Tschudy, Les
Benedictins
(Paris: Ed.
Foucault-Psychiatric-Power-1973-74
When a number of disciplinary systems successively reject him as inassimilable, incapable of being disciplined, or uneducable, he is sent back to the
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family, and the family's role at this point is to reject him in turn as incapable of being fixed to any disciplinary system, and to get rid of him either by consigning him to pathology, or by abandoning him to delin- quency, etcetera. It is the sensitive element that makes it possible to determine those individuals inassimilable to any system of discipline, those who cannot pass from one system to the other and must finally be rejected from society to enter new disciplinary systems intended for this purpose.
The family, therefore, has this double role of pinning individuals to disciplinary systems, and of linking up disciplinary systems and circu- lating individuals from one to the other. To that extent I think we can say that the family is indispensable to the functioning of disciplinary systems because it is a cell of sovereignty, just as the king's body, the multiplicity of the king's bodies, was necessary for the mutual adjustment of heterotopic sovereignties in the game of societies of sovereignty. 51 What the king's body was in societies of mechanisms of sovereignty, the family is in societies of disciplinary systems.
To what does this correspond, historically? I think we can say that in systems in which the type of power was essentially that of sovereignty, in which power was exercised through apparatuses of sovereignty, the family was one of these apparatuses and was therefore very strong. The medieval family, as well as the family of the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries, were actually strong families owing their strength to their homogeneity with the other systems of sovereignty. However, to the extent that the family was thus homogeneous with all the other apparatuses of sovereignty, you can see that basically it had no sped ficity, no precise limits. That is why the family's roots spread far and wide, but it was quickly silted up and its borders were never well deter- mined. It merged into a whole series of other relationships with which it was very close because they were of the same type: relationships of suzerain to vassal, of membership of corporations, etcetera, so that the family was strong because it resembled other types of power, but for the same reason it was at the same time imprecise and fuzzy.
On the other hand, in our kind of society, that is to say, in a society in which there is a disciplinary type of microphysics of power, the fam- ily has not been dissolved by discipline; it is concentrated, limited, and
? intensified. Consider the role played by the civil code with regard to the lamily. There are historians who will tell you that the civil code has given the maximum to the lamily; others say that it has reduced the power of the lamily. In fact, the role of the civil code has been to limit the family while, at the same time, delining, concentrating, and intensi- fying it. Thanks to the civil code the family preserved the schemas of sovereignty: domination, membership, bonds ol suzerainty, etcetera, but it limited them to the relationships between men and women and par ents and children. The civil code redefined the family around this micro - cell of married couple and parents and children, thus giving it maximum intensity. It constituted an alveolus ol sovereignty through the game by which individual singularities are lixed to disciplinary apparatuses.
This intense alveolus, this strong cell, was necessary lor bringing into play the major disciplinary systems that had invalidated the systems ol sovereignty and made them disappear. I think this explains two phenomena.
The first is the very strong refamilialization we see in the nineteenth century, and particularly in the classes in society in which the lamily was in the process of breaking up and discipline was indispensable-- basically, in the working class. At the time when, in the nineteenth century, the European proletariat was being formed, conditions of work and housing, movements of the labor force, and the use of child labor, all made family relationships increasingly fragile and disabled the family structure. In lact, at the beginning ol the nineteenth century, entire bands of children, young people, and transhumant workers were living in dormitories and forming communities, which then immediately disintegrated. There was an increasing number ol natural children, loundlings, and infanticides, etcetera. Faced with this immediate conse- quence of the constitution of the proletariat, very early on, around 1820-1825, there was a major effort to reconstitute the family; employers, philanthropists, and public authorities used every possible means to reconstitute the family, to force workers to live in couples, to marry, have children and to recognize their children. The employers even made financial sacrifices in order to achieve this refamilialization of working class life. Around 1830-1835, the first workers' cities were constructed
at Mulhouse. 52 People were given houses in which to reconstitute a
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family, and crusades were organized against those who lived as man and wife without really being married. In short, there were a series of arrangements that were disciplinary.
Equally, in some towns, those living together without being properly married were rejected by workshops. There was a series of disciplinary apparatuses, which functioned as disciplinary apparatuses, within the workshop, in the factory, or in their margins anyway. But the function of these disciplinary apparatuses was to reconstitute the family cell. Or rather, their function was to constitute a family cell conforming to a mechanism that is not itself disciplinary but belongs, precisely, to the order of sovereignty, as if--and this is no doubt the reason--the only way disciplinary mechanisms could effectively function and get a grip with maximum intensity and effectiveness was if, alongside them, and to fix individuals, there was this cell of sovereignty constituted by the family. So, between familial sovereignty and disciplinary panopticism, the form of which is, I think, completely different from that of the family cell, there is a permanent game of cross-reference and transfer. In the course of the nineteenth century, in this project of refamilialization, the family, this cell of sovereignty is constantly being secreted by the disciplinary tissue, because however external it may be to the disciplinary system, however heterogeneous it may be because it is heterogeneous to the disciplinary system, it is in fact an element of that system's solidity
The other consequence is that when the family breaks down and no longer performs its function--and this also appears very clearly in the nineteenth century--a whole series of disciplinary apparatuses are established to make up for the family's failure: homes for foundlings, orphanages, the opening, around 1840-1845, of a series of homes for young delinquents, for what will be called children at risk, and so on. 33 In short, the function of everything we call social assistance, all the social work which appears at the start of the nineteenth century,3^ and which will acquire the importance we know it to have, is to constitute a kind of disciplinary tissue which will be able to stand in for the family, to both reconstitute the family and enable one to do without it.
This was how young delinquents, most without a family, were placed at Mettray for example. They were regimented in an absolutely military, that is to say, disciplinary, non-familial way. Then, at the same time,
? within this substitute for the family, within this disciplinary system which rushes in where there is no longer a family, there is a constant reference to the family, since the supervisors, the chiefs, etcetera, are called father, or grandfather, and the completely militarized groups of children, who operate in the manner of decunes, are supposed to constitute a family. 35
You have here then a [sort]* of disciplinary network which rushes in where the family is failing and which, as a result, constitutes the advance of a State controlled power where there is no longer a family. However, this advance of disciplinary systems never takes place without reference to the family, without a quasi or pseudo familial mode of functioning. I think this is a typical phenomenon of the necessary function of famil ial sovereignty with regard to disciplinary mechanisms.
