It is not so easy, however, to decide
ourn), and love to Deity are enthroned, in fellow- by what peculiar ideas Plotinus compressed the
ship with the ever-blessed spirits (dalyoves, c.
ourn), and love to Deity are enthroned, in fellow- by what peculiar ideas Plotinus compressed the
ship with the ever-blessed spirits (dalyoves, c.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
p.
104; De Meth.
Med.
i.
3, ii.
5, iv.
4, 4.
$$ 14, 15), and would tell neither his parents, his
vol. x. pp. 28, 110, 260; De Venae Sect. adv. Era- forefathers, his native country, nor his birthday, in
sistr. cc. 5, 6, vol. xi. pp. 163, 169; De Simplic. order to avoid the celebration of it. (Porphyr. cc.
Medicam. Temper. ac Facult
. vi. prooem. vol. xi. 1, 2. ) When requested to sit for his portrait, he
p. 795; Comment. in Hippocr. Epid. VI. " | asked, whether it was not enough to bear the image
iii. 12, vol. xvii. pt. ii. p. 29; Adv. Julian. c. 5, in which nature had reiled us, and whether we ought
vol. xviii
. pt. i. p. 270), who calls him one of the to commit the folly of leaving to posterity an image
most eminent physicians of his time (De Hippocr. of this image ? so that his enthusiastic friend,
et Plat. Decr. viii
. 5, vol. v. p. 685). He is Amelius, only succeeded in getting a faithful por-
quoted also by Pliny (H. N. xx. 13, 48), Athe. trait of him by introducing an artist to his open
naeus (Deipn. ii. 23, p. 45), Oribasius (Coll. lectures, in order that he might observe him
Medic. vii
. 27, p. 332), and Gariopontus (De accurately and then paint him from memory.
Febr. c. 7). None of his writings are now ex- (Porphyr. 1. c. ) According to Suidas and others,
tant.
(W. A. G. ) he was born at Lycopolis (Sivouth) in Egypt.
PLOʻCAMUS, a Greek sculptor, whose name is That he was of Roman descent, or at least born of
inscribed on the plinth of a group of two statues, a freed man of Rome, is conjectured with great
Bacchus supported by Ampelus. Besides the in- probability from his name. Porphyry could give
scription DAOKAMOC E NDIHCE, there is another very little information respecting his earlier life, at
on the front of the plinth, POKEINN CTN MTP, least from any personal communication. He
which is evidently of later date. (Boissard, Antiq. learned, however, that he had been fed from the
Rom. p. iv. tab. 120 ; Montfaucon, Antiq. Expliq. nurse's breast up to his eighth year, although he
vol. ii. p. 11; R. Rochette, Lettre à M. Schorn. p. was already sent to school'; that in his twenty-
389, 2d ed. )
[P. S. ] eighth year the impulse to study philosophy was
PLOTINA, POMPEIA, the wife of the awakened in him, but that not obtaining satisfac-
emperor Trajan, was, according to the concurrent tion from the teacher he attended (who was named
testimony of all the writers who mention her, a Alexandriens), he fell into a state of great anxiety,
woman of extraordinary merits and virtue. As and was then brought by a friend to Ammonius
she ascended the steps of the palace after her Saccas ; that from
that day forward he remained
husband's accession, she turned round to the continuously witb Ammonius for eleven years,
IB 4
## p. 424 (#440) ############################################
424
PLOTINUS.
PLOTINUS.
until in his thirty-ninth year the desire he expe | fering from pains of the stomach denied himself the
rienced to learn the philosophy of the Persians and bath as well as treacle (a kind that was made of
Indians, induced him to join the expedition of the viper's flesh and poppies), the latter because he
cmperor Gordian (A. D. 242). After the death of generally abstained from flesh altogether. (< 2, ib.
Gordian he retreated with great difficulty to An. Kreuzer. ) His written style was close (ouvrovós),
tioch, and from thence weni, in his fortieth year, pregnant (molúvovs), and richer in thoughts than
to Rome. There he held communication with in words, yet enthusiastic, and always pointing
some few individuals, but kept the doctrines of entirely to the main object (éktabws opaswv,
Ammonius secret, as he had concerted to do with c. 14). Probably he was more eloquent in his oral
two others of the same school, namely, Herennius communications, and was said to be very clever in
and Origen. Even after Herennius and Origen | finding the appropriate word, even if he failed in
had successively, in opposition to the agreement, accuracy on the whole. Beside this, the beauty of
begun to make known these doctrines in their his person was increased when discoursing ; his
;
books, Plotinus continued only to make use of them countenance was lighted up with genius, and co-
in oral communications (εκ της 'Αμμωνίου συνου- vered with small drops of perspiration. Although
σίας ποιούμενος της διατριβάς), in order to excite | he received questions in a gentle and friendly
his friends to investigation, which communications, manner, yet he knew well how to answer them
however, according to the testimony of Amelius, forcibly or to exhaust them. For three whole
were characterised by great want of order and days, on one occasion, he discussed with Porphyry
superlluity of words (vse of diaTp1671. . . . dračías the relation of the soul to the body. (c. 13. )
ataupns kal holdīs pavapias, Porphyr. c. 3), until, He ever expressed himself with the great warmth
in the first year of the reign of Gallienus (25+), of acknowledgment respecting any successful at-
he was induced by his friends to express himself in tempts of his younger friends ; as, for example,
writing upon the subjects treated of in his oral respecting a poem by Porphyry. Immoral prin-
communications (ypápev tas éuTiTTouoas ÚTO- ciples he met by exciting opposition against them.
Bérels, Porph. c. 4). In this manner when, ten (c. 15. )
years later, Porphyry came to Rome and joined At a time when, notwithstanding the reigning
himself to Plotinus, twenty-one books of very demoralisation, a deep religious need was awakened,
various contents had been already composed by noble minds, which had not yet obtained satisfac-
him, which were only dispersed, however, with tion from the open teaching of Christianity, must
discretion and put into the hands of the initiated. have attached themselves with great confidence
(Ib. c. 4. ) During the six years that Porphyry and affection to a personality so fraught with deep
lived with Plotinus at Rome, the latter, at the in- reflection as was that of Plotinus. It was not
stigation of Amelius and Porphyry, wrote twenty- only men of science like the philosophers Amelius,
three books on the subjects which had been Porphyry, the physicians Paulinus, Eustochius, and
earnestly discussed in their meetings, to which nine Zethus the Arab, who regarded him with deep
books were afterwards added. (Porphyry had re- respect, but even senators and other statesmen did
tarned to Sicily in the year 268. ) of the fifty- so as well. One of them, named Rogatianus,
four books of Plotinus, Porphyry remarks, that respected him to such a degree, that he stripped
the first twenty-one were of a lighter character, | himself of his dignity (he had attained the praetorian
that only the twenty-three following were the pro- rank) and renounced all kind of luxury ; this he
duction of the matured powers of the author, and did, however, to his own bodily comfort, for having
that the other nine, especially the four last, were been previously lame both in his hands and feet,
evidently written with diminished vigour. Als he perfectly recovered by this simple habit of living
though Porphyry's judgment, however, might only the use of all his limbs. (c. 7. ) Even women
have approved of the edition which he had himself attached themselves to him, and his house was
arranged, yet he has carefully given the titles to all filled with youths and maidens, whom their dying
three of the portions, as, with little variation, they parents had entrusted to his direction. He did
again appear in the Enneads. (cc. 5, 6. )
not either appear at all deficient in the practical
The correction of his writings Plotinus himself skill that was requisite to manage their affairs.
