No More Learning

The only course
open was to strike his camp and, taking with him the Pope and the
cardinals, to retire towards the Sabina and make for a crossing over the
Tiber near Soracte, at some distance from Rome. After a brief rest at
the monastery of Farfa, he led his army to an encampment in the valley
of the Tiber on the banks of the Aniene near Ponte Lucano. Here the
Pope and the Emperor celebrated the festival of SS. Peter and Paul
(29 June 1155), and it is said that on this occasion the Pope absolved the
soldiery from the guilt of the bloodshed in Rome, declaring that he was
not guilty of murder who slew another in fighting for his own sovereign.
From Ponte Lucano they went on to the territory of Albano and
Tusculum. Since it was impossible to make an immediate attack on
Rome and obtain mastery over the city, the Pope urged Frederick to
seize the favourable opportunity and move against the King of Sicily,
now that his barons, emboldened by the Emperor's presence in Italy, had
risen in open rebellion. Frederick was inclined to listen to him and his
ecclesiastical advisers were in favour of the design, but fever was already
making inroads on his army, and the lay barons strongly opposed it
CH. XIII.


## p. 422 (#468) ############################################

422
Frederick's return to Germany
and insisted on his return to Germany. The Emperor abandoned the ex-
pedition, and took leave of the Pope with promises of a speedy return
with stronger forces to subjugate Rome and Sicily. They parted with all
the forms of friendship, but the Pope felt his disappointment and isolation
bitterly. On his way Frederick set fire to Spoleto, which had offered him
resistance, and at Ancona he met with the Byzantine ambassadors of the
Emperor Manuel Comnenus, who offered him money and help towards
the Sicilian expedition, an aid which he was obliged to refuse on account
of his homeward journey. He continued his march in speed to Verona,
where he met with an unfriendly reception. At the defile of the Adige
he encountered obstinate resistance which he overcame with courage
and skill, leaving traces behind him of his stern severity as a warning
to those who were inclined to oppose him. In this way he reached
Germany with no other gain than the imperial crown, but he had learned
to know the Italians and had taught the Italians to know him. He
knew henceforward what kind of obstacles he had to expect and what
amount of strength would be required to overcome them. The crown of
Empire was his, but it behoved him to make it the symbol of real power
and of intrinsic greatness, and to guard it not only from the claims of
the Papacy as of old but from the rising popular forces of the free
communes which seemed to have sprung as by enchantment from the
soil. A conflict there was bound to be, and it was imperative that he
should be prepared.
The departure of the Emperor rendered the condition of the cities
favourable to the Empire more serious, for Milan and the communes in
alliance with her became increasingly aggressive throughout the cruel
and incessant warfare waged between the cities of Lombardy. Frederick
had scarcely turned his back when Tortona, notwithstanding the opposi-
tion of Pavia, sprang again into life with the help of Milan in money and
men, and her newly reconstructed walls once more raised a bulwark of
defence for the citizens who had already shewn such a heroic capacity of
resistance. The hegemony of Milan established itself more firmly than
ever, and thanks to her well-chosen alliances with other cities this pre-
dominance bore with increasing weight on the other communes. The
cities thus held within her grasp looked to the Germanic Emperor as
their only means of salvation.
The Emperor, in the meantime, strengthened by the prestige of the
imperial crown and the renown of his military exploits in Italy, had
turned energetically to the restoration in Germany of the imperial
authority and the organisation of the State'. Having divorced his first
wife, he had married Beatrix, the heiress of the County of Burgundy,
thereby extending his influence towards Provence and bringing the
frontiers of his effective rule nearer to Italy, never absent from his
thoughts. After having received, along with the Empress, the homage
1 For events in Germany see supra, Chapter xli.