What I will call the Psy function, that is to say, the psychiatric, psychopathological, psycho sociological, psycho-criminological, and psychoanalytic function, makes its appearance in this organization of disciplinary substitutes for the family with a familial reference. And when I say "function," I mean not only the discourse, but the institu- tion, and the psychological individual himself. And I think this really is the function of these psychologists, psychotherapists, criminologists, psychoanalysts, and the rest. What is their function if not to be agents of the organization of a disciplinary apparatus that will plug in, rush in, where an opening gapes in familial sovereignty?
Consider what has taken place historically. The Psy-function was clearly born by way of psychiatry. That is to say, it was born at the beginning of the nineteenth century, on the other side of the family, in a kind of vis-a-vis with the family. When an individual escaped from the sovereignty of the family, he was put in a psychiatric hospital where it was a matter of training him in the apprenticeship of pure and simple discipline, some examples of which I gave you in the previous lectures, and where, gradually, throughout the nineteenth century, you see the birth of reler- ence to the family. Psychiatry gradually puts itself forward as the insti tutional enterprise of discipline that will make possible the individual's refamilialization.
* (Recording:) kind, a constitution
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The Psy-lunction is therefore born in this kind of vis a vis with the family. The family requested confinement and the individual was placed under psychiatric discipline and supposed to be refamiliahzed. Then, gradually, the Psy-function was extended to all the disciplinary systems: school, army, workshop, and so forth. That is to say, the Psy function performed the role ol discipline for all those who could not be disci- plined. Whenever an individual could not follow school discipline or the discipline of the workshop, the army, and, if it comes to it, of prison, then the Psy function stepped in. And it came in with a discourse attributing the individual's inability to be disciplined to the deficiency and failure of the family. This is how, in the second hall ol the nineteenth century, you see full responsibility for the individual's lack of discipline being laid at the door of familial deficiency. Then, finally, at the start of the twentieth century, the Psy function became both the discourse and the control of all the disciplinary systems. The Psy-function was the discourse and the establishment of all the schemas for the mdividual- ization, normalization, and subjection of individuals within disciplinary systems.
This is how psycho-pedagogy appears within school discipline, the psychology of work within workshop discipline, criminology withm prison discipline, and psychopathology within psychiatric and asylum discipline. The Psy-function is, then, the agency of control of all the disciplinary institutions and apparatuses, and, at the same time and without any contradiction, it holds forth with the discourse of the family. At every moment, as psycho-pedagogy, as psychology of work, as crimi- nology, as psychopathology, and so forth, what it refers to, the truth it constitutes and forms, and which marks out its system of reference, is always the family. Its constant system of reference is the family, familial sov- ereignty, and it is so to the same extent as it is the theoretical authority for every disciplinary apparatus.
The Psy function is precisely what reveals that familial sovereignty belongs profoundly to the disciplinary apparatuses. The kind ol hetero geneity that seems to me to exist between familial sovereignty and dis ciplinary apparatuses is functional. And psychological discourse, the psychological institution, and psychological man are connected up to this function. Psychology as institution, as body of the individual, and as
? discourse, will endlessly control the
one hand, and, on the other, refer
the authority of truth on the basis
describe and define all the positive or negative processes which take place in the disciplinary apparatuses.
It is not surprising that, from the middle of the twentieth century, the discourse of the family, the most "family discourse" of all psycho- logical discourses, that is to say, psychoanalysis, can function as the dis- course of truth on the basis of which all disciplinary institutions can be analyzed. And if what I am telling you is true, this is why you can see that a truth formed on the basis of the discourse of the family cannot be deployed as a critique of the institution, or of school, psychiatric, or other forms of discipline. To refamilialize the psychiatric institution, to refamihalize psychiatric intervention, to criticize the practice, institu- tion, and discipline of psychiatry or the school in the name of a dis course of truth which has the family as its reference, is not to undertake the critique of discipline at all, but to return endlessly to discipline. *
By appealing to the sovereignty of the family relationship, rather than escape the mechanism of discipline, we reinforce this interplay between familial sovereignty and disciplinary functioning, which seems to me typical ot contemporary society and of that residual appearance of sover eignty in the family, which may seem surprising when we compare it to the disciplinary system, but which seems to me in fact to function quite directly in harmony with it.
* The manuscript refers to the work of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattan, UAnti-GLdipe, volume 1 of, Capitalisms et Schizophrenic (Paris: Ed. de Minuit, 1972), English translation by Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen Lane (New York: Viking, 1977), and R. Castef, Le Psychanalysme (Paris: Maspero, 1973).
28 November 1973 87
disciplinary apparatuses on the back to familial sovereignty as of which it will be possible to
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1. Foucault is alluding here to the various reforms which, judging the Benedictine communi
ties too open to society and reproaching them lor having lost the spirit of penitential monasticism, sought to satisly the requirements ol Saint Benedict's rule. See, U. Berliere, L'Ordre monastique des origines au XII' siecle (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1921); L'Ascese benedictine des origines a laJin du XII1 siecle (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1927); and, "L'etude des reformes monastiques des Xc et XI1' siecles" Bulletin de la classe des Letlres ct des Sciences morales et politiques (Brussels: Academie royalc de Belgique, 1932) vol. 18; E. Werner, Die Gesellschaftlichen grundlagender Klosterreform im XL Jahrhundert (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1953); J. Lecler, S. J. , "La crise du monachisme aux X P XII1 siecles" in Aux sources de la spiritualite chretienne (Paris: Ed du Cerl, 1964). On the monastic orders in general, see P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, ou Histoire des ordres monastiques, religieux et mililaires, in 4 volumes (Pans: Ed. du Petit Montrouge, 1847); P- Cousin, Precis d'hisloire monastique (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1956); D. Knowles, "Les siecles monastiques" in D. Knowles and D. Obolensky, Nouvelle Histoire de I'Eglise, volume 2: he Moyen Age (600-1500), trans. L Jezequel (Paris: Le Seuil, 1968) pp. 223 240; and M. Pacaut, Les Ordres monastiques et religieux au Moyen Age (Paris: Nathan, 1970).