committed to the care of Porphyry, for on account His sharp penetrating judgment and good sense
of the weakness of his sight he never read them in such matters are highly extolled (c. 11), and
through a second time, to say nothing of making the care with which he looked through all the
corrections ; intent simply upon the matter, he was accounts respecting their fortune is much praised
alike careless of orthography, of the division of the (c. 9).
syllables, and the clearness of his handwriting. He enjoyed the favour of the emperor Gallienus
He was accustomed, however, to think out his con- and the empress Salonina to such a degree, that he
ceptions so completely, that what he had sketched obtained almost the rebuilding of two destroyed
out in his mind seemed copied as though from a towns in Campania, with the view of their being
book. He could always, with the utmost confi- governed according to the laws of Plato (c. 12).
dence, take up the thread of the investigation Even envy itself was constrained to acknowledge
where he had broken off, without being obliged to his worth. It is said that the attempt of a certain
read the preceding paragraph anew, even though Alexandrian, named Olympius (who for a short
foreign investigations might have filled up the in- time had been a pupil of Ammonius), to injure
tervening time. He lived at the same time with Plotinus by magical arts (dotpoboa no au avtov
himself and with others, and the inward activity Mayevoas) recoiled upon himself, and revenged
of his spirit only ceased during the hours of sleep, itself on him by causing the contraction of all his
which, moreover, this very activity, as well as the limbs. It is further related, that an Egyptian
scantiness of food to which he had accustomed priest, in the temple of Isis, essayed in the pre-
himself, greatly abridged (cc. 7, 8); even bread sence of Plotinus to make his attending daluw
itsell he but seldom enjoyed (c. 8), and when suf- | appear, but that instead of this a god presented
## p. 425 (#441) ############################################
PLOTINUS.
425
PLOTINUS.
himself as the protecting spirit of the philosopher, | respect placed by his side), and the closeness of the
whose high dignity the Egyptian could now no reasoning. (cc. 21, 22. )
longer call in question. These relations, occurring When suffering from pain in the bowels, Plo-
as they do in the comparatively sober-minded tinus used no other means than daily rubbing, and
Porphyry (c. 10; comp. Procl
. in Alcibiad. i. 23. left this off when the men who assisted him died
p. 198, Cons. ), are well worthy of observation, as of the pest (A. D. 262). Suidas (who, however, is
characteristic of the tendencies of that age, bow- not to be relied on) says, that Plotinus himself was
ever little disposed we may be to attach any reality attacked by the plague ; Porphyry on the contrary
to them. Although Plotinus only attached any (c. 15) states, that the omission of these rubbings
faith to the prophecies of the astrologers after a produced only disense of the throat (kóvayxos),
searching examination (c. 15, extr. ), yet he believed, which gradually became disjointed, so that at last
as that Egyptian did (comp. Ennead. iii. 4), in he became speechless, wenk of vision, and con-
protecting spirits of higher and lower ranks, and tracted both in hands and fect. Plotinus, there-
not less, probably, in the power of calling them up fore, withdrew to the country seat of his deceased
through intense meditation, or of working upon friend Zethus in Campania, and, according to Eu-
those at a distance by magic. It was not indeed stochius, passed by Puteoli
. There was only one
to his individual power, but to the divine power, of his friends present in the neighbourhood when
gained by vision, that he ascribed this miraculous he died (Porphyry had been obliged to go on
agency, but he would none the more acknowledge account of health to Lilybaeum in Sicily, and
that the gods had any individual interest in him- Amelius was on a journey to Apameia in Syria),
self, and on one occasion he put off Amelius' re- and of him he took leave in the following words":
quest to share with him in a sacrifice, with the “ Thee bave I waited for, but now I seek to lead
words, “ Those gods of yours must come to me, back the Divine principle within me to the God
not I to them. " (c. 10. )
who is all in all. ” At his last breath, Porphyry
After Plotinus's death, Amelius inquired of the relates that a dragon glided from under the bed, and
Delphic Apollo whither his soul was gone, and escaped through an opening in the wall. (c. 2. )
received in fifty-one lame hexameters an ardent In reference to former systems of Grecian phi-
panegyric on the philosopher, in which he was losophy, we are fully able to point out, for the
celebrated as mild and good, with a soul aspiring to most part with decision, how far they had prepared
the divinity, loved of God, and a fortunate searcher the way for Plotinus by earlier developments, and
after truth ; now, it was said, he abides like how much the peculiarity, both of their matter and
Minos, Rhadamanthus, Aeacus, Pluto, and Pytha- their form, gained by his additional and creative
goras, where friendship, undisturbed joy (eúppo- reflections.
It is not so easy, however, to decide
ourn), and love to Deity are enthroned, in fellow- by what peculiar ideas Plotinus compressed the
ship with the ever-blessed spirits (dalyoves, c. 22). New Platonic doctrines into that systematic form
Porphyry, his biographer, adds, that he had raised in which they lie before us in the Enneads. This
his soul to the contemplation of the supreme and result, indeed, we may see was prepared for by the
personal God not without success, and that the Deity philosophical efforts of almost two centuries. On
appeared to him to be something elevated above all the one side, Philon and others had attempted to
body and form, beyond thought and imagination ; bring the Emanation-theory, peculiar to the East,
yea, that during his own intercourse with him, he into harmony with the flower of the Hellenistic
(Plotinus) had, by a transcendent energy of soul, philosophy, namely with Platonism ; on the other
four times risen to a perfect union with God, and side, various Greeks had attempted partly to per-
confesses that he himself, during a life of sixty- fect and complete this theory, as the mature fruit
eight years, had only once attained that elevation of the Greek philosophic spirit, by a selection from
(C. 23; comp. Plotin. Ennead. v. 5. § 3. ) The the Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic doctrines, partly
acknowledgments of Longinus, however, speak far (as a satisfaction for the religious wants of the age)
more for the influence which Plotinus exercised on to base upon it the elements of the syinbolism and
the mind of his age, than do the manifested Deity the faith both of the Oriental and Grecian reli-
or the admiring love of Porphyry. That excellent gions. With reference to the latter, that which
critic had at first (having been himself a constant first of all had sprung out of the religious wants of
hearer of Ammonius and Origen) regarded Plotinus the age, was afterwards continued in the hope of
with contempt (c. 20), and even after his death raising a barrier against the spread of the Christian
could not profess any kind of agreement with most doctrines, by ennobling the various polytheistic
of his doctrines ; indeed he had written against religions, and by pointing to their common and
Plotinus's doctrine of ideas, and not given in to rational basis. But as, on the one hand, the Ori-
the answers of Porphyry and Amelius ; yet still ental Emanation-theory, with its hidden and self-
he was most anxious to get perfect copies of his excluding deity, could not strike its roots in the
books, and extolled at once the pregnancy of their soil of the Grecian philosophy, so neither, on the
style and the philosophical treatment of the inves- other hand, could the eclectic and syncretic at-
tigations. In the same manner he expresses him-tempts of Plutarch, Maximus Tyrius, and others,
self in his work on final causes, and also in a letter satisfy the requisitions of a regular philosophy of
written before the death of Plotinus ; in these religion. Without altogether renouncing these
writings he unconditionally prefers our Lycopolitan, syncretic and eclectic attempts, or rejecting the new
not only to the other philosophers of his time, intuitional method of the Oriental Emanation-
whether Platonics, Stoics, or Peripatetics, but also theories, Numenius and his contemporary Cronius
to Numenius, Cronius, Moderatus, and Thrasyllus, appeared to be striving to make these several systems
more especially in reference to the fullness of the accessible to the Grecian dialectics. In place of
objects treated of (apobavjuara), the originality of emanations from the divine self-revealing essence,
the manner in which they were discussed (Tpów which become more and more finite in proportion
Sewpías idios xproduevos ; Amelius is in this as they stand further from the godhead, Nunienius,
a
## p. 426 (#442) ############################################
426
PLOTINUS.
