civil liberty. That the establishment of such a power in America will utterly
ruin our finances (though its certain effect) is the
smallest part of our concern. It will become an
apt, powerful, and certain engine for the destruc
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 177
tion of our freedom here. Great bodies of armed
men, trained to a contempt of popular assemblies
representative of an English people,- kept up for
the purpose of exacting impositions without their
consent, and maintained by that exaction, -- instruments in subverting, without any process of law, great
ancient establishments and respected forms of governments,- set free from, and therefore above, the
ordinary English tribunals of the country where they
serve,- these men cannot so transform themselves,
merely by crossing the sea, as to behold with love
and reverence, and submit with profound obedience
to, the very same things in Great Britain which in,
America they had been taught to despise, and llad
been accustomed to awe and humble. All your Majesty's troops, in the rotation of service, will pass
through this discipline and contract these habits. If
we could flatter ourselves that this would not happen, we must be the weakest of mell; we -must be
the worst, if we were indifferent whether it happened
or not. What, gracious sovereign, is the empire of
America to us, or the empire of the world, if we lose
our own liberties? We deprecate this last of evils.
We deprecate the effect of the doctrines which must
support and countenance the government over conquered Englishmen.
As it will be impossible long to resist the powerful
and equitable arguments in favor of the freedom of
these unhappy people that are to be drawn from the
principle of our own liberty, attempts will be made,
attempts have been made, to ridicule and to argue
away this principle, and to inculcate into the minds
of your people other maxims of government and other grounds of obedience than those whiclh have proeVOL. VI. 12
? ? ? ? 178 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
vailed at and since the glorious Revolution. By
degrees, these doctrines, by being convenient, may
grow prevalent. The consequence is not certain;
but a general change of principles rarely happens
among a people without leading to a change of government.
Sir, your throne cannot stand secure upon the principles of unconditional submission and passive obedience, -on powers exercised without the concurrence of the people to be governed, - on acts made in defiance of their prejudices and habits, -- on acquiescence procured by foreign mercenary troops,
and secured by standing armies. These may possibly be the foundation of other thrones: they must be
the subversion of yours. It was not to passive principles in our ancestors that we owe the honor of appeariag before a sovereign who cainnot feel that he
is a prince without knowing that we ought to be
free. The Revolution is a departure from the ancient course of the descent of this monarchy. The
people at that time reentered into their original
rights; and it was not because a positive law authorized what was then done, but because the freedom and safety of the subject, the origin and cause
of all laws, required a proceeding paramount and
superior to them. At that ever memorable and instructive period, the letter of the law was superseded
in favor of the substance of liberty. To the free
choice, therefore, of the people, without either King
or Parliament, we owe that happy establishment out
of which both King and Parliament were regenerated. From that great principle of liberty have
originated the statutes confirming and ratifying the
establishment fiom which your Majesty derives your
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 179
right to rule over us. Those statutes have not given
us our liberties: our liberties have produced them.
Every hour of your Majesty's reign, your title stands
upon the very same foundation on which it was at
first laid; and we do not know a better on which
it can possibly be placed.
Convinced, Sir, that you cannot have different
rights and a different security in different parts of
your dominions, we wish to lay an even platform
for your throne, and to give it an unmovable stability, by laying it on the general freedom of your
people, and by securing to your Majesty that confidence and affection in all parts of your dominions
which makes your best security and dearest title in
this the chief seat of your empire.
Such, Sir, being, amongst us, the foundation of
monarchy itself, much more clearly and much more
peculiarly is it the ground of all Parliamentary power. Parliament is a security provided for the protection of freedom, and not a subtile fiction, contrived to amuse the people in its place. The authority of
both HIouses can still less than that of the crown
be supported upon different principles in different
places, so as to be for one part of your subjects a
protector of liberty, and for another a fund. of despotisin, through which prerogative is extended by
occasional powers, whenever an arbitrary will finds
itself straitened by the restrictions of law. tHad it
seemed good to Parliament to consider itself as the
indulge:nt guardian and strong protector of the freedom of the subordinate popular assemblies, instead of
exercising its powers to their annihilation, there is no
doubt that it never could have been their inclination,
because not their interest, to raise questions on the
? ? ? ? 180 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
extent of Parliamentary rights, or to enfeeble privileges which were the security of theirs own. Powers evident from necessity, and not suspicious from an
alarming mode or purpose in the exertion, would,
as formerly they were, be cheerfully submitted to;
and these would have been fully sufficient for conservation of unity in the empire, and for directing
its wealth to one common centre. Another use has
produced other consequences; and a power which
refuses to be limited by moderation must either be
lost, or find other more distinct and satisfactory
limitations.
As for us, a supposed, or, if it could be, a real,
participation in arbitrary power would never reconcile our minds to its establishment. We should be ashamed to stand before your Majesty, boldly asserting in our own favor inherent rights which bind and regulate the crown itself, and yet insisting on the
exercise, in our own persons, of a more arbitrary
sway over our fellow-citizens and fellow-freemen.
These, gracious sovereign, are the sentiments which
we consider ourselves as bound, in justification df our
present conduct, in the most serious and solemn manner to lay at your Majesty's feet. We have been called by your Majesty's writs and proclamations,
and we have been authorized, either by hereditary
privilege or the choice of your people, to confer and
treat with your Majesty, in your highest councils,
upon the arduous affairs of your kingdom. We are
sensible of the whole importance of the duty which
this constitutional summons implies. We know the
religious punctuality of attendance which, in the ordinary course, it demands. It is no light cause which, even for a time, could persuade us to relax in any
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 181
part of that attendance. The British empire is ill
convulsions which threaten its dissolution. Those
particular proceedings which cause and inflame this
disorder, after many years' incessant struggle, we
find ourselves wholly unable to oppose and unwilling to behold. All our endeavors having proved fruitless, we are fearful at this time of irritating by
contention those passions which we have found it
impracticable to compose by reason. We cannot
permit ourselves to countenance, by the appearance
of a silent assent, proceedings fatal to the liberty and
unity of the empire, -- proceedings which exhaust
the strength of all your Majesty's dominions, destroy
all trust and dependence of our allies, and leave us,
both at home and abroad, exposed to the suspicious
mercy and uncertain inclinations of our neighbor and
rival powers, to whom, by this desperate course, we
are driving our countrymen for protection, and with
whom we have forced them into connections, and may
bind them by habits and by interests, - an evil which
no victories that may be obtainied, no severities which
may. be exercised, ever will or canll remove.
If but the smallest hope should from any circumstances appear of a return to the ancient maxims and true policy of this kingdom, we shall with joy and
readiness return to our attendance, in order to give
our hearty support to whatever means may be left
for alleviating the complicated evils which oppress
this nation.
If this should not happen, we have discharged our
consciences by this faithful representation to your
Majesty and our country; and however few in number, or however we may be overborne by practices whose operation is but too powerful, by the reviv'al
? ? ? ? 182 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
of dangerous exploded principles, or by the misguided zeal of such arbitrary factions as formerly prevailed in this kingdom, and always to its detriment and disgrace, we have the satisfaction of standing
forth and recording our names in assertion of those
principles whose operation hath, in better times, made
your Majesty a great prince, and the British dominions a mighty empire.
? ? ? ? A D D R E SS
TO THE
BRITISH COLONISTS IN NORTH AMERICA.
IHE very dangerous crisis into which the British
empire is brought, as it accounts for, so it justifils, the unusual step we take in addressing ourselves to you. The distempers of the state are grown to such a
degree of violence and malignity as to render all
ordinary remedies vain and frivolous. In such a
deplorable situation, an adherence to the common
forms of business appears to us rather as an apology
to cover a supine neglect of duty than the means of
performing it in a manner adequate to the exigency
that presses upon us. The common means we have
already tried, and tried to no purpose. As our last
resource, we turn ourselves to you. We address you
merely in our private capacity, vested with no other
authority than what will naturally attend those in
whose declarations of benevolence you have no reason to apprehend any mixture of dissimulation or design.