2. Founded in 910 in the Maconnais, the Cluny order, living under Saint Benedict's rule, developed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries in symbiosis with the seigniorial class, Irom which most of the abbots and prioresses came. See R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 1002 1036; U. Berliere, L'Ordre monastique, ch. 4, "Cluny et la reforme monastique" pp. 168 197; G. de Valous, Le Monachisme clunisien des origines au XV'. Vie inlerieure des monasteres el organisation de I'ordre, Vol. II, L'Ordre de Cluny (Pans: A. Picard, 1970); and "Cluny" in Cardinal A. Baudrillart, ed. Dictionnaire d'hisloire
et de geographic ecclesiastiques (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1956) vol. 2, col. 35 174; P. Cousin, Precis d'hisloire monastique, p. 5; and A. H. Bredero, "Cluny et Citeaux au XIP siecle. Les origines de la controverse" Studi Medievali, 1971, pp. 135-176.
3. Citeaux, founded on 21 March 1098 by Robert de Molesmes (1028 1111), separated from
the Cluny order in order to return to strict observance of Saint Benedict's rule, emphasiz
ing poverty, silence, work, and renunciation ol the world. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 920 959; U. Berliere, "Les origines de I'ordre de Citeaux de I'ordre benedictin au XIP siecle" Revue d'hisloire ecclesiastiquc, I900, pp. 448 471 and 1901, pp. 253 290; J. Besse, "Cisterciens" in A. Vacant, ed. Dictionnaire de theologie catholique (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1905) vol. 2, col. 2532 2550; R. Trilhe, "Citeaux" in
F. Cabrol, ed. Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne el de liturgie (Pans: Letouzey et Ane, 1913) vol. 3, col. 1779 1811; U. Berliere, L'Ordre monastique, pp. 168 197; J. -B. Mahn, L'Ordre cis- tercien et son gouvernement des origines au milieu du XIII1 siecle (1098-1266) (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1945); J . M . Canivez, "Citeaux (Ordre de)" in Cardinal A. Baudrillart, Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastiques (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1953) vol. 12, col. 874 997; and L. J. Lekai, Les Moines blancs. Histoire de I'ordre cistercien (Pans: Le Seuil, 1957).
4. In 1215, around the Castillian canon Dominique de Guzman, a community of evangelical preachers, living under the rule of Saint Augustine, was established, which in January 1217 received the name of "Preaching Friars" from Pope Honorius III. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 86-113; G. R. Galbraith, The Constitution of the Domenican Order, 1216-1360 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1925); M. H. Vicaire, Histoire de saint Dominique (Paris: Ed. du Cerf, 1957) in 2 volumes; and Saint Dominique et ses Jreres (Pans: Ed. du Cerf, 1967). See also, P. Mandonnet, "Freres Precheurs" in A. Vacant and E. Mangenot, Dictionnaire de theologie catholique (Pans: Letouzey et Ane, 1905) vol. 6, col. 863 924; R. L. CEchslin, "Freres Precheurs" in A. Rayez, ed. Dictionnaire de spiritualite ascelique et mystique. Doctrine el histoire (Paris: Beauchesne, 1964) vol. 5, col. 1422-1524; and, A. Duval and M. H. Vicaire, "Freres Precheurs (Ordre des)" in Dictionnaire d'hisloire et geographie ecclesiastiques, vol. 18, col. 1369-1426.
5. The order founded at Monte Cassino in 529 by Benedict of Nursie (480-547), who drafted its rule in 534. See, R. P. Helyot, "Benedictins (Ordre des)" in Dictionnaire des ordres religieux vol. 1, col. 416 430; C. Butler, Benedictine Monachism: Studies in Benedictine Life (London: Longmans Green and Co. , 1924), French translation by C. Grolleau, Le Monachisme benedictin (Paris:J. de Gigord, 1924); C. Jean Nesmy, Saint Benoit et la vie monastique (Paris: Le Seuil, 1959); and R.
Tschudy, Les Benedictins (Paris: Ed. Saint Paul, 1963).
? 6. Founded in 1534 by Ignatius Loyola (1491 1556) to pursue the struggle against heresy, the order of Jesuits received the name "Company ot Jesus" from Pope Paul III in his bull Regimini Militantes Ecclesie. See, R. P. Ilelyot and others, Diclionnuire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 628-671; A. Demersay, Histoire physique, economique et politique du Paraguay et des establissemenls des jesuites (Paris: L. Hachette, 1 8 6 0 ) ; J . Brucker, La Compagnie de Jesus. Esquisse de son institut et de son histoire 1521-177} (Paris: G. Beauchesne, 1919); H. Beefier, Die Jesuiten. Geslall und Geschichte des Ordens (Munich: Kosel Verlag, 1951); A. Guillermou, Les Jesuites (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1963).
7. The "mendicant orders" were organized in the thirteenth century with a view to regener ating religious life; professing to live only by public chanty and practicing poverty, they devoted themselves to preaching and teaching. The four first mendicant orders are the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Carmelites, and the Augustinians.
For the Dominicans, see above note 4.
Constituted in 1209 by Francis of Assisi, the "Brotherhood of Penitents," devoted to the preaching ol penitence, was transformed into a religious order in 1210 with the name "Friars Minor" (minores: humble) and intending to lead an itinerant life of poverty. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Diclionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 2, col. 326-354; H. C. Lea,
A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1887) vol.
1, ch. 6, "The Mendicant orders," pp. 243-304 (French translation by S. Reinach, Histoire de I'lnquisition au Moyen Age [Pans: Societe nouvelle de hbraine et d'editions, 1 9 0 0 | vol.
1, ch. 6, "Les ordres mendiants"); E. d'Alenc,on, "Freres Mineurs" in Diclionnaire de theolo- giecatholique,vol. 6,col. 809 863;P. Gratien,HistoiredelafondationetderevolutiondeVordre des Freres Mineurs au XVIII1 siecle, (Gembloux: J. Duculot, 1928); F. de Sessevalle, Histoire generale de I'ordre de Saint-Francois (Le-Puy en Velay, Ed. de la Revue d'histoire franciscaine, 1935-1937) 2 volumes; and J. Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Orderfrom its origins to the Year 7577 (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1968).
In 1247 Pope Innocent IV entered the order of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel into the lamily of "mendicants. " On the Carmelites, founded in 1185 by Berthold de Calabre, see, R. P. Helyot and others, Diclionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 667 705; and, B. Zimmerman, "Carmes (Ordre des)" in Diclionnaire de theologie catholique, op. cil, vol. 2, col. 1776-1792.