PLOTINUS.
approaching nearer to Plato, substitutes the deve found in lamblichus, Proclus, and others of the New
lopment of eternal ideas, by the intuition (Sewpla) Platonic school. Probably it was at his suggestion
of the separate and independent soul, as directed that Amelius and Porphyry had written against
to that absolute and unchangable Divine essence the misuse which already began to be made of the
from which it first proceeded. The unconditional doctrines of Zoroaster. Porphyry (Plotin. c. 16)
existence, or the good, is not supposed to enter mentions these writings in connection with the
into this development; but its fluctuating image, book which Plotinus aimed against the Gnostics,
the soul, by virtue of its innate intuition, can ex. and there can be no doubt but that in this discus-
plain the hidden fullness of the original being, and sion he had to deal also with the Christian Gnostics.
by virtue of its peculiar striving (égeois), can set It is only their arbitrary Emanation-phantasies,
it, as it were, out of itself, and so separate in itself however, their doctrines of matter and evil, and
the soul and the spirit. How far Ammonius their astrological fatalism that he opposes ; the
Sacens entered into such a logical modification of Christian doctrines respecting salvation, which were
the Emanation-theory we cannot decide, neither do rather veiled than revealed by them, he leaves en-
we know how far he surpassed his teachers in the tirely untouched ; also in the different explanations
form of his logical definitions. We only learn that he gives of his threefold principle, he makes no re-
he pointed out the unanimity of Plato and Aris- ference to the Christian Trinity. Porphyry was
totle in their essential doctrines, and chose them the first to enter decidedly into the lists against
for his leaders. (Hierocles, de Provident, ap. Phot. the Christian revelation, and we must attribute it
Cod. 214, 251. ) According to the fore-mentioned to the manner in which he viewed the task com-
authority of Porphyry, Plotinus had joined him mitted to his care, that in the books of Plotinus,
self entirely to Ammonius in the first years of his which were edited by him, he introduced no un-
residence in Rome, and even afterwards, when he favourable reference whatever to a religion which
had the commentaries of Severus, Cronius, Nume he detested.
nius, Gaius, Atticus, as also those of the Peripa- In order to estimate these writings correctly, we
tetics, Aspasius, Alexander, Adrastus, read in their ought not to forget that they originated for the
meetings, without at the same time following most part in some question or other of temporary
them, the spirit of his former teacher was predo interest. Only a few of them can be considered
minant in all their investigations. (Porphyr. c. 14. ) as the commencements of a complete development
Against the charge of having copied Numenius, of their respective subjects ; as, for example, the
Amelius had defended him in a letter to Porphyry three books on philosophical problems (iv. 3—5),
(Porph. 17, where the letter referred to is given) ; on the different species of existence (vi
, 1-3),
and indeed from the worthless fragments that have and on unity and uniformity (vi. 4-5); yet it
been handed down to us from the books of Nume would be difficult to unite even them in one conti-
nius, we could well judge of the matter, even if nuous series of investigations, and still more so the
Plotinus had simply surpassed that Platonic in a others, especially those that were completed in the
few important points, and not in his whole method first period, which, however, bear more than those
of philosophising.
of the other periods the character of separate trea-
With the doctrines of Aristotle, of the Pytha- tises, being adapted only in some few respects to
goreans and Stoics, of Heracleitus, of the Eleatics, stand in connection with them. We need not,
of Anaxagoras and Empedocles, our philosopher therefore, blame Porphyry, that despairing of all
was clearly acquainted; he appropriates much such attempts, he has divided and arranged the books
from them, and opposes much often with great according to the similarity of their subject matter ;
acuteness ; as, for example, in the books on the perhaps it would have been still better if he had
different species of existence, the Categories. entirely separated the treatises of the first period
(Ennead. vii. 1-3 ; comp. Trendelenburg's His- from those of both the others, and arranged con-
torische Beiträge zur Philosophie, ist vol. , Ges secutively each of the other divisions separately
chichte der Kategorienlehre. ) Plato, however, is for itself, on the very same principles by which
his constant guide and master. In him he finds he had already been guided. These chronological
the very basis and point of his philosophy more or references would, at least, have necessitated a more
less distinctly hinted at ; he quotes him often with complete discussion of Plotinus's system, however
a bare “ipse dixit,” is fond of joining his own little it might have been practicable to trace the
speculations upon his remarks, and of exhibiting gradual development of that system in the mind of
his own agreement with that great Athenian. the author. The fundamental and main doctrines
This connection with Plato is probably common to of it appear to have been fixed when he first began
him with Numenius, as also the critical method of to write (which was at a tolerably mature period
examining the other Grecian systems, which was of life), only in the earlier periods they seem to
borrowed from Aristotle. But to him Plato was have been concealed behind the particular object
not, as with Numenius, the Attic Moses ; on the he had in view, more than was the case in those
contrary, he appears almost designedly to avoid elaborations of a later date, which were directed
any reference to the Oriental philosophy and reli- towards the elucidation of the essential features of
gion ; he attempts to find all this under the veil of his own peculiar system. In these latter writ-
the Greek mythology, and points out here the germ ings, the endeavour which, as far as
of his own philosophical and religious convictions. judge, characterised Plotinus more than any other
Of the Egyptian and other Oriental doctrines of philosopher of his age, was especially prominent,
religion he hardly makes any mention at all ; and the endeavour, namely, to pave the way to the
yet to one who was a born Egyptian, and had solution of any question by a careful discussion
penetrated so far into Asia, such knowledge could of the difficulties of the case. However unsatis-
not have been wanting. Plotinus, therefore, can- factory this process may generally have proved,
not be accused of that commixture and falsification yet the insight which it afforded into the pecu-
of the Oriental mythology and mysticism, which is liarity of the problems was only second to that
we can
## p. 427 (#443) ############################################
PLOTINUS.