We have this title to your attention: we call upon
it in a moment of the utmost importance to us all.
We find, with infinite concern, that arguments are
used to persuade you of the necessity of separating
yourselves from your ancient connection with your
? ? ? ? 184 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
parent country, grounded on a supposition that a
general principle of alienation and enmity to you
had pervaded the whole of this kingdom, and that
there does no longer subsist between you and us any
common and kindred principles upon which we can
possibly unite, consistently with those ideas of liberty
in which you have justly placed your whole happitless.
If this fact were true, the. inference drawn from it
woulld be irriesistible. But nothing is less founded.
We admit, indeed, that violent addresses have been
procured with uncommon pains by wicked and designing men, purporting to be the genuine voice of the whole people of England, -that they have been
published by authority here, and made known to you
by proclamations, in order, by despair and resentment,
incurably to poison your minds against the origin of
your race, and to render all cordial reconciliation between us utterly impracticable. The same wicked men, for the same bad purposes, have so far surprised
the justice of Parliament as to cut off all communication betwixt us, except what is to go in their own fallacious and hostile channel.
But we conjure you by the invaluable pledges
which have hitherto united, and which we trust will
hereafter lastingly unite us, that you do not suffer
yourselves to be persuaded or provoked into an opinion that you are at war with this nation. Do not think that the whole, or even the uninfluenced majority, of Englishmen in this island are enemies to their own blood on the American continent. Much
delusion has been practised, much corrupt influence
treacherously employed. But still a large, and we
trust the largest and soundest, part of this kingdom
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 185
perseveres in the most perfect unity of sentiments,
principles, and affections with you. It spreads out
a large and liberal platform of common liberty, upon
which we may all unite forever. It abhors the hostilities which have been carried on against you, as
much as you who feel the cruel effect of them. It has
disclaimed in the most solemn manner, at the foot of
the throne itself, the addresses which tended to irritate your sovereign against his colonies. We are persuaded that even many of those who unadvisedly
have put their hands to such intemperate and inflammatory addresses have not at all apprehended to what such proceedings naturally lead, and would sooner
die than afford them the least countenance, if they
were sensible of their fatal effects on the union and
liberty of the empire.
For ourselves, we faithfully assure you, that *ve
have ever considered you as rational creatures, as
free agents, as men willing to pursue and able to
discern your own true interest. We have wished to
continue united with you, in order that a people of
one origin and one character should be directed to
the rational objects of government by joint counsels,
and protected in them by a common force. Other
subordination in you we require none. We have
never pressed that argument of general union to the
extinction of your local, natural, and just privileges.
Sensible of what is due both to the dignity and weakness of man, we have never wished to place over you any government, over which, in great, fundamental
points, you should have no sort of check or control
in your own hands, or which should be repugnant
to your situation, principles, and character.
No circumstances of fortune, you may be assured,
? ? ? ? 186 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
will ever induce us to form or tolerate any such design. If the disposition of Providence (which we deprecate) should even prostrate you at our feet,
broken in power and in spirit, it would be our duty
and inclination to revive, by every practicable means,
that free energy of mind which a fortune unsuitable
to your virtue had damped and dejected, and to put
you voluntarily in possession of those very privileges
which you had in vain attempted to assert by arms.
For we solemnly declare, that, although we should
look upon a separation from you as an heavy calamity, (and the heavier, because we know you must have your fall share in it,) yet we had much rather
see you totally independent of this crown and kingdom than joined to it by so unnatural a conjunction as that of freedom with servitude,sa conjunction
which, if it were at all practicable, could not fail,
in the end, of being more mischievous to the peace,
prosperity, greatness, and power of this nation than
beneficial by any enlargement of the bounds of nominal empire.
But because, brethren, these professions are general, and such as even enemies may make, when they reserve to themselves the construction of what servitude and what liberty are, we inform you that we adopt your own standard of the blessing of free government. We are of opinion that you ought to enjoy ~he sole and exclusive right of freely granting, and
applying to the support of your administration, what
God has freely granted as a reward to your industry.
And we do not confine this immunity from exterior
coercion, in this great point, solely to what regards
your local establishment, but also to what may be
thought proper for the maintenance of the whole
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 187
empire. In this resource we cheerfully trust and
acquiesce, satisfied by evident reason that no other
expectation of revenue can possibly be given by freemen, and knowing from an experience uniform both on yours and on our side of the ocean that such an
expectation has never yet beeni disappointed. We
know of no road to your coffers but through your
affections.
To manifest our, sentiments the more clearly to
you and to the world on this subject, we declare
our opinion, that, if no revenue at all (which, however, we are far from supposing) were to be obtained from you to this kingdom, yet, as long as it is our
happiness to be joined with you in the bonds of fraternal charity and freedom, with an open and flowing commerce between us, one principle of enmity and
friendship pervading, and one right of war and peace
directing the strength of the whole empire, we are
likely to be at least as powerful as any nation, or as
any combination of nations, which in the course of
human events may be formed against us. We are
sensible that a very large proportion of the wealth
and power of every empire must necessarily be
thrown upon the presiding state. We are sensible
that such a state ever has borne and ever must bear
the greatest part, and sometimes the whole, of the
public expenses: and we think her well indemnified
for that (rather apparent than real) inequality of
charge, in the dignity and preeminence she enjoys,
and in the superior opulence which, after all charges defrayed, must necessarily remain at the centre
of affairs. Of this principle we are not without
evidence in our remembrance (not yet effaced) of
the glorious and happy days of this empire. We
? ? ? ? 188 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
are therefore incapable of that prevaricating style,
by which, when taxes without your consent are to
be extorted from you, this nation is represented-as
in the lowest state of impoverishment and public distress, but when we are called upon to oppress you by
force of arms, it is painted as scarcely feeling its impositions, abounding with wealth, and inexhaustible
in its resources.
We also reason and feel as you do on the invasion
of your charters. Because the charters comprehend
the essential forms by which you enjoy your liberties,'we regard them as most sacred, and by no means to
be taken away or altered without process, without
examination, and without hearing, as they have lately been. We even think that they ought by no means
to be altered at all, but at the desire of the greater
part of the people who live under them. We cannot
look upon men as delinquents in the mass; much less
are we desirous of lording over our brethren, insulting their honest pride, and wantonly overturning establishments judged to be just and convenient by the public wisdom of this nation at their institution, and
which long and inveterate use has taught you to look
up to with affection and reverence. As we disapproved of the proceedings with regard to the forms
of your constitution, so we are equally tender of
every leading principle of free government. We
never could think with approbation of putting the
military power out of the coercion of the civil justice
in the country where it acts.
We disclaim also any sort of share in that other
measure which has been used to alienate your affec
tions from this country, - namely, the introduction
of foreign mercenaries. We saw their employment
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 189
with shame and regret, especially in numbers so far
exceeding the English forces as in effect to constitute
vassals, who have no sense of freedom, and strangers,
who have no common interest or feelings, as the arbiters of our unhappy domestic quarrel.
We likewise saw with shame the African slaves,
who had been sold to you on public faith, and under
the sanction of acts of Parliament, to be your servants
and your guards, employed to cut the throats of their
masters.