Pope Innocent IV decided to unite the hermits of Tuscany into a single community within the framework of the Augustinian order. SeeJ. Besse, "Augustin" in Dictionnaire de theologie catholique, vol. 1, col. 2472-2483. On the mendicant orders in general, see--in addition to the chapter devoted to them in H. C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition, vol. 1, pp. 275 346; Histoire de I'lnquisition, vol. 1, pp. 458-479; F. Vernet, Les Ordres mendiants (Pans: Bloud et Gay, 1933); J. Le Gofl, "Ordres mendiants et urbanisation dans la France medievale" in Annales ESC, no. 5, 1979, Histoire et Urbanisation, pp. 924 965- Foucault returns to the mendicant orders ol the Middle Ages, in the context of an analysis of "cynicism," in the College de France course of 1983 1984, "Le Gouvemement de soi et des autres. Le courage de la vente," lecture ol 29 February 1984.
8. See above, lecture of 21 November 1973, note 4.
9. In 1343 Jan Van Ruysbroek (1294-1381) founded a community at Groenendaal, near
Brussels, which he transformed in March 1350 into a religious order living under the Augustinian rule devoted to the struggle against heresy and lax morality within the Church. See, F. Hermans, Ruysbroek /'Admirable et son ecole (Pans: Fayard, 1958); J. Orcibal,
Jean de la Croix et les mystiques rheno-flamands, and A. Koyre, Mystiques, spirituels, alchimisles du XVIr siecle allemand (Paris: Gallimard, 1971).
10. One of the distinctive features of the schools of the "Brethren ol the Common Lile" was the distribution of students into decurics at the head ol which a decurion was responsible for the supervision ol conduct. See, M. J. Gaulres, "Histoire du plan d'etudes protestant. "
11. "Nowhere does the impression of order and religious emphasis appear better than in the use of time. Early in the morning the inhabitants go to mass, then the children go to school and the adults to the workshop or fields . . . When work has ended, religious exercises begin: the catechism, the rosary, prayers; the end ol the day is free and left for strolling around and sport. A curfew marks the beginning of the night. . . This regime partakes of both the barracks and the monastery. " L. Baudin, Une theocratie socialiste: VEtat jesuite du Paraguay (Paris: M. T. Genin, 1962) p. 23. See, L. A. Muraton, J. Cristianesimo felice nelle
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missioni de'padri delta compagnia di Gesti nel Paraguai (Venice: G. Pasquali, 1743), French translation, Relation des missions du Paraguay, trans. P. Lambert (Paris: Bordellet, 1826) pp. 156-157; A. Demersay, Histoire . . . du Paraguay et des elablissements des jesuiles; J. Brucker, Le Gouvernemenl des jesuites au Paraguay (Pans: 1880); M. Fassbinder, Der "Jesuitenstaat" in Paraguay (Halle: M. Niemayer, 1926); C. Lugon, La Republique communiste chretienne des Guaranis(Pans: Editions Ouvneres, 1949). Foucault refers to thejesuits in Paraguay in his lecture to the Cercle d'etudes architecturales, "Des espaces autres" Dits el Ecrits, vol. 4,
p. 761.
12. A congregation ol priests and scholars founded in the sixteenth century by Cesar de Bus
(1544 1607), which in 1593 was established at Avignon. Inserted in the current of a renewal of the teaching of the catechism, it developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by turning to teaching in the colleges. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 2, col. 46 7/l.
13. See Surveiller et Punir, Part 3, ch. 1, pp. 137-138, 143, and 151 157; Discipline and Punish, Part 3, ch. 1, pp. 135 136, 141 142, and 149 156.
14. From 1781, the worker had to be provided with a "livret" or "earner" which had to be stamped by the administrative authorities when he moved and which he had to present when he started work. Reinstated by the Consulate, the livret was only finally abolished in 1890. See, M. Sauzet, Le Livret obligatoire des ouvriers, (Paris: F. Pichon, 1890); G. Bourgin, "Contribution a I'histoire du placement et du livret en France" Revue politique el parlemen- taire vol. LXXI, January March 1912, pp. 117 118; S. Kaplan, "Reflexions sur la police du monde du travail (1700 1815)" Revue hislorique, 103rd year, no. 529, January March 1979, pp. 17-77; E. Dolleans and G. Dehove, Histoire du travail en France. Mouvement ouvrier el legislation social, 2 volumes (Pans: Domat Montchrestien, 1953-1955); In his course at the College de France for 1972 1973, "La Societe punitive", in the lecture of 14 March 1973, Foucault presented the worker's livret as "an inlra judicial mechanism ol penalization. "
15. M. Foucault, Les Mots el les Choses. Une archeologie des sciences humaines (Paris: Gallimard, 1966) ch. 5, "Classer" pp. 137 176; English translation, The Order of Things. An Archeology
oj the Human Sciences, trans. A. Sheridan (London: Tavistock and New York: Pantheon, 1970) ch. 5, "Classifying," pp. 125 165.
16. J. Bentham, The Panopticon; La Panoptique. See above, lecture 21 November 1973, note 5. 17. A State penitentiary was built by Harvey, Busby, and Williams between 1816 and 1821 on a site at Pentonville acquired by Jeremy Bentham in 1795. It had a radiating structure ol six pentagons around a central hexagon containing the chaplain, inspectors, and employees.
The prison was demolished in 1903.
18. Petite Roquette was built following a competition for the construction of a model prison,
the arrangement of which, according to the terms of the circular of 24 February 1825, must be "such that, with the aid of a central point or internal gallery, the whole ol the prison can be supervised by one person, or at the most two people. " C. Lucas, Du systeme penitentiaire en Europe el aux Elats-Unis (Pans: Bossange, 1828) vol. 1, p. cxm. "La Petite Roquette" or "central House for corrective education" was constructed in 1827 according to a plan proposed by Lebas. It was opened in 1836 and allocated to young prisoners until 1865. See, N. Barbaroux, J. Broussard, and M. Hamoniaux, "L'evolution histonque de la Petite Roquette" Revue "Reeducation" no. 191, May 1967; H. Gaillac, Les Maisons de correction (18}0-19/I5) (Paris: Ed. Cujas, 1971) pp. 61-66; and, J. Gillet, Recherche sur la Petite Roquette (Paris: 1975).
19. J. Bentham, The Panopticon, Letter 21, Schools, p. 93, emphasis in original; La Panoplique, p. 166.
20. Bentham writes that it gives "such herculean and ineludible strength to the grip ol power" ibid. p. 88; ibid. p. 160.
21. Ibid. Preface, p. 31; ibid. p. 95-
22.