427
PLOTINUS.
of Aristotle himself, whom in this respect he i ledge of every thing that can be thought of like-
appears to have chosen as his master.
wise (v. 3. § 1, comp. SS 4, 5).
The difficulty of comprehending and appreciating After an acute development of the difficulties
the system of Plotinus is greatly increased, not which oppose themselves to the idea of an abso-
only by the want of any systematic and scientific lutely simple self-consciousness, Plotinus attempts
exhibition of it, and the consequent tedious repe- to solve them by the supposition that the essence
titions, but also by the impossibility of finding in of the soul is a spontaneous activity, and that self-
such a mass of isolated treatises the connection of consciousness is to be regarded as including at
the parts and the foundation of the whole system. once thinking itself - the thinking principle; and
No treatises like the Theaetetus and Sophistes of the object thought (v. 3. $$ 6, 8, 5. § 1). From
Plato, which undertake to develope and fix the idea this it' follows still further, that the pure spirit
of knowledge, and of its objects, are to be found in (that which does not strive to work out of itself)
the Ennead of Plotinus ; and from this circum- lives necessarily in a state of self-consciousness and
stance we can see how the desire for a strictly self-knowledge; that the human spirit, however,
scientific foundation in the philosophy of the age developes ils pure activity only so far as it masters
had been lost. The middle point of the system, the soul, with which it is connected by the bond
however, may be regarded as involved in the doc- of a mediating thought (Sıávoia), and rests simply
trines of a threefold principle, and of pure intuition. upon itself (v. 3. $7). Lastly, it is concluded
We find, if not a fully satisfactory, yet at any rate that the human spirit can only know the divine
a vigorous attempt to establish these points in the and the spiritual, so far aš it knows itself
argument, that true knowledge is not attained so (1. c. ). In self-knowledge, thought and existence
long as the knowing and the known, subject and fall absolutely together ; for the former is im-
object, are separate from each other. We trust, plied in the process of knowing, the latter in
says Plotinus, to our sense perceptions, and yet self or the me (vi. 1. $ 1). So likewise in all true
we are ignorant what it is in them which belongs knowledge, the object must be comprehended im-
to the objects themselves, and what to the affections mediately (v. 9. § 13), and have reference to the
of the subject. Moreover, sense can grasp only an ideas which are innate in the soul itself. Medi-
image (@lowdov) of the object, not the object itself, tation, or meditating thought, can only be regarded
which ever remains beyond it. In the same way as the way to truth (iv. 4. § 12), without being
the spirit cannot know the spiritual (rd vontd) 50 ever able to reach it (v. 5. SS 1, 3, 6, 8. § 4, comp.
long as it is separate from it; and if any one i. 3. S$ 4, 5, 8. & 2). Nay, unconditioned Being,
would affirm that the spirit and the spiritual may or the Godhead, cannot be grasped by thinking, or
somewhere or other be united, yet still our thoughts science, only by intuition (Tapovola, vi. 9. $ 4, 7.
would only be types (ai vonoeis TÚTOL oovtai), $ 35). In this pure intuition, the good, or the abso-
types it may be of a real external existence; an lute being, gazes upon itself through the medium of
existence, however, which the mind can never be our own spirits (vi. 7. 88 16, 34, vi. 6. $ 7,8. $ 19,9.
sure that it has grasped, and which (whether ex- $ 4, iv. 4. § 2, v. 3. & 3). To close the eye against all
istence be a spiritual thing or not) must present things transient and variable (olov uvoavta öyv,
itself to us as premises, judgments, or propositions i. 6. 8 8), to raise ourselves to this simple essence
(v. 5. 81, comp. v. 3. $81—3). To despair of truth (and wois), to take refuge in the absolute (vi. 9.
altogether, he considered, notwithstanding this, to $ 11, v. 8. & 11), this must be regarded as the highest
be equivalent to a denial of mind itself. Accord aim of all our spiritual efforts. We are necessitated,
ingly, we must of necessity presuppose knowledge, however, to regard the unconditioned or the good,
truth, and existence ; we must admit that the real as the primary ground of the spirit, and of its
spirit carries every thing (spiritual) in itself, not fundamental idea of being, or of the world of ideas,
merely their types or images ; and that for this by virtue of the multiplicity of the acts of the
very reason there is no need of any demonstration soul's activity, and of their objects, all being in-
or guarantee of truth ; but, rather, that truth cluded in the conception of being (vi. 3. & 10, 6. $ 1,
$
carries its own evidence to the soul. ('H ONTWs vi. 7. § 37,9. 82); for all multiplicity is conditioned
avbera où ovudwvoûva ärıq åréautſ, ib. & 2. ) and dependent. In this way the unconditioned
The true soul cannot therefore deceive; and its shows itself as the absolutely simple,—the uncon-
knowledge is nothing representational, uncertain, ditioned one (v. 4. § 1, vi. 9. $ 6), which for that very
or borrowed from other sources ($ 1). This argu- reason has no need of thinking nor of willing (vi. .
mentation, directed as well against the Stoics as the 9. $ 6); and being raised entirely above all the de-
atomistic Sensationalists (comp. vi. 1. $ 28, ii. 6. terminations of existence (v. 3. & 12, vi. 2. & 3, &c.
§ 1, . 6. 86, iv. 4. & 23, 5. & 3, 3. $ 18, i. 4. & 10, 8. $ 18,9. & 3) can be described neither as being or
vi. 7. & 9), now breaks off
, and leads immediately not being ; neither as moved or resting ; neither as
to considerations, in which the mind is regarded as free or necessary; neither as a principle or as no
a cosmical principle, not a knowing principle. The principle ; nay, which can only be characterised as
conclusion of this train of reasoning is found in the the unconditioned one, and as the good (v. 2. § 1, 4.
third book of the Enneads, which starts from the S1, vi. 8. $ 8, 9. 89). Accordingly, the absolute is
question, whether the self-conscious (vooūv) sub. something inexpressible (vi. 8. $ 8), and can only
jech, in order to separate the thinking from the be reached by the above-mentioned yielding up of
thought, presupposes an inherent multiplicity; or the soul to it (comp. vi. 9. & 3, 4. $ 9, &c. ). Conse-
whether the simple me can comprehend itself. quently, it is a necessary presupposition to all
The former Plotinus cannot admit as valid, since being, that we think of every kind of existence as
on such a supposition, self and knowledge, the dependent upon the absolute, and in a certain
comprehending principle and the comprehended, sense produced from it (vi. 9. § 3, comp. v. 1. $ 6).
would be separated from each other ; le cannot It (the absolute) must ever stream forth as iner-
renounce the idea of a pure self-comprehension, haustible (v. 2. $ 1); it must bring every thing else
without at the same time renouncing the know- \ out of itself without becoming the weaker (vi. 8.