You will not, we trust, believe, that, born in a
civilized country, formed to gentle manners, trained
in a merciful religion, and living in enlightened and
polished times, where even foreign hostility is softened from its original sternness, we could have
thought of letting loose upon you, our late beloved
brethren, these fierce tribes of savages and caiinibals,
in whom the traces of human nature are effaced by
ignorance and barbarity. We rather wished to have
joined with you in bringing gradually that unhappy
part of mankind into civility, order, piety, and virtuous discipline, than to have confirmed their evil habits and increased their natural ferocity by fleshling them in the slaughter of you, whom our wiser and
better ancestors had sent into the wilderness with
the express view of introducing, along with our holy
religion, its humane and charitable manners. We
do not hold that all things are lawfutl in war. We
should think that every barbarity, in fire, in wasting,
in murders, in tortures, and other cruelties, too horrible and too full of turpitude for Christian mouths
to utter or ears to hear, if done at our instigation,
by those who we know will make war thus, if they
make it at all, to be, to all intents and purposes,
? ? ? ? 190 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
as if done by ourselves. We clear ourselves to you
our brethren, to the present age, and to future generations, to our king and our country, and to Europe, which, as a spectator, beholds this tragic scene, of every part or share in adding this last and worst
of evils to the inevitable mischiefs of a civil war.
We do not call you rebels and traitors. We do
not call for the vengeance of the crown against you.
We do not know how to qualify millions of our
countrymen, contending with one heart for an admission to privileges which we have ever thought
our own happiness and honor, by odious and unworthy names. On the contrary, we highly revere
the principles on which you act, though we lament
some of their effects. Armed as you are, we embrace you as our friends and as our brethren by the
best add dearest ties of relation.
We view the establishment of the English colonies
on principles of liberty as that which is to render
this kingdom venerable to future ages. In comparison of this, we regard all the victories and conquests
of our warlike ancestors, or of our own times, as
barbarous, vulgar distinctions, in which many nations, whom we look upon with little respect or
value, have equalled, if not far exceeded us. This
is the peculiar and appropriated glory of England.
Those who have and who hold to that foundation of
common liberty, whether on this or on your side of
the ocean, we consider as the true, and the only
true, Englishmen. Those who depart from it, wllhetlher there or here, are attainted, corrupted in blood,
and wholly fallen from their original rank and value.
They are the real rebels to the fair constitution and
just supremacy of England.
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 191
We exhort you, therefore, to cleave forever to
those principles, as being the true bond of union
in this empire, - and to show by a manly perseverance that the sentiments of honor and the riglhts of manlkind are not held by the uncertain events of
war, as you have hitherto shown a glorious and affecting example to the world that they are not dependent on the ordinary conveniences and satisfactions of life.
Knoowing no other arguments to be used to men
of liberal linds, it is upon these very principles, and
these alone, we hope and trust that no flattering and
no alarming circumstances shall permit you to listen to the seductions of those who would alienate you from your dependence on the crown and Parliament
of this kinlgdom. That very liberty which you so
justly prize above all things originated here; and it
may be very doubtful, whether, without being constantly fed from the original fountain, it can be at
all perpetuated or preserved in its native purity and
perfection. Untried forms of government may, to
unstable minds, recommend themselves even by their
novelty. But you will do well to remember that
Enogland hlas been great and happy under the present limited monarchy (subsisting in more or less vigor and purity) for several hundred years. None
but England canl communicate to you the benefits
of such a constitution. We apprehend you are not
now, nor for ages are likely to be, capable of tllat
form of constitution in an independent state. Besides, let us suggest to you our apprehensions that your present unllion (in which we rejoice, and which
we wish long to subsist) cannot always subsist without the authority and weight of this great and long
? ? ? ? 192 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS respected body, to equipoise, and to preserve you amongst yourselves in a just and fair equality. It may not even be impossible that a long course of war with the administration of this country may be but a prelude to a series of wars and contentions among yourselves, to end at length (as such scenes have too often ended) in a species of humliliating repose, which nothing but the preceding calamities would reconcile to the dispirited few who survived them. We allow that even this evil is worth the
risk to men of honor, when rational liberty is at
stake, as in the present case we confess and lament
that it is. But if ever a real security by Parliament is given against the terror or the abuse of
unlimited power, and after such security given you
should persevere in resistance, we leave you to consider whether the risk is not incurred without an
object, or incurred for an object infinitely diminished by such concessions in its importance and
value.
As to other points of discussion, when these grand
fundamentals of your grants and charters are once
settled and ratified by clear Parliamentary authority, as the ground for peace and forgiveness on our
side, and for a manly and liberal obedience on yours,
treaty and a spirit of reconciliation will easily and
securely adjust whatever may remain. Of this we
give you our word, that, so far as we are at preseilt concerned, and if by any event we should become more concerned hereafter, you may rest assured, upon the pledges of honor not forfeited, faith not violated, and uniformity of character and profession not yet broken, we at least, on these grounds,
will never fail you.
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 193
Respecting your wisdom, and valuing your safety,
we do not call upon you to trust your existence to
your enemies. We do not advise you to an unconditional submission. With satisfaction we assure you
that almost all ill both Houses (however unhappily
they have been deluded, so as not to give any immediate effect to their opinion) disclaim that idea.
You can have no friends in whom you cannot rationally confide. But Parliament is your friend
from the moment in which, removing its confidence
from those who have constantly deceived its good
intentions, it adopts the sentiments of those who
have made sacrifices, (inferior, indeed, to yours,)
but have, however, sacrificed enough to demonstrate
the sincerity of their regard and value for your liberty and prosperity.
Arguments may be used to weaken your confidence in that public security; because, from some unpleasant appearances, there is a suspicion that Parliament itself is somewhat fallen from its independent spirit. How far this supposition may be founded in fact we are unwilling to determine. But we are well assured from experience, that, even if all
were true that is contended for, and ill the extent,
too, in which it is argued, yet, as long as the solid
and well-disposed forms of this Constitution remain,
there ever is within Parliament itself a power of
renovating its principles, and effecting a self-reformation, which no other plan of government has ever
contained. This Constitution has therefore admitted
innumerable improvements, either for the correction.
of the original scheme, or for removing corruptions,.
or for bringing its principles better to suit those
changes which have successively happened ill the:
VOL.
trust, therefore, that we shall stand justified in offering to our sovereign and the public our reasons
for persevering inflexibly in our uniform dissent from
every part of those measures. We lament them from
an experience of their mischief, as we originally opposed them from a sure foresight of their unhappy
and inevitable tendency.
We see nothing in the present events in the least
degree sufficient to warrant an alteration in our opinion. We were always steadily averse to this civil
war, --not because we thought it impossible that it
should be attended with victory, but because we were
fully persuaded that in such a contest victory would
only vary the mode of our ruin, and by making it
less immediately sensible would render it the more
lasting and the more irretrievable. Experience had
but too fully instructed us in the possibility of the
reduction of a free people to slavery by foreign mercenary armies. But we had an horror of becoming
the instruments in a design, of which, in our turn,
we might become the victims. Knowing the inestimable value of peace, and the contemptible value
of what was sought by war, we wished to compose
the distractions of our country, not by the use of
foreign arms, but by prudent regulations in our own
domestic policy. We deplored, as your Majesty has
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 163
done in your speech from the throne, the disorders
which prevail in your empire; but we are convinced
that the disorders of the people, in the present time
and in the present place, are owing to the usual and
natural cause of such disorders at all times and in
all places, where such have prevailed, - the misconduct of government;- that they are owing to plans
laid in error, pursued with obstinacy, and conducted
witlhout wisdom.
We cannot attribute so much to the power of faction, at the expense of human nature, as to suppose, that, in any part of the world, a combination of
men, few ill number, not considerable in rank, of
no natural hereditary dependencies, should be able,
by the efforts of their policy alone, or the mere exertion of any talents, to bring the people of your American dominions into the disposition which has
produced the present troubles. We cannot conceive,
that, without some powerful concurring cause, any
management should prevail on some millions of people, dispersed over an whole continent, in thirteen provinces, not only unconnected, but, in many particulars of religion, manners, government, and local interest, totally different and adverse, voluntarily to
submit themselves to a suspension of all the profits
of industry and all the comforts of civil life, added
to all the evils of an unequal war, carried on with
circumstances of the greatest asperity and rigor.