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family, and the family's role at this point is to reject him in turn as incapable of being fixed to any disciplinary system, and to get rid of him either by consigning him to pathology, or by abandoning him to delin- quency, etcetera. It is the sensitive element that makes it possible to determine those individuals inassimilable to any system of discipline, those who cannot pass from one system to the other and must finally be rejected from society to enter new disciplinary systems intended for this purpose.
The family, therefore, has this double role of pinning individuals to disciplinary systems, and of linking up disciplinary systems and circu- lating individuals from one to the other. To that extent I think we can say that the family is indispensable to the functioning of disciplinary systems because it is a cell of sovereignty, just as the king's body, the multiplicity of the king's bodies, was necessary for the mutual adjustment of heterotopic sovereignties in the game of societies of sovereignty. 51 What the king's body was in societies of mechanisms of sovereignty, the family is in societies of disciplinary systems.
To what does this correspond, historically? I think we can say that in systems in which the type of power was essentially that of sovereignty, in which power was exercised through apparatuses of sovereignty, the family was one of these apparatuses and was therefore very strong. The medieval family, as well as the family of the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries, were actually strong families owing their strength to their homogeneity with the other systems of sovereignty. However, to the extent that the family was thus homogeneous with all the other apparatuses of sovereignty, you can see that basically it had no sped ficity, no precise limits. That is why the family's roots spread far and wide, but it was quickly silted up and its borders were never well deter- mined. It merged into a whole series of other relationships with which it was very close because they were of the same type: relationships of suzerain to vassal, of membership of corporations, etcetera, so that the family was strong because it resembled other types of power, but for the same reason it was at the same time imprecise and fuzzy.
On the other hand, in our kind of society, that is to say, in a society in which there is a disciplinary type of microphysics of power, the fam- ily has not been dissolved by discipline; it is concentrated, limited, and
? intensified. Consider the role played by the civil code with regard to the lamily. There are historians who will tell you that the civil code has given the maximum to the lamily; others say that it has reduced the power of the lamily. In fact, the role of the civil code has been to limit the family while, at the same time, delining, concentrating, and intensi- fying it. Thanks to the civil code the family preserved the schemas of sovereignty: domination, membership, bonds ol suzerainty, etcetera, but it limited them to the relationships between men and women and par ents and children. The civil code redefined the family around this micro - cell of married couple and parents and children, thus giving it maximum intensity. It constituted an alveolus ol sovereignty through the game by which individual singularities are lixed to disciplinary apparatuses.
This intense alveolus, this strong cell, was necessary lor bringing into play the major disciplinary systems that had invalidated the systems ol sovereignty and made them disappear. I think this explains two phenomena.
The first is the very strong refamilialization we see in the nineteenth century, and particularly in the classes in society in which the lamily was in the process of breaking up and discipline was indispensable-- basically, in the working class. At the time when, in the nineteenth century, the European proletariat was being formed, conditions of work and housing, movements of the labor force, and the use of child labor, all made family relationships increasingly fragile and disabled the family structure. In lact, at the beginning ol the nineteenth century, entire bands of children, young people, and transhumant workers were living in dormitories and forming communities, which then immediately disintegrated. There was an increasing number ol natural children, loundlings, and infanticides, etcetera. Faced with this immediate conse- quence of the constitution of the proletariat, very early on, around 1820-1825, there was a major effort to reconstitute the family; employers, philanthropists, and public authorities used every possible means to reconstitute the family, to force workers to live in couples, to marry, have children and to recognize their children. The employers even made financial sacrifices in order to achieve this refamilialization of working class life. Around 1830-1835, the first workers' cities were constructed
at Mulhouse. 52 People were given houses in which to reconstitute a
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family, and crusades were organized against those who lived as man and wife without really being married. In short, there were a series of arrangements that were disciplinary.
Equally, in some towns, those living together without being properly married were rejected by workshops. There was a series of disciplinary apparatuses, which functioned as disciplinary apparatuses, within the workshop, in the factory, or in their margins anyway. But the function of these disciplinary apparatuses was to reconstitute the family cell. Or rather, their function was to constitute a family cell conforming to a mechanism that is not itself disciplinary but belongs, precisely, to the order of sovereignty, as if--and this is no doubt the reason--the only way disciplinary mechanisms could effectively function and get a grip with maximum intensity and effectiveness was if, alongside them, and to fix individuals, there was this cell of sovereignty constituted by the family. So, between familial sovereignty and disciplinary panopticism, the form of which is, I think, completely different from that of the family cell, there is a permanent game of cross-reference and transfer. In the course of the nineteenth century, in this project of refamilialization, the family, this cell of sovereignty is constantly being secreted by the disciplinary tissue, because however external it may be to the disciplinary system, however heterogeneous it may be because it is heterogeneous to the disciplinary system, it is in fact an element of that system's solidity
The other consequence is that when the family breaks down and no longer performs its function--and this also appears very clearly in the nineteenth century--a whole series of disciplinary apparatuses are established to make up for the family's failure: homes for foundlings, orphanages, the opening, around 1840-1845, of a series of homes for young delinquents, for what will be called children at risk, and so on. 33 In short, the function of everything we call social assistance, all the social work which appears at the start of the nineteenth century,3^ and which will acquire the importance we know it to have, is to constitute a kind of disciplinary tissue which will be able to stand in for the family, to both reconstitute the family and enable one to do without it.
This was how young delinquents, most without a family, were placed at Mettray for example. They were regimented in an absolutely military, that is to say, disciplinary, non-familial way. Then, at the same time,
? within this substitute for the family, within this disciplinary system which rushes in where there is no longer a family, there is a constant reference to the family, since the supervisors, the chiefs, etcetera, are called father, or grandfather, and the completely militarized groups of children, who operate in the manner of decunes, are supposed to constitute a family. 35
You have here then a [sort]* of disciplinary network which rushes in where the family is failing and which, as a result, constitutes the advance of a State controlled power where there is no longer a family. However, this advance of disciplinary systems never takes place without reference to the family, without a quasi or pseudo familial mode of functioning. I think this is a typical phenomenon of the necessary function of famil ial sovereignty with regard to disciplinary mechanisms.