## p. 428 (#444) ############################################
428
PLOTINUS.
vol. x. pp. 28, 110, 260; De Venae Sect. adv. Era- forefathers, his native country, nor his birthday, in
sistr. cc. 5, 6, vol. xi. pp. 163, 169; De Simplic. order to avoid the celebration of it. (Porphyr. cc.
Medicam. Temper. ac Facult
. vi. prooem. vol. xi. 1, 2. ) When requested to sit for his portrait, he
p. 795; Comment. in Hippocr. Epid. VI. " | asked, whether it was not enough to bear the image
iii. 12, vol. xvii. pt. ii. p. 29; Adv. Julian. c. 5, in which nature had reiled us, and whether we ought
vol. xviii
. pt. i. p. 270), who calls him one of the to commit the folly of leaving to posterity an image
most eminent physicians of his time (De Hippocr. of this image ? so that his enthusiastic friend,
et Plat. Decr. viii
. 5, vol. v. p. 685). He is Amelius, only succeeded in getting a faithful por-
quoted also by Pliny (H. N. xx. 13, 48), Athe. trait of him by introducing an artist to his open
naeus (Deipn. ii. 23, p. 45), Oribasius (Coll. lectures, in order that he might observe him
Medic. vii
. 27, p. 332), and Gariopontus (De accurately and then paint him from memory.
Febr. c. 7). None of his writings are now ex- (Porphyr. 1. c. ) According to Suidas and others,
tant.
(W. A. G. ) he was born at Lycopolis (Sivouth) in Egypt.
PLOʻCAMUS, a Greek sculptor, whose name is That he was of Roman descent, or at least born of
inscribed on the plinth of a group of two statues, a freed man of Rome, is conjectured with great
Bacchus supported by Ampelus. Besides the in- probability from his name. Porphyry could give
scription DAOKAMOC E NDIHCE, there is another very little information respecting his earlier life, at
on the front of the plinth, POKEINN CTN MTP, least from any personal communication. He
which is evidently of later date. (Boissard, Antiq. learned, however, that he had been fed from the
Rom. p. iv. tab. 120 ; Montfaucon, Antiq. Expliq. nurse's breast up to his eighth year, although he
vol. ii. p. 11; R. Rochette, Lettre à M. Schorn. p. was already sent to school'; that in his twenty-
389, 2d ed. )
[P. S. ] eighth year the impulse to study philosophy was
PLOTINA, POMPEIA, the wife of the awakened in him, but that not obtaining satisfac-
emperor Trajan, was, according to the concurrent tion from the teacher he attended (who was named
testimony of all the writers who mention her, a Alexandriens), he fell into a state of great anxiety,
woman of extraordinary merits and virtue. As and was then brought by a friend to Ammonius
she ascended the steps of the palace after her Saccas ; that from
that day forward he remained
husband's accession, she turned round to the continuously witb Ammonius for eleven years,
IB 4
## p. 424 (#440) ############################################
424
PLOTINUS.
PLOTINUS.
until in his thirty-ninth year the desire he expe | fering from pains of the stomach denied himself the
rienced to learn the philosophy of the Persians and bath as well as treacle (a kind that was made of
Indians, induced him to join the expedition of the viper's flesh and poppies), the latter because he
cmperor Gordian (A. D. 242). After the death of generally abstained from flesh altogether. (< 2, ib.
Gordian he retreated with great difficulty to An. Kreuzer. ) His written style was close (ouvrovós),
tioch, and from thence weni, in his fortieth year, pregnant (molúvovs), and richer in thoughts than
to Rome. There he held communication with in words, yet enthusiastic, and always pointing
some few individuals, but kept the doctrines of entirely to the main object (éktabws opaswv,
Ammonius secret, as he had concerted to do with c. 14). Probably he was more eloquent in his oral
two others of the same school, namely, Herennius communications, and was said to be very clever in
and Origen. Even after Herennius and Origen | finding the appropriate word, even if he failed in
had successively, in opposition to the agreement, accuracy on the whole. Beside this, the beauty of
begun to make known these doctrines in their his person was increased when discoursing ; his
;
books, Plotinus continued only to make use of them countenance was lighted up with genius, and co-
in oral communications (εκ της 'Αμμωνίου συνου- vered with small drops of perspiration. Although
σίας ποιούμενος της διατριβάς), in order to excite | he received questions in a gentle and friendly
his friends to investigation, which communications, manner, yet he knew well how to answer them
however, according to the testimony of Amelius, forcibly or to exhaust them. For three whole
were characterised by great want of order and days, on one occasion, he discussed with Porphyry
superlluity of words (vse of diaTp1671. . . . dračías the relation of the soul to the body. (c. 13. )
ataupns kal holdīs pavapias, Porphyr. c. 3), until, He ever expressed himself with the great warmth
in the first year of the reign of Gallienus (25+), of acknowledgment respecting any successful at-
he was induced by his friends to express himself in tempts of his younger friends ; as, for example,
writing upon the subjects treated of in his oral respecting a poem by Porphyry. Immoral prin-
communications (ypápev tas éuTiTTouoas ÚTO- ciples he met by exciting opposition against them.
Bérels, Porph. c. 4). In this manner when, ten (c. 15. )
years later, Porphyry came to Rome and joined At a time when, notwithstanding the reigning
himself to Plotinus, twenty-one books of very demoralisation, a deep religious need was awakened,
various contents had been already composed by noble minds, which had not yet obtained satisfac-
him, which were only dispersed, however, with tion from the open teaching of Christianity, must
discretion and put into the hands of the initiated. have attached themselves with great confidence
(Ib. c. 4. ) During the six years that Porphyry and affection to a personality so fraught with deep
lived with Plotinus at Rome, the latter, at the in- reflection as was that of Plotinus. It was not
stigation of Amelius and Porphyry, wrote twenty- only men of science like the philosophers Amelius,
three books on the subjects which had been Porphyry, the physicians Paulinus, Eustochius, and
earnestly discussed in their meetings, to which nine Zethus the Arab, who regarded him with deep
books were afterwards added. (Porphyry had re- respect, but even senators and other statesmen did
tarned to Sicily in the year 268. ) of the fifty- so as well. One of them, named Rogatianus,
four books of Plotinus, Porphyry remarks, that respected him to such a degree, that he stripped
the first twenty-one were of a lighter character, | himself of his dignity (he had attained the praetorian
that only the twenty-three following were the pro- rank) and renounced all kind of luxury ; this he
duction of the matured powers of the author, and did, however, to his own bodily comfort, for having
that the other nine, especially the four last, were been previously lame both in his hands and feet,
evidently written with diminished vigour. Als he perfectly recovered by this simple habit of living
though Porphyry's judgment, however, might only the use of all his limbs. (c. 7. ) Even women
have approved of the edition which he had himself attached themselves to him, and his house was
arranged, yet he has carefully given the titles to all filled with youths and maidens, whom their dying
three of the portions, as, with little variation, they parents had entrusted to his direction. He did
again appear in the Enneads. (cc. 5, 6. )
not either appear at all deficient in the practical
The correction of his writings Plotinus himself skill that was requisite to manage their affairs.