This, Sir, we conceive, could never have happened,
but from a general sense of some grievance so radical in its nature and so spreading in its effects as
to poison all the ordinary satisfactions of life, to discompose the frame of society, and to convert into fear and hatred that habitual reverence ever paid by mankind to an ancient and venerable government.
? ? ? ? 164 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
That grievance is as simple in its nature, and as
level to the most ordinary understanding, as it is
powerful in affecting the most languid passions: it
is" AN ATTEMPT MIADE TO DISPOSE OF THE PROPERTY
OF A WHOLE PEOPLE WITHOUT THEIR CONSENT. "
Your Majesty's English subjects in the colonies, possessing the ordinary faculties of mankind, know that to live under such a plan of government is not to live
in a state of freedom. Your English subjects in the
colonies, still impressed with the ancient feelings of
the people from whom they are derived, cannot live
under a government which does not establish freedom as its basis.
This scheme, being, therefore, set up in direct opposition to the rooted and confirmed sentiments and habits of thinking of an whole people, has produced
the effects which ever must result from such a collision of power and opinion. For we beg leave, with
all duty and humility, to represent to your Majesty,
(what we fear has been industriously concealed from
you,) that it is not merely the opinion of a very great
number, or even of the majority, but the universal
sense of the whole body of the people in those provinces, that the practice of taxing, in the mode and on the principles which have been lately contended for
and enforced, is subversive of all their rights.
This sense has been declared, as we understand on
good information, by the unanimous voice of all their
Assemblies: each Assembly also, on this point, is perfectly unanimous within itself. It has been declared as fully by the actual voice of the people without
these Assemblies as by the constructive voice within
them, as well by those in that country who addressed
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 165
as by those who remonstrated; and it is as much
the avowed opinion of those who have hazarded their
all, rather than take up arms against your Majesty's
forces, as of those who have run the same risk to
oppose them. The difference among them is not on
the grievance, but on the mode of redress; and we
are sorry to say, that they who have conceived hopes
from the placability of the ministers who influence
the public councils of this kingdom disappear in the
multitude of those who conceive that passive compliance only confirms and emboldens oppression.
The sense of a whole people, most gracious sovereign, never ought to be contemned by wise and
beneficent rulers, -- whatever may be the abstract
claims, or even rights, of the supreme power. We
have been too early instructed, and too long habituated to believe, that the only firm seat of all authority is in the minds, affections, and interests of the people, to change our opinions on the theoretic reasonings of speculative men, or for the convenience of
a mere temporary arrangement of state. It is not
consistent with equity or wisdom to set at defiance
the general feelings of great communities, and of all
the orders which compose them. Much power is tolerated, and passes unquestioned, where much is yielded to opinion. All is disputed, where everything is enforced.
Such are our sentiments on the duty and policy of
conforming to the prejudices of a whole people, even
where the foundation of such prejudices may be false
or disputable. But permit us to lay at your Majesty's feet our deliberate judgment on the real merits
of that principle, the violation of which is the known
ground and origin of these troubles. We assure your
? ? ? ? 166 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
Majesty, that, on our parts, we should think ourselves unjustifiable, as good citizens, and not influenced by the true spirit of Englishmen, if, with any effectual means of prevention in our hands, we were
to submit to taxes to which we did not consent, either
directly, or by a representation of the people securing
to us the substantial benefit of all absolutely free disposition of our own property in that important case.
And we add, Sir, that, if fortune, instead of blessing
us with a situation where we may have daily access
to the propitious presence of a gracious prince, had
fixed us in settlements on the remotest part of the
globe, we must carry these sentiments with us, as
part of our being, -- persuaded that the distance of
situation would render this privilege in the disposal
of property but the more necessary. If no provision
had been made for it, such provision ought to be
made or permitted. Abuses of subordinate authority increase, and all means of redress lessen, as the
distance of the subject removes him from the seat of
the supreme power. What, in those circumstances,
can save him from the last extremes of indignity and
oppression, but something left in his own hands which
may enable him to conciliate the favor and control
the excesses of government? When no means of
power to awe or to oblige are possessed, the strongest ties which connect mankind in every relation,
social and civil, and which teach them. mutually to
respect each other, are broken. Independency, from
that moment, virtually exists. Its formal declaration
will quickly follow. Such must be our feelings for
ourselves: we are not in possession of another rule
for our brethren.
When the late attempt practically to annihilate
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 167
that inestimable privilege was made, great disorders
and tumults, very unhappily and very naturally, arose
from it. In this state of things, we were of opinion
that satisfaction ought instantly to be given, or that,
at least, the punishment of the disorder ought to be
attended with the redress of the grievance. We were
of opinion, that, if our dependencies had so outgrown
the positive institutions made for the preservation of
liberty in this kingdom, that the operation of their
powers was become rather a pressure than a relief
to the subjects in the colonies, wisdom dictated that
the spirit of the Constitution should rather be applied
to their circumstances, than its authority enforced
with violence in those very parts where its reason
became wholly inllapplicable.
Other methods were then recommended and followed, as infallible means of restoring peace and order. We looked upon them to be, what they have since proved to be, the cause of inflaming discontent
into disobedience, and resistance into revolt. The
subversion of solemn, fundamental charters, on a suggestion of abuse, without citation, evidence, or hearing, -the total suspension of the commerce of a great maritime city, the capital of a great maritime
province, during the pleasure of the crown, - the establishment of a military force, not accountable to
the ordinary tribunals of the country in which it
was kept up, - these and other proceedings at that
time, if no previous cause of dissension had subsisted,
were sufficient to produce great troubles: unjust at
all times, they were then irrational.
We could not conceive, when disorders had arisen
from the complaint of one violated right, that to violate every other was the proper means of quieting an
? ? ? ? 168 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
exasperated people. It seemed to us absurd and preposterous to hold out, as the means of calming a people in a state of extreme inflammation, and ready to take up arms, the austere law which a rigid conqueror would impose as the sequel of the most decisive
victories.
Recourse, indeed, was at the same time had to
force; and we saw a force sent out, enough to menace liberty, but not to awe opposition, - tending to
bring odium on the civil power, and contempt on the
military, -at once to provoke and encourage resistance. Force was sent out not sufficient to hold one
towni; laws were passed t'o inflame thirteen provinces.
This mode of proceeding, by harsh laws and feeble
armies, could not be defended on the principle of
mercy and forbearance. For mercy, as we conceive,
consists, not in the weakness of the means, but in the
benignity of the ends. We apprehend that mild measures may be powerfully enforced, and that acts of extreme rigor and injustice may be attended with as much feebleness in the execution as severity in the
formation.
In consequence of these terrors, which, falling
upon some, threatened all, the colonies made a common cause with the sufferers, and proceeded, on
their part, to acts of resistance. In that alarming
situation, we besought your Majesty's ministers to
entertain some distrust of the operation of coercive
measures, and to profit of their experience. Experience had no effect. The modes of legislative rigor
were construed, not to have been erroneous in their
policy, but too limited in their extent. New severities were adopted. The fisheries of your people in
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 169
America followed their charters; and their mutual
combination to defend what they thought their commonl rights brought on a total prohibition of their
mutual commercial intercourse. No distinction of
persons or merits was observed: the peaceable and
the mutinous, friends and foes, were alike involved,
as if the rigor of the laws had a certain tendency to
recommend the authority of the legislator.
Whilst the penal laws increased in rigor, and extended in application over all the colonies, the direct
force was applied. but to one part. Had the great
fleet and foreign army since employed been at that
time called for, the greatness of the preparation would
have declared the magnitude of the danger. The nation would have been alarmed, and taught the necessity of some means of reconciliation with our counltrymen in America, who, whenever they are provoked to resistance, demand a force to reduce them to
obedience full as destructive to us as to them. But
Parliament and the people, by a premeditated coincealment of their real situation, were drawn into
perplexities which furnished excuses for further
armaments, and whilst they were taught to believe
themselves called to suppress a riot, they found themselves involved in a mighty war.