What I will call the Psy function, that is to say, the psychiatric, psychopathological, psycho sociological, psycho-criminological, and psychoanalytic function, makes its appearance in this organization of disciplinary substitutes for the family with a familial reference. And when I say "function," I mean not only the discourse, but the institu- tion, and the psychological individual himself. And I think this really is the function of these psychologists, psychotherapists, criminologists, psychoanalysts, and the rest. What is their function if not to be agents of the organization of a disciplinary apparatus that will plug in, rush in, where an opening gapes in familial sovereignty?
Consider what has taken place historically. The Psy-function was clearly born by way of psychiatry. That is to say, it was born at the beginning of the nineteenth century, on the other side of the family, in a kind of vis-a-vis with the family. When an individual escaped from the sovereignty of the family, he was put in a psychiatric hospital where it was a matter of training him in the apprenticeship of pure and simple discipline, some examples of which I gave you in the previous lectures, and where, gradually, throughout the nineteenth century, you see the birth of reler- ence to the family. Psychiatry gradually puts itself forward as the insti tutional enterprise of discipline that will make possible the individual's refamilialization.
* (Recording:) kind, a constitution
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The Psy-lunction is therefore born in this kind of vis a vis with the family. The family requested confinement and the individual was placed under psychiatric discipline and supposed to be refamiliahzed. Then, gradually, the Psy-function was extended to all the disciplinary systems: school, army, workshop, and so forth. That is to say, the Psy function performed the role ol discipline for all those who could not be disci- plined. Whenever an individual could not follow school discipline or the discipline of the workshop, the army, and, if it comes to it, of prison, then the Psy function stepped in. And it came in with a discourse attributing the individual's inability to be disciplined to the deficiency and failure of the family. This is how, in the second hall ol the nineteenth century, you see full responsibility for the individual's lack of discipline being laid at the door of familial deficiency. Then, finally, at the start of the twentieth century, the Psy function became both the discourse and the control of all the disciplinary systems. The Psy-function was the discourse and the establishment of all the schemas for the mdividual- ization, normalization, and subjection of individuals within disciplinary systems.
This is how psycho-pedagogy appears within school discipline, the psychology of work within workshop discipline, criminology withm prison discipline, and psychopathology within psychiatric and asylum discipline. The Psy-function is, then, the agency of control of all the disciplinary institutions and apparatuses, and, at the same time and without any contradiction, it holds forth with the discourse of the family. At every moment, as psycho-pedagogy, as psychology of work, as crimi- nology, as psychopathology, and so forth, what it refers to, the truth it constitutes and forms, and which marks out its system of reference, is always the family. Its constant system of reference is the family, familial sov- ereignty, and it is so to the same extent as it is the theoretical authority for every disciplinary apparatus.
The Psy function is precisely what reveals that familial sovereignty belongs profoundly to the disciplinary apparatuses. The kind ol hetero geneity that seems to me to exist between familial sovereignty and dis ciplinary apparatuses is functional. And psychological discourse, the psychological institution, and psychological man are connected up to this function. Psychology as institution, as body of the individual, and as
? discourse, will endlessly control the
one hand, and, on the other, refer
the authority of truth on the basis
describe and define all the positive or negative processes which take place in the disciplinary apparatuses.
It is not surprising that, from the middle of the twentieth century, the discourse of the family, the most "family discourse" of all psycho- logical discourses, that is to say, psychoanalysis, can function as the dis- course of truth on the basis of which all disciplinary institutions can be analyzed. And if what I am telling you is true, this is why you can see that a truth formed on the basis of the discourse of the family cannot be deployed as a critique of the institution, or of school, psychiatric, or other forms of discipline. To refamilialize the psychiatric institution, to refamihalize psychiatric intervention, to criticize the practice, institu- tion, and discipline of psychiatry or the school in the name of a dis course of truth which has the family as its reference, is not to undertake the critique of discipline at all, but to return endlessly to discipline. *
By appealing to the sovereignty of the family relationship, rather than escape the mechanism of discipline, we reinforce this interplay between familial sovereignty and disciplinary functioning, which seems to me typical ot contemporary society and of that residual appearance of sover eignty in the family, which may seem surprising when we compare it to the disciplinary system, but which seems to me in fact to function quite directly in harmony with it.
* The manuscript refers to the work of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattan, UAnti-GLdipe, volume 1 of, Capitalisms et Schizophrenic (Paris: Ed. de Minuit, 1972), English translation by Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen Lane (New York: Viking, 1977), and R. Castef, Le Psychanalysme (Paris: Maspero, 1973).
28 November 1973 87
disciplinary apparatuses on the back to familial sovereignty as of which it will be possible to
? 88 PSYCHIATRIC POWER
1. Foucault is alluding here to the various reforms which, judging the Benedictine communi
ties too open to society and reproaching them lor having lost the spirit of penitential monasticism, sought to satisly the requirements ol Saint Benedict's rule. See, U. Berliere, L'Ordre monastique des origines au XII' siecle (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1921); L'Ascese benedictine des origines a laJin du XII1 siecle (Paris: Desclee de Brouwer, 1927); and, "L'etude des reformes monastiques des Xc et XI1' siecles" Bulletin de la classe des Letlres ct des Sciences morales et politiques (Brussels: Academie royalc de Belgique, 1932) vol. 18; E. Werner, Die Gesellschaftlichen grundlagender Klosterreform im XL Jahrhundert (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1953); J. Lecler, S. J. , "La crise du monachisme aux X P XII1 siecles" in Aux sources de la spiritualite chretienne (Paris: Ed du Cerl, 1964). On the monastic orders in general, see P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, ou Histoire des ordres monastiques, religieux et mililaires, in 4 volumes (Pans: Ed. du Petit Montrouge, 1847); P- Cousin, Precis d'hisloire monastique (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1956); D. Knowles, "Les siecles monastiques" in D. Knowles and D. Obolensky, Nouvelle Histoire de I'Eglise, volume 2: he Moyen Age (600-1500), trans. L Jezequel (Paris: Le Seuil, 1968) pp. 223 240; and M. Pacaut, Les Ordres monastiques et religieux au Moyen Age (Paris: Nathan, 1970).