committed to the care of Porphyry, for on account His sharp penetrating judgment and good sense
of the weakness of his sight he never read them in such matters are highly extolled (c. 11), and
through a second time, to say nothing of making the care with which he looked through all the
corrections ; intent simply upon the matter, he was accounts respecting their fortune is much praised
alike careless of orthography, of the division of the (c. 9).
syllables, and the clearness of his handwriting. He enjoyed the favour of the emperor Gallienus
He was accustomed, however, to think out his con- and the empress Salonina to such a degree, that he
ceptions so completely, that what he had sketched obtained almost the rebuilding of two destroyed
out in his mind seemed copied as though from a towns in Campania, with the view of their being
book. He could always, with the utmost confi- governed according to the laws of Plato (c. 12).
dence, take up the thread of the investigation Even envy itself was constrained to acknowledge
where he had broken off, without being obliged to his worth. It is said that the attempt of a certain
read the preceding paragraph anew, even though Alexandrian, named Olympius (who for a short
foreign investigations might have filled up the in- time had been a pupil of Ammonius), to injure
tervening time. He lived at the same time with Plotinus by magical arts (dotpoboa no au avtov
himself and with others, and the inward activity Mayevoas) recoiled upon himself, and revenged
of his spirit only ceased during the hours of sleep, itself on him by causing the contraction of all his
which, moreover, this very activity, as well as the limbs. It is further related, that an Egyptian
scantiness of food to which he had accustomed priest, in the temple of Isis, essayed in the pre-
himself, greatly abridged (cc. 7, 8); even bread sence of Plotinus to make his attending daluw
itsell he but seldom enjoyed (c. 8), and when suf- | appear, but that instead of this a god presented
## p. 425 (#441) ############################################
PLOTINUS.
425
PLOTINUS.
himself as the protecting spirit of the philosopher, | respect placed by his side), and the closeness of the
whose high dignity the Egyptian could now no reasoning. (cc. 21, 22. )
longer call in question. These relations, occurring When suffering from pain in the bowels, Plo-
as they do in the comparatively sober-minded tinus used no other means than daily rubbing, and
Porphyry (c. 10; comp. Procl
. in Alcibiad. i. 23. left this off when the men who assisted him died
p. 198, Cons. ), are well worthy of observation, as of the pest (A. D. 262). Suidas (who, however, is
characteristic of the tendencies of that age, bow- not to be relied on) says, that Plotinus himself was
ever little disposed we may be to attach any reality attacked by the plague ; Porphyry on the contrary
to them. Although Plotinus only attached any (c. 15) states, that the omission of these rubbings
faith to the prophecies of the astrologers after a produced only disense of the throat (kóvayxos),
searching examination (c. 15, extr. ), yet he believed, which gradually became disjointed, so that at last
as that Egyptian did (comp. Ennead. iii. 4), in he became speechless, wenk of vision, and con-
protecting spirits of higher and lower ranks, and tracted both in hands and fect. Plotinus, there-
not less, probably, in the power of calling them up fore, withdrew to the country seat of his deceased
through intense meditation, or of working upon friend Zethus in Campania, and, according to Eu-
those at a distance by magic. It was not indeed stochius, passed by Puteoli
. There was only one
to his individual power, but to the divine power, of his friends present in the neighbourhood when
gained by vision, that he ascribed this miraculous he died (Porphyry had been obliged to go on
agency, but he would none the more acknowledge account of health to Lilybaeum in Sicily, and
that the gods had any individual interest in him- Amelius was on a journey to Apameia in Syria),
self, and on one occasion he put off Amelius' re- and of him he took leave in the following words":
quest to share with him in a sacrifice, with the “ Thee bave I waited for, but now I seek to lead
words, “ Those gods of yours must come to me, back the Divine principle within me to the God
not I to them. " (c. 10. )
who is all in all. ” At his last breath, Porphyry
After Plotinus's death, Amelius inquired of the relates that a dragon glided from under the bed, and
Delphic Apollo whither his soul was gone, and escaped through an opening in the wall. (c. 2. )
received in fifty-one lame hexameters an ardent In reference to former systems of Grecian phi-
panegyric on the philosopher, in which he was losophy, we are fully able to point out, for the
celebrated as mild and good, with a soul aspiring to most part with decision, how far they had prepared
the divinity, loved of God, and a fortunate searcher the way for Plotinus by earlier developments, and
after truth ; now, it was said, he abides like how much the peculiarity, both of their matter and
Minos, Rhadamanthus, Aeacus, Pluto, and Pytha- their form, gained by his additional and creative
goras, where friendship, undisturbed joy (eúppo- reflections.
It is not so easy, however, to decide
ourn), and love to Deity are enthroned, in fellow- by what peculiar ideas Plotinus compressed the
ship with the ever-blessed spirits (dalyoves, c. 22). New Platonic doctrines into that systematic form
Porphyry, his biographer, adds, that he had raised in which they lie before us in the Enneads. This
his soul to the contemplation of the supreme and result, indeed, we may see was prepared for by the
personal God not without success, and that the Deity philosophical efforts of almost two centuries. On
appeared to him to be something elevated above all the one side, Philon and others had attempted to
body and form, beyond thought and imagination ; bring the Emanation-theory, peculiar to the East,
yea, that during his own intercourse with him, he into harmony with the flower of the Hellenistic
(Plotinus) had, by a transcendent energy of soul, philosophy, namely with Platonism ; on the other
four times risen to a perfect union with God, and side, various Greeks had attempted partly to per-
confesses that he himself, during a life of sixty- fect and complete this theory, as the mature fruit
eight years, had only once attained that elevation of the Greek philosophic spirit, by a selection from
(C. 23; comp. Plotin. Ennead. v. 5. § 3. ) The the Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic doctrines, partly
acknowledgments of Longinus, however, speak far (as a satisfaction for the religious wants of the age)
more for the influence which Plotinus exercised on to base upon it the elements of the syinbolism and
the mind of his age, than do the manifested Deity the faith both of the Oriental and Grecian reli-
or the admiring love of Porphyry. That excellent gions. With reference to the latter, that which
critic had at first (having been himself a constant first of all had sprung out of the religious wants of
hearer of Ammonius and Origen) regarded Plotinus the age, was afterwards continued in the hope of
with contempt (c. 20), and even after his death raising a barrier against the spread of the Christian
could not profess any kind of agreement with most doctrines, by ennobling the various polytheistic
of his doctrines ; indeed he had written against religions, and by pointing to their common and
Plotinus's doctrine of ideas, and not given in to rational basis. But as, on the one hand, the Ori-
the answers of Porphyry and Amelius ; yet still ental Emanation-theory, with its hidden and self-
he was most anxious to get perfect copies of his excluding deity, could not strike its roots in the
books, and extolled at once the pregnancy of their soil of the Grecian philosophy, so neither, on the
style and the philosophical treatment of the inves- other hand, could the eclectic and syncretic at-
tigations. In the same manner he expresses him-tempts of Plutarch, Maximus Tyrius, and others,
self in his work on final causes, and also in a letter satisfy the requisitions of a regular philosophy of
written before the death of Plotinus ; in these religion. Without altogether renouncing these
writings he unconditionally prefers our Lycopolitan, syncretic and eclectic attempts, or rejecting the new
not only to the other philosophers of his time, intuitional method of the Oriental Emanation-
whether Platonics, Stoics, or Peripatetics, but also theories, Numenius and his contemporary Cronius
to Numenius, Cronius, Moderatus, and Thrasyllus, appeared to be striving to make these several systems
more especially in reference to the fullness of the accessible to the Grecian dialectics. In place of
objects treated of (apobavjuara), the originality of emanations from the divine self-revealing essence,
the manner in which they were discussed (Tpów which become more and more finite in proportion
Sewpías idios xproduevos ; Amelius is in this as they stand further from the godhead, Nunienius,
a
## p. 426 (#442) ############################################
426
PLOTINUS.