## p. 423 (#469) ############################################

Divisions among the cardinals
423
of Burgundy at Besançon, he returned to Germany in January 1158.
Scarcely two years had passed since his coronation in Rome; the whole
of Germany regarded with pride and wonder the sovereign who had led
her back to the position of the central power in Europe.
But this conception of universal influence had its roots in Italy, and
it was in that country that the foundations of the Empire must be laid if
they were to rest on a stable basis. In northern Italy it was necessary
to have a firm foothold in order to confront the Papacy, from which the
Empire could not sever itself but towards which it was yet indispensable
to assert full independence. It was equally necessary if the imperial
influence was to be efficacious in the political affairs of southern Italy
and in the relations between Germany and the Empire of the East.
Frederick never lost sight of the imperial idea amid all the pre-occu-
pations of his German kingdom. He knew henceforward what diffi-
culties he would have to struggle against before reaching his goal, and
made his preparations by keeping a watchful eye on his adversaries
and combining the forces necessary for their overthrow. Difficulties had
in fact increased since his return from Italy.
Milan and the communes friendly to her had renewed their strength
and were haughtier and more aggressive than ever, while the papal policy
was moving in a direction the reverse of favourable to the Empire.
Hadrian IV, bitterly disappointed in the hopes which he had placed in
Frederick, found himself in a very critical situation. Rome was closed
against him and the King of Sicily threatened his borders, while he had
no aid or defence except among the rebel Sicilian barons. The harassing
uncertainty of his position was aggravated by divided opinions among
his councillors. The rising divisions among the cardinals had now
become sharply accentuated, and two parties had been formed in
favour of opposite courses of action. One side held fast to the con-
tinuance of the alliance with the Emperor, the other, distrustful of
Frederick and mindful of the ancient enmity between Papacy and Empire,
stood for a renewal of the Hildebrandine policy of close relations with
the Norman princes. Each of these two parties had a powerful leader.
At the head of the first party was Octavian, Cardinal of Santa Cecilia,
who had powerful family connexions in Rome, and on account of his
intimate personal relations with Frederick had been chosen to con-
duct his advanced guard into the Leonine city at the time of the
coronation. The other party was led by Roland, Cardinal of St Mark and
Chancellor of the Church, a learned expert in the canon law, a firm,
sagacious man, a sharer in the councils and policy of Hadrian, convinced
like him of the Church's supremacy and resolved to maintain it. Amidst
such conflicting views the Pope, in November 1155, yielding to the incite-
ments of the rebel barons of Apulia, betook himself to Benevento and
there became the chief pivot of the revolt against King William. The
latter, seeing that the Pope was joining hands on the one side with the
CH. XIII.


## p. 424 (#470) ############################################

424
Papal peace with Sicily
insurgents and on the other with the Eastern Emperor then preparing
an expedition against him, was in such difficulties that he reopened
negotiations, offering very favourable conditions of peace. The Pope
was inclined to accept them, but the anti-Sicilian party prevailed, and
the majority of the cardinals would not consent to listen to the advan-
tageous terms proposed. The hour of regret came quickly. William
made an energetic movement against the rebels and the Byzantines, and
after defeating them turned back against the Pope and threatened
Benevento. The Curia had no way of escape and was forced to yield.
Hadrian sent Roland and two other cardinals to sue for the peace which
he had just rejected, and obtained it under much less favourable condi-
tions than those before offered.
With this peace began a political estrangement between the Pope and
the Emperor. The new situation irritated Frederick, and was regarded
with dislike also by the German clergy. The treaty between the Pope
and King William seemed a treacherous infraction of the terms agreed
upon at Constance in 11531, and there certainly seemed to be grounds for
believing that the Pope had fallen short of that understanding. On the
other hand Hadrian had as an excuse the Emperor's abandonment of
him and the calamitous situation in which he found himself at Benevento
without hope of assistance. In every way the relations between the
Pope and the Emperor had become clouded by suspicion and bitterness,
when an incident occurred which led to the first open rupture. Eskil,
Archbishop of Lund, on returning to his see from Italy, was made
prisoner in Germany and detained until he paid a ransom. In spite of
the Pope's entreaties Frederick had done nothing towards liberating
him. Hadrian was deeply offended, and in October 1157, when the
Emperor took formal possession of the Burgundian kingdom at Besançon,
he sent two legates, the Chancellor Roland and Bernard, Cardinal of
San Clemente, to obtain Eskil's freedom and to treat of the political
relations as modified by recent events. Frederick received the legates
courteously, but their greeting struck him as a strange one. "The
Pope and cardinals salute you, he as father, they as brethren. ” Re-
ceived in solemn audience the next day, they presented the Pope's
letter. Its tone was severe and haughty. Hadrian rebuked Frederick
for having allowed the Archbishop of Lund to be despoiled and im-
prisoned with impunity in German territory, and for having con-
sciously connived at this act of sacrilege. The Pope added that such
dissimulation and negligence he could not understand, since he was
quite unconscious of having given any cause of offence. The Emperor
would do well to remember that the Church had received him joyfully
and had conferred upon him the imperial crown. That step the Pope
had never regretted, and would rejoice to be able to bestow upon him
even greater benefits. He feared lest some one were sowing tares of
See supra, Chapter 1v (B), p. 190.