2. Founded in 910 in the Maconnais, the Cluny order, living under Saint Benedict's rule, developed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries in symbiosis with the seigniorial class, Irom which most of the abbots and prioresses came. See R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 1002 1036; U. Berliere, L'Ordre monastique, ch. 4, "Cluny et la reforme monastique" pp. 168 197; G. de Valous, Le Monachisme clunisien des origines au XV'. Vie inlerieure des monasteres el organisation de I'ordre, Vol. II, L'Ordre de Cluny (Pans: A. Picard, 1970); and "Cluny" in Cardinal A. Baudrillart, ed. Dictionnaire d'hisloire
et de geographic ecclesiastiques (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1956) vol. 2, col. 35 174; P. Cousin, Precis d'hisloire monastique, p. 5; and A. H. Bredero, "Cluny et Citeaux au XIP siecle. Les origines de la controverse" Studi Medievali, 1971, pp. 135-176.
3. Citeaux, founded on 21 March 1098 by Robert de Molesmes (1028 1111), separated from
the Cluny order in order to return to strict observance of Saint Benedict's rule, emphasiz
ing poverty, silence, work, and renunciation ol the world. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 920 959; U. Berliere, "Les origines de I'ordre de Citeaux de I'ordre benedictin au XIP siecle" Revue d'hisloire ecclesiastiquc, I900, pp. 448 471 and 1901, pp. 253 290; J. Besse, "Cisterciens" in A. Vacant, ed. Dictionnaire de theologie catholique (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1905) vol. 2, col. 2532 2550; R. Trilhe, "Citeaux" in
F. Cabrol, ed. Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne el de liturgie (Pans: Letouzey et Ane, 1913) vol. 3, col. 1779 1811; U. Berliere, L'Ordre monastique, pp. 168 197; J. -B. Mahn, L'Ordre cis- tercien et son gouvernement des origines au milieu du XIII1 siecle (1098-1266) (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1945); J . M . Canivez, "Citeaux (Ordre de)" in Cardinal A. Baudrillart, Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastiques (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1953) vol. 12, col. 874 997; and L. J. Lekai, Les Moines blancs. Histoire de I'ordre cistercien (Pans: Le Seuil, 1957).
4. In 1215, around the Castillian canon Dominique de Guzman, a community of evangelical preachers, living under the rule of Saint Augustine, was established, which in January 1217 received the name of "Preaching Friars" from Pope Honorius III. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 86-113; G. R. Galbraith, The Constitution of the Domenican Order, 1216-1360 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1925); M. H. Vicaire, Histoire de saint Dominique (Paris: Ed. du Cerf, 1957) in 2 volumes; and Saint Dominique et ses Jreres (Pans: Ed. du Cerf, 1967). See also, P. Mandonnet, "Freres Precheurs" in A. Vacant and E. Mangenot, Dictionnaire de theologie catholique (Pans: Letouzey et Ane, 1905) vol. 6, col. 863 924; R. L. CEchslin, "Freres Precheurs" in A. Rayez, ed. Dictionnaire de spiritualite ascelique et mystique. Doctrine el histoire (Paris: Beauchesne, 1964) vol. 5, col. 1422-1524; and, A. Duval and M. H. Vicaire, "Freres Precheurs (Ordre des)" in Dictionnaire d'hisloire et geographie ecclesiastiques, vol. 18, col. 1369-1426.
5. The order founded at Monte Cassino in 529 by Benedict of Nursie (480-547), who drafted its rule in 534. See, R. P. Helyot, "Benedictins (Ordre des)" in Dictionnaire des ordres religieux vol. 1, col. 416 430; C. Butler, Benedictine Monachism: Studies in Benedictine Life (London: Longmans Green and Co. , 1924), French translation by C. Grolleau, Le Monachisme benedictin (Paris:J. de Gigord, 1924); C. Jean Nesmy, Saint Benoit et la vie monastique (Paris: Le Seuil, 1959); and R.
Tschudy, Les Benedictins (Paris: Ed. Saint Paul, 1963).
? 6. Founded in 1534 by Ignatius Loyola (1491 1556) to pursue the struggle against heresy, the order of Jesuits received the name "Company ot Jesus" from Pope Paul III in his bull Regimini Militantes Ecclesie. See, R. P. Ilelyot and others, Diclionnuire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 628-671; A. Demersay, Histoire physique, economique et politique du Paraguay et des establissemenls des jesuites (Paris: L. Hachette, 1 8 6 0 ) ; J . Brucker, La Compagnie de Jesus. Esquisse de son institut et de son histoire 1521-177} (Paris: G. Beauchesne, 1919); H. Beefier, Die Jesuiten. Geslall und Geschichte des Ordens (Munich: Kosel Verlag, 1951); A. Guillermou, Les Jesuites (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1963).
7. The "mendicant orders" were organized in the thirteenth century with a view to regener ating religious life; professing to live only by public chanty and practicing poverty, they devoted themselves to preaching and teaching. The four first mendicant orders are the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Carmelites, and the Augustinians.
For the Dominicans, see above note 4.
Constituted in 1209 by Francis of Assisi, the "Brotherhood of Penitents," devoted to the preaching ol penitence, was transformed into a religious order in 1210 with the name "Friars Minor" (minores: humble) and intending to lead an itinerant life of poverty. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Diclionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 2, col. 326-354; H. C. Lea,
A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1887) vol.
1, ch. 6, "The Mendicant orders," pp. 243-304 (French translation by S. Reinach, Histoire de I'lnquisition au Moyen Age [Pans: Societe nouvelle de hbraine et d'editions, 1 9 0 0 | vol.
1, ch. 6, "Les ordres mendiants"); E. d'Alenc,on, "Freres Mineurs" in Diclionnaire de theolo- giecatholique,vol. 6,col. 809 863;P. Gratien,HistoiredelafondationetderevolutiondeVordre des Freres Mineurs au XVIII1 siecle, (Gembloux: J. Duculot, 1928); F. de Sessevalle, Histoire generale de I'ordre de Saint-Francois (Le-Puy en Velay, Ed. de la Revue d'histoire franciscaine, 1935-1937) 2 volumes; and J. Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Orderfrom its origins to the Year 7577 (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1968).
In 1247 Pope Innocent IV entered the order of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel into the lamily of "mendicants. " On the Carmelites, founded in 1185 by Berthold de Calabre, see, R. P. Helyot and others, Diclionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 1, col. 667 705; and, B. Zimmerman, "Carmes (Ordre des)" in Diclionnaire de theologie catholique, op. cil, vol. 2, col. 1776-1792.