PLOTINUS.
approaching nearer to Plato, substitutes the deve found in lamblichus, Proclus, and others of the New
lopment of eternal ideas, by the intuition (Sewpla) Platonic school. Probably it was at his suggestion
of the separate and independent soul, as directed that Amelius and Porphyry had written against
to that absolute and unchangable Divine essence the misuse which already began to be made of the
from which it first proceeded. The unconditional doctrines of Zoroaster. Porphyry (Plotin. c. 16)
existence, or the good, is not supposed to enter mentions these writings in connection with the
into this development; but its fluctuating image, book which Plotinus aimed against the Gnostics,
the soul, by virtue of its innate intuition, can ex. and there can be no doubt but that in this discus-
plain the hidden fullness of the original being, and sion he had to deal also with the Christian Gnostics.
by virtue of its peculiar striving (égeois), can set It is only their arbitrary Emanation-phantasies,
it, as it were, out of itself, and so separate in itself however, their doctrines of matter and evil, and
the soul and the spirit. How far Ammonius their astrological fatalism that he opposes ; the
Sacens entered into such a logical modification of Christian doctrines respecting salvation, which were
the Emanation-theory we cannot decide, neither do rather veiled than revealed by them, he leaves en-
we know how far he surpassed his teachers in the tirely untouched ; also in the different explanations
form of his logical definitions. We only learn that he gives of his threefold principle, he makes no re-
he pointed out the unanimity of Plato and Aris- ference to the Christian Trinity. Porphyry was
totle in their essential doctrines, and chose them the first to enter decidedly into the lists against
for his leaders. (Hierocles, de Provident, ap. Phot. the Christian revelation, and we must attribute it
Cod. 214, 251. ) According to the fore-mentioned to the manner in which he viewed the task com-
authority of Porphyry, Plotinus had joined him mitted to his care, that in the books of Plotinus,
self entirely to Ammonius in the first years of his which were edited by him, he introduced no un-
residence in Rome, and even afterwards, when he favourable reference whatever to a religion which
had the commentaries of Severus, Cronius, Nume he detested.
nius, Gaius, Atticus, as also those of the Peripa- In order to estimate these writings correctly, we
tetics, Aspasius, Alexander, Adrastus, read in their ought not to forget that they originated for the
meetings, without at the same time following most part in some question or other of temporary
them, the spirit of his former teacher was predo interest. Only a few of them can be considered
minant in all their investigations. (Porphyr. c. 14. ) as the commencements of a complete development
Against the charge of having copied Numenius, of their respective subjects ; as, for example, the
Amelius had defended him in a letter to Porphyry three books on philosophical problems (iv. 3—5),
(Porph. 17, where the letter referred to is given) ; on the different species of existence (vi
, 1-3),
and indeed from the worthless fragments that have and on unity and uniformity (vi. 4-5); yet it
been handed down to us from the books of Nume would be difficult to unite even them in one conti-
nius, we could well judge of the matter, even if nuous series of investigations, and still more so the
Plotinus had simply surpassed that Platonic in a others, especially those that were completed in the
few important points, and not in his whole method first period, which, however, bear more than those
of philosophising.
of the other periods the character of separate trea-
With the doctrines of Aristotle, of the Pytha- tises, being adapted only in some few respects to
goreans and Stoics, of Heracleitus, of the Eleatics, stand in connection with them. We need not,
of Anaxagoras and Empedocles, our philosopher therefore, blame Porphyry, that despairing of all
was clearly acquainted; he appropriates much such attempts, he has divided and arranged the books
from them, and opposes much often with great according to the similarity of their subject matter ;
acuteness ; as, for example, in the books on the perhaps it would have been still better if he had
different species of existence, the Categories. entirely separated the treatises of the first period
(Ennead. vii. 1-3 ; comp. Trendelenburg's His- from those of both the others, and arranged con-
torische Beiträge zur Philosophie, ist vol. , Ges secutively each of the other divisions separately
chichte der Kategorienlehre. ) Plato, however, is for itself, on the very same principles by which
his constant guide and master. In him he finds he had already been guided. These chronological
the very basis and point of his philosophy more or references would, at least, have necessitated a more
less distinctly hinted at ; he quotes him often with complete discussion of Plotinus's system, however
a bare “ipse dixit,” is fond of joining his own little it might have been practicable to trace the
speculations upon his remarks, and of exhibiting gradual development of that system in the mind of
his own agreement with that great Athenian. the author. The fundamental and main doctrines
This connection with Plato is probably common to of it appear to have been fixed when he first began
him with Numenius, as also the critical method of to write (which was at a tolerably mature period
examining the other Grecian systems, which was of life), only in the earlier periods they seem to
borrowed from Aristotle. But to him Plato was have been concealed behind the particular object
not, as with Numenius, the Attic Moses ; on the he had in view, more than was the case in those
contrary, he appears almost designedly to avoid elaborations of a later date, which were directed
any reference to the Oriental philosophy and reli- towards the elucidation of the essential features of
gion ; he attempts to find all this under the veil of his own peculiar system. In these latter writ-
the Greek mythology, and points out here the germ ings, the endeavour which, as far as
of his own philosophical and religious convictions. judge, characterised Plotinus more than any other
Of the Egyptian and other Oriental doctrines of philosopher of his age, was especially prominent,
religion he hardly makes any mention at all ; and the endeavour, namely, to pave the way to the
yet to one who was a born Egyptian, and had solution of any question by a careful discussion
penetrated so far into Asia, such knowledge could of the difficulties of the case. However unsatis-
not have been wanting. Plotinus, therefore, can- factory this process may generally have proved,
not be accused of that commixture and falsification yet the insight which it afforded into the pecu-
of the Oriental mythology and mysticism, which is liarity of the problems was only second to that
we can
## p. 427 (#443) ############################################
PLOTINUS.