## p. 425 (#471) ############################################

The quarrel over “beneficia”
425
discord between them, and ended by recommending to him the two
cardinals who had full powers to treat with him.
On the Chancellor Rainald reading this letter aloud, the princes
present rose in a storm of indignation. They were especially incensed at
the allusion to the imperial dignity as conferred by the Pontiff and at
the word benefits (beneficia) which the German chancellor had evidently
translated by fiefs, the sense it bore in feudal law. They recalled the
rash assertions of Rome that the Empire and the Italian kingdom were
gifts of the Pontiffs, and remembered the picture in the Lateran repre-
senting Lothar at the feet of the Pope with the humiliating inscription
which declared him to be the Pope's liegeman (homo papae), and how
Hadrian renouncing such vain pretensions had promised to have the
picture destroyed. The legates were not intimidated by this tumult;
indeed it seems that one of them exclaimed: “And from whom does the
Emperor hold the Empire if not from the Pope? ” The composure of
the legates fanned anger into fury, and the Count-Palatine of Bavaria,
Otto of Wittelsbach, advanced with drawn sword against one of the
cardinals. Frederick's authority, however, assuaged the tumult and
saved the cardinals from danger. On the following morning they were
both dismissed with stringent orders to return directly, without diverging
to right or left into episcopal or abbatial territory. Frederick at once
wrote to the German clergy to inform them of the incident before
Rome had time to speak. In a circular sent out through the whole
kingdom, he explained the tenor of the papal manoeuvre and the indig-
nation of the princes. He added that the legates had been immediately
dismissed because blank letters were found in their possession with the
papal seal to enable them to strip the altars and carry off the treasures
of the German churches. The Empire was his by the choice of the
princes, and he held it direct from God. To affirm that the imperial
crown came to him as a beneficium from the Pope was a lie against an
institution of God and a denial of the teaching of St Peter. He ex-
horted the clergy to rally to him against such pretensions, since he
would without hesitation encounter death rather than submit to such
contumely. At Rome the legates on relating their bad reception at
Besançon were judged in accordance with the different opinions pre-
vailing in the parties to which the cardinals belonged. The Pope on his
part wrote to the German bishops in terms of grave complaint, calling
upon them to intervene and obtain from the Emperor that Rainald of
Dassel and Otto of Wittelsbach, who were the worst offenders against
the persons of the cardinals, should make satisfaction to the Church.
But the Pope's words were not well received by the bishops. They
replied respectfully but coldly, shewing plainly that they took the part
of the Emperor. It was evident that the answer had been written in
agreement with the Emperor, whose claims were put forth more firmly
than ever along with counter-allusions to the papal aggressiveness. The
CH. XIII.