At length British blood was spilled by British
hands: a fatal era, which we must ever deplore, because your empire will forever feel it. Your Majesty was touched with a sense of so great a disaster.
Your paternal breast was affected with the sufferings
of your English subjects in America. In your speech
from the throne, in the beginning of the session of
1775, you were graciously pleased to declare yourself inclined to relieve their distresses and to pardon
? ? ? ? 170 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
their errors. You felt their sufferings under the late
penal acts of Parliament. But your ministry felt differently. Not discouraged by the pernicious effects
of all they had hitherto advised, and notwithstanding
the gracious declaration of your Majesty, they obtained another act of Parliament, in which the rigors
of all the former were consolidated, and embittered
by circumstances of additional severity and outrage.
The whole trading property of America (even unoffending shipping in port) was indiscriminately and
irrecoverably given, as the plunder of foreign enemies, to the sailors of your navy. This property was
put out of the reach of your mercy. Your people
were despoiled; and your navy, by a new, dangerous,
and prolific example, corrupted with the plunder of
their countrymen. Your people in that part of your
dominions were put, in their general and political, as
well as their personal capacity, wholly out of the protection of your government.
Though unwilling to dwell on all the improper
modes of carrying on this unnatural and ruinous
war, and which have led directly to the present unhappy separation of Great Britain and its colonies, we
must beg leave to represent two particulars, which we
are sure must have been entirely contrary to your
Majesty's order or approbation. Every course of action in hostility, however that hostility may be just or
merited, is not justifiable or excusable. It is the duty of those who claim to rule over others not to provoke them beyond the necessity of the case, nor to leave stings in their minds which must long rankle
even when the appearance of tranquillity is restored.
We therefore assure your Majesty that it is with
shame and sorrow we have seen several acts of
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO TBE KING. 171
hostility which could have no other tendency than
incurably to alienate the minds of your American
subjects. To excite, by a proclamation issued by
your Majesty's governor, an universal insurrection
of negro slaves in any of the colonies is a measure
full of complicated horrors, absolutely illegal, suitable neither to the practice of war nor to the laws of peace. Of the same quality we look upon all attemptv
to bring down on your subjects an irruption of those
fierce and cruel tribes of savages and cannibals in
whom the vestiges of human nature are nearly effaced by ignorance and barbarity. They are not fit allies for your Majesty in a war with your people.
They are not fit instruments of an English government. These and many other acts we disclaim as having advised, or approved when done; and we
clear ourselves to your Majesty, and to all civilized
nations, from any participation whatever, before or
after the fact, in such unjustifiable and horrid proceedings.
But there is one weighty circumstance which we
lament equally with the causes of the war, and with
the modes of carrying it on, - that no disposition
whatsoever towards peace or reconciliation has ever
been shown by those who have directed the public
councils of this kingdom, either before the breaking
out of these hostilities or during the unhappy continuance of them. Every proposition made in your Pavliament to remove the original cause of these
troubles, by taking off taxes obnoxious for their
principle or their design, has been overruled, --
every bill brought in for quiet rejected, even on
the first proposition. The petitions of the colonies
havc not been admitted even to an hearinlg. The
? ? ? ? 172 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
very possibility of public agency, by which such petitions could authentically arrive at Parliament, has
been evaded and chicaned away. All the public declarations which indicate anything resembling a disposition to reconciliation seem to us loose, general, equivocal, capable of various meanings, or of none;
and they are accordingly construed differently, at different times, by those on whose recommendation they
have been made: being wholly unlike the precision
aild stability of public faith, and bearing no mark
of that ingenuous simplicity and native candor and
integrity which formerly characterized the English
nation.
Instead of any relaxation of the claim of taxing at
the discretion of Parliament, your ministers have devised a new mode of enforcing that claim, much more
effectual for the oppression of the colonies, though
not for your Majesty's service, both as to the quantity and application, than any of the former methods;
and their mode has been expressly held out by ministers as a plan not to be departed from by the House
of Commons, and as the very condition on which the
legislature is to accept the dependence of the colonies.
At length, when, after repeated refusals to hear or
to conciliate, an act dissolving your government, by
putting your people in America out of your protection, was passed, your ministers suffered several
months to elapse without affording to them, or' to
any community or any individual amongst them, the
means of entering into that protection, even on unconditional submission, contrary to your Majesty's
gracious declaration from the throne, and in direct
violation of the public faith.
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 173
We cannot, therefore, agree to unite in new severities against the brethren of our blood for their asserting an independency, to which we know, in our conscience, they have been necessitated by the conduct of those very persons who now make use of that
argument to provoke us to a continuance and repetition of the acts which in a regular series have led to
this great misfortune.
The reasons, dread Sir, which have been used to
justify this perseverance in a refusal to hear or conciliate have been reduced into a sort of Parliamentary
maxims which we do not approve. The first of these
maxims is, " that the two Houses ought not to receive (as they have hitherto refused to receive) petitions containing matter derogatory to any part of the authority they claim. " We conceive this maxim and
the consequent practice to be unjustifiable by reason
or the practice of other sovereign powers, and that it
must be productive, if adhered to, of a total separation between this kingdom and its dependencies.
The supreme power, being in ordinary cases the
ultimate judge, can, as we conceive, suffer nothing
in having any part of his rights excepted to; or even
discussed before himself. We know that sovereigns
in other countries, where the assertion of absolute
regal power is as high as the assertion of absolute
power in any politic body can possibly be here, have
received many petitions in direct opposition to many of their claims of prerogative, - have listened to
them, - condescended to discuss, and to give answers to them. This refusal to admit even the discussion of any part of an undefined prerogative wilf naturally tend to annihilate any privilege that can be
claimed by every inferior dependent community, and
every subordinate order in the state.
? ? ? ? 174 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
The next maxim which has been put as a bar
to any plan of accommodation is, "that no offer of
terms of peace ought to be made, before Parliament
is assured that these terms will be accepted. " On
this we beg leave to represent to your Majesty, that,
if, ill all events, the policy of this kingdom is to govern the people in your colonies as a free people, iio mischief can possibly happen from a declaration to
them, and to tile world, of the manner and form in
which Parliament proposes that they shall enjoy the
fieedom it protects. It is an encouragement to the
innocent and meritorious, that they at least shall enjoy those advantages which they patiently expected rather from the benignity of Parliament than their
own. efforts. Persons more contumacious may also
see that they are resisting terms of perhaps greater
freedom and happiness than they are now in arms
to obtain. The glory and propriety of offered mercy
is neither tarnished nor weakened by the folly of
those who refuse to take advantage of it.
We cannot think that the declaration of independency makes any natural difference in the reason
and policy of the offer. No prince out of the possession of his dominions, and become a sovereign de jure only, ever thought it derogatory to his rights
or his interests to hold out to his former subjects
a distinct prospect of the advantages to be derived
from his readmission, and a security for some of
the most fundamental of those popular privileges in
vindication of which he had been deposed. On the
contrary, such offers have been almost uniformly
made under similar circumstances. Besides, as your
Majesty has been graciously pleased, in your speech
from the throne, to declare your intention of restor
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 175
ing your people in the colonies to a state of law and
liberty, no objection can possibly lie against defining
what that law and liberty are; because those who
offer and those who are to receive terms frequently
differ most widely and most materially in the signification of these words, and in the objects to which
they apply.
To say that we do not know, at this day, what
the grievances of the colonies are (be they real or
pretended) would be unworthy of us. But whilst
we are thus waiting to be informed of what we perfectly know, we weaken tile powers of the commissioners, - we delay, perhaps we lose, the happy hour of peace,- we are wasting the substance of both
countries, --we are continuing the effusion of human, of Christian, of English blood.