Pope Innocent IV decided to unite the hermits of Tuscany into a single community within the framework of the Augustinian order. SeeJ. Besse, "Augustin" in Dictionnaire de theologie catholique, vol. 1, col. 2472-2483. On the mendicant orders in general, see--in addition to the chapter devoted to them in H. C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition, vol. 1, pp. 275 346; Histoire de I'lnquisition, vol. 1, pp. 458-479; F. Vernet, Les Ordres mendiants (Pans: Bloud et Gay, 1933); J. Le Gofl, "Ordres mendiants et urbanisation dans la France medievale" in Annales ESC, no. 5, 1979, Histoire et Urbanisation, pp. 924 965- Foucault returns to the mendicant orders ol the Middle Ages, in the context of an analysis of "cynicism," in the College de France course of 1983 1984, "Le Gouvemement de soi et des autres. Le courage de la vente," lecture ol 29 February 1984.
8. See above, lecture of 21 November 1973, note 4.
9. In 1343 Jan Van Ruysbroek (1294-1381) founded a community at Groenendaal, near
Brussels, which he transformed in March 1350 into a religious order living under the Augustinian rule devoted to the struggle against heresy and lax morality within the Church. See, F. Hermans, Ruysbroek /'Admirable et son ecole (Pans: Fayard, 1958); J. Orcibal,
Jean de la Croix et les mystiques rheno-flamands, and A. Koyre, Mystiques, spirituels, alchimisles du XVIr siecle allemand (Paris: Gallimard, 1971).
10. One of the distinctive features of the schools of the "Brethren ol the Common Lile" was the distribution of students into decurics at the head ol which a decurion was responsible for the supervision ol conduct. See, M. J. Gaulres, "Histoire du plan d'etudes protestant. "
11. "Nowhere does the impression of order and religious emphasis appear better than in the use of time. Early in the morning the inhabitants go to mass, then the children go to school and the adults to the workshop or fields . . . When work has ended, religious exercises begin: the catechism, the rosary, prayers; the end ol the day is free and left for strolling around and sport. A curfew marks the beginning of the night. . . This regime partakes of both the barracks and the monastery. " L. Baudin, Une theocratie socialiste: VEtat jesuite du Paraguay (Paris: M. T. Genin, 1962) p. 23. See, L. A. Muraton, J. Cristianesimo felice nelle
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missioni de'padri delta compagnia di Gesti nel Paraguai (Venice: G. Pasquali, 1743), French translation, Relation des missions du Paraguay, trans. P. Lambert (Paris: Bordellet, 1826) pp. 156-157; A. Demersay, Histoire . . . du Paraguay et des elablissements des jesuiles; J. Brucker, Le Gouvernemenl des jesuites au Paraguay (Pans: 1880); M. Fassbinder, Der "Jesuitenstaat" in Paraguay (Halle: M. Niemayer, 1926); C. Lugon, La Republique communiste chretienne des Guaranis(Pans: Editions Ouvneres, 1949). Foucault refers to thejesuits in Paraguay in his lecture to the Cercle d'etudes architecturales, "Des espaces autres" Dits el Ecrits, vol. 4,
p. 761.
12. A congregation ol priests and scholars founded in the sixteenth century by Cesar de Bus
(1544 1607), which in 1593 was established at Avignon. Inserted in the current of a renewal of the teaching of the catechism, it developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by turning to teaching in the colleges. See, R. P. Helyot and others, Dictionnaire des ordres religieux, vol. 2, col. 46 7/l.
13. See Surveiller et Punir, Part 3, ch. 1, pp. 137-138, 143, and 151 157; Discipline and Punish, Part 3, ch. 1, pp. 135 136, 141 142, and 149 156.
14. From 1781, the worker had to be provided with a "livret" or "earner" which had to be stamped by the administrative authorities when he moved and which he had to present when he started work. Reinstated by the Consulate, the livret was only finally abolished in 1890. See, M. Sauzet, Le Livret obligatoire des ouvriers, (Paris: F. Pichon, 1890); G. Bourgin, "Contribution a I'histoire du placement et du livret en France" Revue politique el parlemen- taire vol. LXXI, January March 1912, pp. 117 118; S. Kaplan, "Reflexions sur la police du monde du travail (1700 1815)" Revue hislorique, 103rd year, no. 529, January March 1979, pp. 17-77; E. Dolleans and G. Dehove, Histoire du travail en France. Mouvement ouvrier el legislation social, 2 volumes (Pans: Domat Montchrestien, 1953-1955); In his course at the College de France for 1972 1973, "La Societe punitive", in the lecture of 14 March 1973, Foucault presented the worker's livret as "an inlra judicial mechanism ol penalization. "
15. M. Foucault, Les Mots el les Choses. Une archeologie des sciences humaines (Paris: Gallimard, 1966) ch. 5, "Classer" pp. 137 176; English translation, The Order of Things. An Archeology
oj the Human Sciences, trans. A. Sheridan (London: Tavistock and New York: Pantheon, 1970) ch. 5, "Classifying," pp. 125 165.
16. J. Bentham, The Panopticon; La Panoptique. See above, lecture 21 November 1973, note 5. 17. A State penitentiary was built by Harvey, Busby, and Williams between 1816 and 1821 on a site at Pentonville acquired by Jeremy Bentham in 1795. It had a radiating structure ol six pentagons around a central hexagon containing the chaplain, inspectors, and employees.
The prison was demolished in 1903.
18. Petite Roquette was built following a competition for the construction of a model prison,
the arrangement of which, according to the terms of the circular of 24 February 1825, must be "such that, with the aid of a central point or internal gallery, the whole ol the prison can be supervised by one person, or at the most two people. " C. Lucas, Du systeme penitentiaire en Europe el aux Elats-Unis (Pans: Bossange, 1828) vol. 1, p. cxm. "La Petite Roquette" or "central House for corrective education" was constructed in 1827 according to a plan proposed by Lebas. It was opened in 1836 and allocated to young prisoners until 1865. See, N. Barbaroux, J. Broussard, and M. Hamoniaux, "L'evolution histonque de la Petite Roquette" Revue "Reeducation" no. 191, May 1967; H. Gaillac, Les Maisons de correction (18}0-19/I5) (Paris: Ed. Cujas, 1971) pp. 61-66; and, J. Gillet, Recherche sur la Petite Roquette (Paris: 1975).
19. J. Bentham, The Panopticon, Letter 21, Schools, p. 93, emphasis in original; La Panoplique, p. 166.
20. Bentham writes that it gives "such herculean and ineludible strength to the grip ol power" ibid. p. 88; ibid. p. 160.
21. Ibid. Preface, p. 31; ibid. p. 95-
22.