## p. 426 (#472) ############################################

426
Frederick's second expedition to Italy
divine institution of the Empire was insisted on, and the treaty with the
King of Sicily condemned. The bishops finally advised the Pope to
issue new letters to soothe the angry feelings of the Emperor. The
Welf Duke Henry the Lion made a similar recommendation.
Hadrian perceived that this was not the time for a stubborn
obstinacy. Prudence was all the more necessary as the descent of
Frederick with a formidable army behind him was becoming more im-
minent day by day. Already the Chancellor Rainald and Otto of
Wittelsbach had preceded him into Italy to prepare for the expedition
and to secure the fidelity and aid of the Italian cities. In June 1158 two
other cardinals appeared before Frederick in Augsburg. In much more
obsequious fashion they handed in the letters in which the Pope ex-
plained in satisfactory terms the expressions in the previous letters which
had aroused such wrath. Frederick received the communication with
apparent good-will and treated the cardinals with every courtesy; but
in his heart his distrust still rankled, although he did not wish to give
the Pope a pretext for joining his enemies while he was on the point
of entering Italy.
The Emperor's two envoys, Rainald of Dassel and Otto of Wittels-
bach, had worked hard to smooth the way for the expedition. Having
taken possession of Rivoli and secured the defile of the Adige, they re-
ceived oaths of fealty from many Italian cities. Beginning at Verona they
went down the Po to Ferrara, then visited Modena and Bologna, going
on from thence to Ravenna and Ancona, which latter place they secured
for Frederick, ousting the Byzantine emissaries who were there trying
to obtain a footing. Turning back they wrested Piacenza from the
league made with Milan. Thus so far as was possible all was made
ready for the expedition, and the road to Italy lay open to the Emperor.
In July 1158, accompanied by the King of Bohemia and the flower of
the German nobility, Frederick crossed the Alps at the head of the
greatest army seen in Italy for centuries, and turned towards Lom-
bardy with the determination to subdue it and stamp out all forces of
resistance to the Empire. The cities which sided with him rallied to
him, but those which were hostile he found ready to oppose him in
combination, with Milan as their centre of union. His faithful Lodi
had been destroyed, and not only was Tortona rebuilt but many other
fortresses were rendered capable of checking the advance of an enemy.
Hostilities began at Brescia, which was quickly forced to submit by the
Bohemians who formed the advanced guard. The rebuilding of Lodi
was soon set on foot, and Frederick, after proclaiming the ban of the
Empire against Milan, passed the Adda by a bold manoeuvre, took
possession of the fortress of Trezzo, and laid siege to Milan. He was
aided by all the cities unfriendly to their powerful rival, especially by
Pavia and Como. In spite of the great force arrayed against her,
Milan made a stiff resistance and gave occasion for remarkable displays


## p. 427 (#473) ############################################

The Diet of Roncaglia, 1158
427
of prowess on both sides. After a siege of a month, the Milanese
were compelled to surrender, famine having made its ravages quickly felt
in so populous a city. Frederick offered terms which were relatively
lenient. Como and Lodi were to be rebuilt without hindrance, many
hostages handed over, a large indemnity was to be paid, and, worst
of all, there was to be a great curtailment of their liberties.
Milanese submitted perforce, but in their hearts they were resolved to
shake off their yoke at the first possible opportunity.
On receiving the homage of the Milanese, Frederick dismissed a
large number of his German barons, and after a short expedition into
Veronese territory he proceeded to Roncaglia, where he had convoked
many Italian barons, representatives of the cities, and numerous bishops
of upper and central Italy to a diet. The presence of the bishops and
their assent was a matter of considerable importance, because in times
gone by they had been the foremost representatives and ministers of the
Empire in Italy. There, before a people who had just witnessed his great
power, the triumphant monarch proposed to arrange the relations be-
tween the Empire and the cities of the Italian kingdom. Never perhaps
had the imperial rights been so proudly proclaimed, and at that moment
the authority of the Empire appeared absolute in Italy and as if it were
to last for ever. The jurists, led by the celebrated doctors of the Bolognese
school, carried away by the memories of ancient Rome and the reviving
study of the Justinianean code, proclaimed in the monarch's name his
absolute supremacy, appealing as to a dogma to the famous axiom
“quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem. "
To the principles extracted from Roman legislation were added others
which derived from German notions of law and in reality formed the
basis and the bulk of the constitutions of Roncaglia. All the regalia
were the Emperor's, his all feudal rights, the mints, the customs, the
mills, and all other rights, even that of appointing the city consuls, the
podestà, and other civic magistrates. And he who had thus been
declared lord over the whole world, and whose will was law, dictated in
the diet other rules all tending to restrict the rights of the communes, and
settled differences between various cities, not without a sense of justice,
yet often diminishing the power of the allies of Milan, from which city
he also took away the dominion over Monza and the counties of Seprio
and Martesana. Frederick had reached the summit of his ambition.
The Lombard cities now had their wings clipped, and could venture
no more on any dangerous flights. Frederick's only possible opponent
was the Pope, whose sole support was the King of Sicily, occupied at
home with rebellion and abroad with the ambitious schemes of Byzantium.
The glory of his power would soon rival that of Charlemagne and Otto.
But Frederick did not realise that he was pursuing the phantom of
an irrevocable past. Soon in Lombardy the rights claimed at Roncaglia
began to appear excessive even to the cities which supported the
CH. XIII.