We are sure that we must have your Majesty's
heart along with us, when we declare in favor of
mixing something conciliatory with our force. Sir,
we abhor the idea of making a conquest of our countrymen. We wish that they may yield to well-ascertained, well-autlhenticated, and well-secured terms of reconciliation, - not that your Majesty should
owe the recovery of your dominions to their total
waste and destruction. Humanity will not permit
us to entertain such a desire; nor will the reverence
we bear to the civil rights of mankind make us even
wish that questions of great difficulty, of the last importance, and lying deep in the vital principles of
the British Constitution, should be solved by the
arms of foreign mercenary soldiers.
It is not, Sir, from a want of the most inviolable
duty to your Majesty, not from a want of a partial
and passionate regard to that part of your empire
? ? ? ? 176 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
in which we reside, and which we wish to be supreme, that we have hitherto withstood all attempts
to render the supremacy of one part of your dominions inconsistent with the liberty and safety of all
the rest. The motives of our opposition are found
in those very sentiments which we are supposed to
violate. For we are convinced beyond a doubt, that
a system of dependence which leaves no security to
the people for any part of their freedom in their own
hands cannot be established in any inferior member
of the British empire, without consequentially destroying the freedom of that very body in favor of
whose boundless pretensions such a scheme is adopted. We know and feel that arbitrary power over
distant regions is not within the competence, nor to
be exercised agreeably to the forms or consistently
with the spirit, of great popular assemblies. If such
assemblies are called to a nominal share in the exercise of such power, in order to screen, under general participation, the guilt of desperate measures, it tends only the more deeply to corrupt the deliberative character of those assemblies, in training them
to blind obedience, in habituating them to proceed
upon grounds of fact with which they call rarely be
sufficiently acquainted, and in rendering them executive instruments of designs the bottom of which they
cannot possibly fathom.
To leave any real freedom to Parliament, freedom
must be left to the colonies. A military government
is the only substitute for civil liberty. That the establishment of such a power in America will utterly
ruin our finances (though its certain effect) is the
smallest part of our concern. It will become an
apt, powerful, and certain engine for the destruc
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 177
tion of our freedom here. Great bodies of armed
men, trained to a contempt of popular assemblies
representative of an English people,- kept up for
the purpose of exacting impositions without their
consent, and maintained by that exaction, -- instruments in subverting, without any process of law, great
ancient establishments and respected forms of governments,- set free from, and therefore above, the
ordinary English tribunals of the country where they
serve,- these men cannot so transform themselves,
merely by crossing the sea, as to behold with love
and reverence, and submit with profound obedience
to, the very same things in Great Britain which in,
America they had been taught to despise, and llad
been accustomed to awe and humble. All your Majesty's troops, in the rotation of service, will pass
through this discipline and contract these habits. If
we could flatter ourselves that this would not happen, we must be the weakest of mell; we -must be
the worst, if we were indifferent whether it happened
or not. What, gracious sovereign, is the empire of
America to us, or the empire of the world, if we lose
our own liberties? We deprecate this last of evils.
We deprecate the effect of the doctrines which must
support and countenance the government over conquered Englishmen.
As it will be impossible long to resist the powerful
and equitable arguments in favor of the freedom of
these unhappy people that are to be drawn from the
principle of our own liberty, attempts will be made,
attempts have been made, to ridicule and to argue
away this principle, and to inculcate into the minds
of your people other maxims of government and other grounds of obedience than those whiclh have proeVOL. VI. 12
? ? ? ? 178 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
vailed at and since the glorious Revolution. By
degrees, these doctrines, by being convenient, may
grow prevalent. The consequence is not certain;
but a general change of principles rarely happens
among a people without leading to a change of government.
Sir, your throne cannot stand secure upon the principles of unconditional submission and passive obedience, -on powers exercised without the concurrence of the people to be governed, - on acts made in defiance of their prejudices and habits, -- on acquiescence procured by foreign mercenary troops,
and secured by standing armies. These may possibly be the foundation of other thrones: they must be
the subversion of yours. It was not to passive principles in our ancestors that we owe the honor of appeariag before a sovereign who cainnot feel that he
is a prince without knowing that we ought to be
free. The Revolution is a departure from the ancient course of the descent of this monarchy. The
people at that time reentered into their original
rights; and it was not because a positive law authorized what was then done, but because the freedom and safety of the subject, the origin and cause
of all laws, required a proceeding paramount and
superior to them. At that ever memorable and instructive period, the letter of the law was superseded
in favor of the substance of liberty. To the free
choice, therefore, of the people, without either King
or Parliament, we owe that happy establishment out
of which both King and Parliament were regenerated. From that great principle of liberty have
originated the statutes confirming and ratifying the
establishment fiom which your Majesty derives your
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 179
right to rule over us. Those statutes have not given
us our liberties: our liberties have produced them.
Every hour of your Majesty's reign, your title stands
upon the very same foundation on which it was at
first laid; and we do not know a better on which
it can possibly be placed.
Convinced, Sir, that you cannot have different
rights and a different security in different parts of
your dominions, we wish to lay an even platform
for your throne, and to give it an unmovable stability, by laying it on the general freedom of your
people, and by securing to your Majesty that confidence and affection in all parts of your dominions
which makes your best security and dearest title in
this the chief seat of your empire.
Such, Sir, being, amongst us, the foundation of
monarchy itself, much more clearly and much more
peculiarly is it the ground of all Parliamentary power. Parliament is a security provided for the protection of freedom, and not a subtile fiction, contrived to amuse the people in its place. The authority of
both HIouses can still less than that of the crown
be supported upon different principles in different
places, so as to be for one part of your subjects a
protector of liberty, and for another a fund. of despotisin, through which prerogative is extended by
occasional powers, whenever an arbitrary will finds
itself straitened by the restrictions of law. tHad it
seemed good to Parliament to consider itself as the
indulge:nt guardian and strong protector of the freedom of the subordinate popular assemblies, instead of
exercising its powers to their annihilation, there is no
doubt that it never could have been their inclination,
because not their interest, to raise questions on the
? ? ? ? 180 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
extent of Parliamentary rights, or to enfeeble privileges which were the security of theirs own. Powers evident from necessity, and not suspicious from an
alarming mode or purpose in the exertion, would,
as formerly they were, be cheerfully submitted to;
and these would have been fully sufficient for conservation of unity in the empire, and for directing
its wealth to one common centre. Another use has
produced other consequences; and a power which
refuses to be limited by moderation must either be
lost, or find other more distinct and satisfactory
limitations.
As for us, a supposed, or, if it could be, a real,
participation in arbitrary power would never reconcile our minds to its establishment. We should be ashamed to stand before your Majesty, boldly asserting in our own favor inherent rights which bind and regulate the crown itself, and yet insisting on the
exercise, in our own persons, of a more arbitrary
sway over our fellow-citizens and fellow-freemen.
These, gracious sovereign, are the sentiments which
we consider ourselves as bound, in justification df our
present conduct, in the most serious and solemn manner to lay at your Majesty's feet. We have been called by your Majesty's writs and proclamations,
and we have been authorized, either by hereditary
privilege or the choice of your people, to confer and
treat with your Majesty, in your highest councils,
upon the arduous affairs of your kingdom. We are
sensible of the whole importance of the duty which
this constitutional summons implies. We know the
religious punctuality of attendance which, in the ordinary course, it demands. It is no light cause which, even for a time, could persuade us to relax in any
? ? ? ? ADDRESS TO THE KING. 181
part of that attendance. The British empire is ill
convulsions which threaten its dissolution. Those
particular proceedings which cause and inflame this
disorder, after many years' incessant struggle, we
find ourselves wholly unable to oppose and unwilling to behold. All our endeavors having proved fruitless, we are fearful at this time of irritating by
contention those passions which we have found it
impracticable to compose by reason. We cannot
permit ourselves to countenance, by the appearance
of a silent assent, proceedings fatal to the liberty and
unity of the empire, -- proceedings which exhaust
the strength of all your Majesty's dominions, destroy
all trust and dependence of our allies, and leave us,
both at home and abroad, exposed to the suspicious
mercy and uncertain inclinations of our neighbor and
rival powers, to whom, by this desperate course, we
are driving our countrymen for protection, and with
whom we have forced them into connections, and may
bind them by habits and by interests, - an evil which
no victories that may be obtainied, no severities which
may. be exercised, ever will or canll remove.