427
PLOTINUS.
of Aristotle himself, whom in this respect he i ledge of every thing that can be thought of like-
appears to have chosen as his master.
wise (v. 3. § 1, comp. SS 4, 5).
The difficulty of comprehending and appreciating After an acute development of the difficulties
the system of Plotinus is greatly increased, not which oppose themselves to the idea of an abso-
only by the want of any systematic and scientific lutely simple self-consciousness, Plotinus attempts
exhibition of it, and the consequent tedious repe- to solve them by the supposition that the essence
titions, but also by the impossibility of finding in of the soul is a spontaneous activity, and that self-
such a mass of isolated treatises the connection of consciousness is to be regarded as including at
the parts and the foundation of the whole system. once thinking itself - the thinking principle; and
No treatises like the Theaetetus and Sophistes of the object thought (v. 3. $$ 6, 8, 5. § 1). From
Plato, which undertake to develope and fix the idea this it' follows still further, that the pure spirit
of knowledge, and of its objects, are to be found in (that which does not strive to work out of itself)
the Ennead of Plotinus ; and from this circum- lives necessarily in a state of self-consciousness and
stance we can see how the desire for a strictly self-knowledge; that the human spirit, however,
scientific foundation in the philosophy of the age developes ils pure activity only so far as it masters
had been lost. The middle point of the system, the soul, with which it is connected by the bond
however, may be regarded as involved in the doc- of a mediating thought (Sıávoia), and rests simply
trines of a threefold principle, and of pure intuition. upon itself (v. 3. $7). Lastly, it is concluded
We find, if not a fully satisfactory, yet at any rate that the human spirit can only know the divine
a vigorous attempt to establish these points in the and the spiritual, so far aš it knows itself
argument, that true knowledge is not attained so (1. c. ). In self-knowledge, thought and existence
long as the knowing and the known, subject and fall absolutely together ; for the former is im-
object, are separate from each other. We trust, plied in the process of knowing, the latter in
says Plotinus, to our sense perceptions, and yet self or the me (vi. 1. $ 1). So likewise in all true
we are ignorant what it is in them which belongs knowledge, the object must be comprehended im-
to the objects themselves, and what to the affections mediately (v. 9. § 13), and have reference to the
of the subject. Moreover, sense can grasp only an ideas which are innate in the soul itself. Medi-
image (@lowdov) of the object, not the object itself, tation, or meditating thought, can only be regarded
which ever remains beyond it. In the same way as the way to truth (iv. 4. § 12), without being
the spirit cannot know the spiritual (rd vontd) 50 ever able to reach it (v. 5. SS 1, 3, 6, 8. § 4, comp.
long as it is separate from it; and if any one i. 3. S$ 4, 5, 8. & 2). Nay, unconditioned Being,
would affirm that the spirit and the spiritual may or the Godhead, cannot be grasped by thinking, or
somewhere or other be united, yet still our thoughts science, only by intuition (Tapovola, vi. 9. $ 4, 7.
would only be types (ai vonoeis TÚTOL oovtai), $ 35). In this pure intuition, the good, or the abso-
types it may be of a real external existence; an lute being, gazes upon itself through the medium of
existence, however, which the mind can never be our own spirits (vi. 7. 88 16, 34, vi. 6. $ 7,8. $ 19,9.
sure that it has grasped, and which (whether ex- $ 4, iv. 4. § 2, v. 3. & 3). To close the eye against all
istence be a spiritual thing or not) must present things transient and variable (olov uvoavta öyv,
itself to us as premises, judgments, or propositions i. 6. 8 8), to raise ourselves to this simple essence
(v. 5. 81, comp. v. 3. $81—3). To despair of truth (and wois), to take refuge in the absolute (vi. 9.
altogether, he considered, notwithstanding this, to $ 11, v. 8. & 11), this must be regarded as the highest
be equivalent to a denial of mind itself. Accord aim of all our spiritual efforts. We are necessitated,
ingly, we must of necessity presuppose knowledge, however, to regard the unconditioned or the good,
truth, and existence ; we must admit that the real as the primary ground of the spirit, and of its
spirit carries every thing (spiritual) in itself, not fundamental idea of being, or of the world of ideas,
merely their types or images ; and that for this by virtue of the multiplicity of the acts of the
very reason there is no need of any demonstration soul's activity, and of their objects, all being in-
or guarantee of truth ; but, rather, that truth cluded in the conception of being (vi. 3. & 10, 6. $ 1,
$
carries its own evidence to the soul. ('H ONTWs vi. 7. § 37,9. 82); for all multiplicity is conditioned
avbera où ovudwvoûva ärıq åréautſ, ib. & 2. ) and dependent. In this way the unconditioned
The true soul cannot therefore deceive; and its shows itself as the absolutely simple,—the uncon-
knowledge is nothing representational, uncertain, ditioned one (v. 4. § 1, vi. 9. $ 6), which for that very
or borrowed from other sources ($ 1). This argu- reason has no need of thinking nor of willing (vi. .
mentation, directed as well against the Stoics as the 9. $ 6); and being raised entirely above all the de-
atomistic Sensationalists (comp. vi. 1. $ 28, ii. 6. terminations of existence (v. 3. & 12, vi. 2. & 3, &c.
§ 1, . 6. 86, iv. 4. & 23, 5. & 3, 3. $ 18, i. 4. & 10, 8. $ 18,9. & 3) can be described neither as being or
vi. 7. & 9), now breaks off
, and leads immediately not being ; neither as moved or resting ; neither as
to considerations, in which the mind is regarded as free or necessary; neither as a principle or as no
a cosmical principle, not a knowing principle. The principle ; nay, which can only be characterised as
conclusion of this train of reasoning is found in the the unconditioned one, and as the good (v. 2. § 1, 4.
third book of the Enneads, which starts from the S1, vi. 8. $ 8, 9. 89). Accordingly, the absolute is
question, whether the self-conscious (vooūv) sub. something inexpressible (vi. 8. $ 8), and can only
jech, in order to separate the thinking from the be reached by the above-mentioned yielding up of
thought, presupposes an inherent multiplicity; or the soul to it (comp. vi. 9. & 3, 4. $ 9, &c. ). Conse-
whether the simple me can comprehend itself. quently, it is a necessary presupposition to all
The former Plotinus cannot admit as valid, since being, that we think of every kind of existence as
on such a supposition, self and knowledge, the dependent upon the absolute, and in a certain
comprehending principle and the comprehended, sense produced from it (vi. 9. § 3, comp. v. 1. $ 6).
would be separated from each other ; le cannot It (the absolute) must ever stream forth as iner-
renounce the idea of a pure self-comprehension, haustible (v. 2. $ 1); it must bring every thing else
without at the same time renouncing the know- \ out of itself without becoming the weaker (vi. 8.
## p. 428 (#444) ############################################
428
PLOTINUS.