## p. 428 (#474) ############################################

428
Revolt of Milan
Emperor. Their imperial tendencies had sprung principally from hatred
of their neighbouring enemies, and, when they perceived that their
interests and municipal liberties were infringed, their zeal began to cool
and symptoms of discontent to appear. Genoa was the first to shew
resistance to the interference of the Emperor in her domestic affairs and
the government of the city. Safe on the side of the sea, the Genoese
sought to gain time by negotiations, while at the same time at great
expenditure of labour and money, men and women combining in the
work, they strengthened the defences on the land side and made them-
selves safe against a sudden attack. Pavia and Cremona as partisans of
Frederick accepted obediently the podestà appointed by him to each,
and Piacenza, although secretly attached to Milan, had not the courage
to resist. On the other hand the little city of Crema, in alliance with
Milan, stoutly refused to dismantle her walls and fill up her trenches as
Frederick demanded. The latter had been offered a large sum of money
from the Cremonese to insist upon this demand. The Milanese, not one
whit less stubborn, did not feel beaten after their siege. Their irrita-
tion was still great at the loss of Monza and the territories wrested from
them by the decrees of Roncaglia, when Frederick sent them two legates,
the Chancellor Rainald of Dassel and the Count-Palatine of Bavaria,
Otto of Wittelsbach. The authority of these two personages did not
intimidate the Milanese, who, knowing that they had come to establish
officials of imperial appointment, rose against them with such fury that
they had to make good their escape in secret. Frederick felt the insult
bitterly, and realised the necessity of striking Milan a deadly blow
if he were to be supreme in Lombardy. Meanwhile the Milanese
declared open war, attacked and took possession of Trezzo, making
prisoners of its German garrison, and tried several times, but in vain, to
destroy the new city of Lodi which was being built under the auspices
of the Emperor. Brescia also shook off the imperial authority and
joined Milan, while Piacenza, which had yielded perforce, left Frederick
under no delusion as to her aversion. The Emperor, then at Bologna,
again proclaimed the ban of the Empire against Milan, and wrote to
Germany demanding reinforcements, which were promptly granted, and
which arrived led by Henry the Lion. With him came the Empress and
Duke Welf VI, uncle of the Emperor, who had just been invested with the
lands of the Countess Matilda, to which the Pope laid claim. Advancing
into Lombardy, and aided chiefly by Pavia and Cremona, Frederick
began to ravage the country, in order to weaken Milan and cut off the
supply of provisions necessary for her defence. Afterwards, in July
1159, he laid siege to Crema with a great force. The heroic resistance
of this small city for seven months against the great besieging army of
Frederick has been handed down as an object of admiration to later ages.
The siege, conducted with obstinacy and savage fury, was endured by
the besieged with a firmness of mind which nothing could bend, not