If but the smallest hope should from any circumstances appear of a return to the ancient maxims and true policy of this kingdom, we shall with joy and
readiness return to our attendance, in order to give
our hearty support to whatever means may be left
for alleviating the complicated evils which oppress
this nation.
If this should not happen, we have discharged our
consciences by this faithful representation to your
Majesty and our country; and however few in number, or however we may be overborne by practices whose operation is but too powerful, by the reviv'al
? ? ? ? 182 ADDRESS TO THE KING.
of dangerous exploded principles, or by the misguided zeal of such arbitrary factions as formerly prevailed in this kingdom, and always to its detriment and disgrace, we have the satisfaction of standing
forth and recording our names in assertion of those
principles whose operation hath, in better times, made
your Majesty a great prince, and the British dominions a mighty empire.
? ? ? ? A D D R E SS
TO THE
BRITISH COLONISTS IN NORTH AMERICA.
IHE very dangerous crisis into which the British
empire is brought, as it accounts for, so it justifils, the unusual step we take in addressing ourselves to you. The distempers of the state are grown to such a
degree of violence and malignity as to render all
ordinary remedies vain and frivolous. In such a
deplorable situation, an adherence to the common
forms of business appears to us rather as an apology
to cover a supine neglect of duty than the means of
performing it in a manner adequate to the exigency
that presses upon us. The common means we have
already tried, and tried to no purpose. As our last
resource, we turn ourselves to you. We address you
merely in our private capacity, vested with no other
authority than what will naturally attend those in
whose declarations of benevolence you have no reason to apprehend any mixture of dissimulation or design.
We have this title to your attention: we call upon
it in a moment of the utmost importance to us all.
We find, with infinite concern, that arguments are
used to persuade you of the necessity of separating
yourselves from your ancient connection with your
? ? ? ? 184 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
parent country, grounded on a supposition that a
general principle of alienation and enmity to you
had pervaded the whole of this kingdom, and that
there does no longer subsist between you and us any
common and kindred principles upon which we can
possibly unite, consistently with those ideas of liberty
in which you have justly placed your whole happitless.
If this fact were true, the. inference drawn from it
woulld be irriesistible. But nothing is less founded.
We admit, indeed, that violent addresses have been
procured with uncommon pains by wicked and designing men, purporting to be the genuine voice of the whole people of England, -that they have been
published by authority here, and made known to you
by proclamations, in order, by despair and resentment,
incurably to poison your minds against the origin of
your race, and to render all cordial reconciliation between us utterly impracticable. The same wicked men, for the same bad purposes, have so far surprised
the justice of Parliament as to cut off all communication betwixt us, except what is to go in their own fallacious and hostile channel.
But we conjure you by the invaluable pledges
which have hitherto united, and which we trust will
hereafter lastingly unite us, that you do not suffer
yourselves to be persuaded or provoked into an opinion that you are at war with this nation. Do not think that the whole, or even the uninfluenced majority, of Englishmen in this island are enemies to their own blood on the American continent. Much
delusion has been practised, much corrupt influence
treacherously employed. But still a large, and we
trust the largest and soundest, part of this kingdom
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 185
perseveres in the most perfect unity of sentiments,
principles, and affections with you. It spreads out
a large and liberal platform of common liberty, upon
which we may all unite forever. It abhors the hostilities which have been carried on against you, as
much as you who feel the cruel effect of them. It has
disclaimed in the most solemn manner, at the foot of
the throne itself, the addresses which tended to irritate your sovereign against his colonies. We are persuaded that even many of those who unadvisedly
have put their hands to such intemperate and inflammatory addresses have not at all apprehended to what such proceedings naturally lead, and would sooner
die than afford them the least countenance, if they
were sensible of their fatal effects on the union and
liberty of the empire.
For ourselves, we faithfully assure you, that *ve
have ever considered you as rational creatures, as
free agents, as men willing to pursue and able to
discern your own true interest. We have wished to
continue united with you, in order that a people of
one origin and one character should be directed to
the rational objects of government by joint counsels,
and protected in them by a common force. Other
subordination in you we require none. We have
never pressed that argument of general union to the
extinction of your local, natural, and just privileges.
Sensible of what is due both to the dignity and weakness of man, we have never wished to place over you any government, over which, in great, fundamental
points, you should have no sort of check or control
in your own hands, or which should be repugnant
to your situation, principles, and character.
No circumstances of fortune, you may be assured,
? ? ? ? 186 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
will ever induce us to form or tolerate any such design. If the disposition of Providence (which we deprecate) should even prostrate you at our feet,
broken in power and in spirit, it would be our duty
and inclination to revive, by every practicable means,
that free energy of mind which a fortune unsuitable
to your virtue had damped and dejected, and to put
you voluntarily in possession of those very privileges
which you had in vain attempted to assert by arms.
For we solemnly declare, that, although we should
look upon a separation from you as an heavy calamity, (and the heavier, because we know you must have your fall share in it,) yet we had much rather
see you totally independent of this crown and kingdom than joined to it by so unnatural a conjunction as that of freedom with servitude,sa conjunction
which, if it were at all practicable, could not fail,
in the end, of being more mischievous to the peace,
prosperity, greatness, and power of this nation than
beneficial by any enlargement of the bounds of nominal empire.
But because, brethren, these professions are general, and such as even enemies may make, when they reserve to themselves the construction of what servitude and what liberty are, we inform you that we adopt your own standard of the blessing of free government. We are of opinion that you ought to enjoy ~he sole and exclusive right of freely granting, and
applying to the support of your administration, what
God has freely granted as a reward to your industry.
And we do not confine this immunity from exterior
coercion, in this great point, solely to what regards
your local establishment, but also to what may be
thought proper for the maintenance of the whole
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 187
empire. In this resource we cheerfully trust and
acquiesce, satisfied by evident reason that no other
expectation of revenue can possibly be given by freemen, and knowing from an experience uniform both on yours and on our side of the ocean that such an
expectation has never yet beeni disappointed. We
know of no road to your coffers but through your
affections.
To manifest our, sentiments the more clearly to
you and to the world on this subject, we declare
our opinion, that, if no revenue at all (which, however, we are far from supposing) were to be obtained from you to this kingdom, yet, as long as it is our
happiness to be joined with you in the bonds of fraternal charity and freedom, with an open and flowing commerce between us, one principle of enmity and
friendship pervading, and one right of war and peace
directing the strength of the whole empire, we are
likely to be at least as powerful as any nation, or as
any combination of nations, which in the course of
human events may be formed against us. We are
sensible that a very large proportion of the wealth
and power of every empire must necessarily be
thrown upon the presiding state. We are sensible
that such a state ever has borne and ever must bear
the greatest part, and sometimes the whole, of the
public expenses: and we think her well indemnified
for that (rather apparent than real) inequality of
charge, in the dignity and preeminence she enjoys,
and in the superior opulence which, after all charges defrayed, must necessarily remain at the centre
of affairs. Of this principle we are not without
evidence in our remembrance (not yet effaced) of
the glorious and happy days of this empire. We
? ? ? ? 188 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
are therefore incapable of that prevaricating style,
by which, when taxes without your consent are to
be extorted from you, this nation is represented-as
in the lowest state of impoverishment and public distress, but when we are called upon to oppress you by
force of arms, it is painted as scarcely feeling its impositions, abounding with wealth, and inexhaustible
in its resources.
We also reason and feel as you do on the invasion
of your charters. Because the charters comprehend
the essential forms by which you enjoy your liberties,'we regard them as most sacred, and by no means to
be taken away or altered without process, without
examination, and without hearing, as they have lately been. We even think that they ought by no means
to be altered at all, but at the desire of the greater
part of the people who live under them. We cannot
look upon men as delinquents in the mass; much less
are we desirous of lording over our brethren, insulting their honest pride, and wantonly overturning establishments judged to be just and convenient by the public wisdom of this nation at their institution, and
which long and inveterate use has taught you to look
up to with affection and reverence. As we disapproved of the proceedings with regard to the forms
of your constitution, so we are equally tender of
every leading principle of free government. We
never could think with approbation of putting the
military power out of the coercion of the civil justice
in the country where it acts.
We disclaim also any sort of share in that other
measure which has been used to alienate your affec
tions from this country, - namely, the introduction
of foreign mercenaries. We saw their employment
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 189
with shame and regret, especially in numbers so far
exceeding the English forces as in effect to constitute
vassals, who have no sense of freedom, and strangers,
who have no common interest or feelings, as the arbiters of our unhappy domestic quarrel.
We likewise saw with shame the African slaves,
who had been sold to you on public faith, and under
the sanction of acts of Parliament, to be your servants
and your guards, employed to cut the throats of their
masters.
You will not, we trust, believe, that, born in a
civilized country, formed to gentle manners, trained
in a merciful religion, and living in enlightened and
polished times, where even foreign hostility is softened from its original sternness, we could have
thought of letting loose upon you, our late beloved
brethren, these fierce tribes of savages and caiinibals,
in whom the traces of human nature are effaced by
ignorance and barbarity. We rather wished to have
joined with you in bringing gradually that unhappy
part of mankind into civility, order, piety, and virtuous discipline, than to have confirmed their evil habits and increased their natural ferocity by fleshling them in the slaughter of you, whom our wiser and
better ancestors had sent into the wilderness with
the express view of introducing, along with our holy
religion, its humane and charitable manners. We
do not hold that all things are lawfutl in war. We
should think that every barbarity, in fire, in wasting,
in murders, in tortures, and other cruelties, too horrible and too full of turpitude for Christian mouths
to utter or ears to hear, if done at our instigation,
by those who we know will make war thus, if they
make it at all, to be, to all intents and purposes,
? ? ? ? 190 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS
as if done by ourselves. We clear ourselves to you
our brethren, to the present age, and to future generations, to our king and our country, and to Europe, which, as a spectator, beholds this tragic scene, of every part or share in adding this last and worst
of evils to the inevitable mischiefs of a civil war.
We do not call you rebels and traitors. We do
not call for the vengeance of the crown against you.
We do not know how to qualify millions of our
countrymen, contending with one heart for an admission to privileges which we have ever thought
our own happiness and honor, by odious and unworthy names. On the contrary, we highly revere
the principles on which you act, though we lament
some of their effects. Armed as you are, we embrace you as our friends and as our brethren by the
best add dearest ties of relation.
We view the establishment of the English colonies
on principles of liberty as that which is to render
this kingdom venerable to future ages. In comparison of this, we regard all the victories and conquests
of our warlike ancestors, or of our own times, as
barbarous, vulgar distinctions, in which many nations, whom we look upon with little respect or
value, have equalled, if not far exceeded us. This
is the peculiar and appropriated glory of England.
Those who have and who hold to that foundation of
common liberty, whether on this or on your side of
the ocean, we consider as the true, and the only
true, Englishmen. Those who depart from it, wllhetlher there or here, are attainted, corrupted in blood,
and wholly fallen from their original rank and value.
They are the real rebels to the fair constitution and
just supremacy of England.
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 191
We exhort you, therefore, to cleave forever to
those principles, as being the true bond of union
in this empire, - and to show by a manly perseverance that the sentiments of honor and the riglhts of manlkind are not held by the uncertain events of
war, as you have hitherto shown a glorious and affecting example to the world that they are not dependent on the ordinary conveniences and satisfactions of life.
Knoowing no other arguments to be used to men
of liberal linds, it is upon these very principles, and
these alone, we hope and trust that no flattering and
no alarming circumstances shall permit you to listen to the seductions of those who would alienate you from your dependence on the crown and Parliament
of this kinlgdom. That very liberty which you so
justly prize above all things originated here; and it
may be very doubtful, whether, without being constantly fed from the original fountain, it can be at
all perpetuated or preserved in its native purity and
perfection. Untried forms of government may, to
unstable minds, recommend themselves even by their
novelty. But you will do well to remember that
Enogland hlas been great and happy under the present limited monarchy (subsisting in more or less vigor and purity) for several hundred years. None
but England canl communicate to you the benefits
of such a constitution. We apprehend you are not
now, nor for ages are likely to be, capable of tllat
form of constitution in an independent state. Besides, let us suggest to you our apprehensions that your present unllion (in which we rejoice, and which
we wish long to subsist) cannot always subsist without the authority and weight of this great and long
? ? ? ? 192 ADDRESS TO THE BRITISH COLONISTS respected body, to equipoise, and to preserve you amongst yourselves in a just and fair equality. It may not even be impossible that a long course of war with the administration of this country may be but a prelude to a series of wars and contentions among yourselves, to end at length (as such scenes have too often ended) in a species of humliliating repose, which nothing but the preceding calamities would reconcile to the dispirited few who survived them. We allow that even this evil is worth the
risk to men of honor, when rational liberty is at
stake, as in the present case we confess and lament
that it is. But if ever a real security by Parliament is given against the terror or the abuse of
unlimited power, and after such security given you
should persevere in resistance, we leave you to consider whether the risk is not incurred without an
object, or incurred for an object infinitely diminished by such concessions in its importance and
value.
As to other points of discussion, when these grand
fundamentals of your grants and charters are once
settled and ratified by clear Parliamentary authority, as the ground for peace and forgiveness on our
side, and for a manly and liberal obedience on yours,
treaty and a spirit of reconciliation will easily and
securely adjust whatever may remain. Of this we
give you our word, that, so far as we are at preseilt concerned, and if by any event we should become more concerned hereafter, you may rest assured, upon the pledges of honor not forfeited, faith not violated, and uniformity of character and profession not yet broken, we at least, on these grounds,
will never fail you.
? ? ? ? IN NORTH AMERICA. 193
Respecting your wisdom, and valuing your safety,
we do not call upon you to trust your existence to
your enemies. We do not advise you to an unconditional submission. With satisfaction we assure you
that almost all ill both Houses (however unhappily
they have been deluded, so as not to give any immediate effect to their opinion) disclaim that idea.
You can have no friends in whom you cannot rationally confide. But Parliament is your friend
from the moment in which, removing its confidence
from those who have constantly deceived its good
intentions, it adopts the sentiments of those who
have made sacrifices, (inferior, indeed, to yours,)
but have, however, sacrificed enough to demonstrate
the sincerity of their regard and value for your liberty and prosperity.
Arguments may be used to weaken your confidence in that public security; because, from some unpleasant appearances, there is a suspicion that Parliament itself is somewhat fallen from its independent spirit. How far this supposition may be founded in fact we are unwilling to determine. But we are well assured from experience, that, even if all
were true that is contended for, and ill the extent,
too, in which it is argued, yet, as long as the solid
and well-disposed forms of this Constitution remain,
there ever is within Parliament itself a power of
renovating its principles, and effecting a self-reformation, which no other plan of government has ever
contained. This Constitution has therefore admitted
innumerable improvements, either for the correction.
of the original scheme, or for removing corruptions,.
or for bringing its principles better to suit those
changes which have successively happened ill the:
VOL.