## p. 429 (#475) ############################################

Renewed disputes between Pope and Emperor
429
even the sight of their own kindred who had been taken prisoner being
bound to the machines with which the enemy advanced to make their
attacks upon the walls. Undaunted, the Cremaschi repelled their onsets,
without compassion for their own flesh and blood, and with no other
thought than to defend their native city to the last. It was only in
January 1160, after a six months' struggle, when all their forces were
exhausted and further resistance was impossible, that these valorous
citizens surrendered. Their only conditions were that their own lives
should be spared, and the lives of those Milanese and Brescians who
had joined with them in the defence. Crema was destroyed, and her
rival Cremona was able to exult with unseemly joy over her ruins.
Meanwhile the disputes between the Pope and the Emperor had
broken out again more hotly than ever. An impassable abyss lay
between them, for the irreconcilable principle of two supremacies rendered
their two representatives irreconcilable also, and provided endless sub-
jects of disagreement. Frederick, already disposed to take offence, had
become hardened in his resentment because the Pope refused to confirm
the nomination of Guido, son of the Count of Biandrate, to the arch-
bishopric of Ravenna. Much greater was his indignation when a letter
arrived from Hadrian carried by a messenger of mean appearance who
disappeared immediately after consigning it. The letter was marked by
a renewal of the bitter tone which for some time past had dropped out
of their correspondence, and was full of complaints against the recent
exactions made by the imperial officers on ecclesiastical possessions.
Frederick, more incensed than before, ordered his Chancellor in answering
it to place his name before the Pope's and to address him in the second
person singular tu instead of by the customary plural vos. In this
way
he thought to remind the Pope of the old imperial supremacy. But
the Pope stiffened himself all the more, in spite of the great but un-
availing efforts of Eberhard, Bishop of Bamberg, to soothe the two
antagonists. The bishop writing of Frederick to a cardinal said: “You
know what he is. He loves those who love him and turns away from
others, not having yet thoroughly learned to love also his enemies. ”
The exhortations of Eberhard bore no fruit. The Pope, it is true,
sent four cardinals to the Emperor to discuss the points of disagreement
between them, but with conditions which seemed too hard. All magis-
tracies and regalia of Rome, the Pope affirmed, belonged to St Peter,
and therefore the Emperor had no right to send his envoys direct to the
Romans; the estates of the Pope were not to be subject to fodrum
except at an imperial coronation ; Italian bishops owed the Emperor no
homage but only an oath of fealty, and were not obliged to entertain
imperial envoys in their palaces. Restitution was to be made to the
Pope of the possessions of the Roman Church-Tivoli, Ferrara, Massa,
Ficarolo, the lands of the Countess Matilda, the territory from Acqua-
pendente to Rome, the duchy of Spoleto, and the islands of Sardinia
CH. XIII.


## p. 430 (#476) ############################################

430
Death of Pope Hadrian IV
and Corsica. Frederick was certainly not the man to submit to such
exaggerated claims. He repelled them, not without expressions of irony,
by saying that he would not require homage from the Italian bishops
if they would give up those of their temporalities which were regalia;
further, imperial envoys would have no right to be entertained in the
bishops' palaces if these happened not to be built on lands held from
the Emperor; but normally they were so built, and were imperial
palaces. Then the Pope's affirmation that imperial envoys could not be
sent direct to the Romans, since the magistracies at Rome and the
regalia were papal, would imply that he, Roman Emperor by right
divine, was a mere phantom sovereign, bearing an empty name.
Such was the situation when some ambassadors from the city of
Rome came to Frederick with offers of recognition of the imperial rights
in return for his recognition and protection of the Roman Senate.
Frederick grasped the opportunity, received the Roman envoys with marks
of honour, and dismissed them not without hope. He then proposed to the
legates that a committee of arbitration should be formed consisting of
six cardinals on the Pope's side and six bishops on his own, and informed
them that he would send ambassadors to Rome to treat with the Pope
and the Roman citizens, thus inserting a threat amid the formalities of
friendship. Ambassadors were sent, but Hadrian absolutely refused
arbitration, admitting no tribunal above his own, and the Romans
themselves shewed a suspicious temper, fearing that the Emperor, in re-
storing the banished prefect of the city, wished to introduce a magistrate
of his own, and while retaining the semblance to destroy the reality of
an independent senate. Here, as on other occasions, Frederick ran
counter to the sentiment of municipal freedom widespread throughout
Italy. Hadrian again, recognising the power of this sentiment, turned
his eyes towards Lombardy in the hope of securing the assistance of the
communes. A first attempt at a league between the citizens of Milan,
Brescia, and Piacenza agreed at Anagni with Hadrian to come to no
terms with the Emperor without the consent of the Pontiff and that of
his successors, and the people of Crema, still besieged within their walls,
sent their oath to the same effect. The Pope made like promises to the
leagued cities, and announced to them that he would within forty days
place Frederick under excommunication. But before he could put into
effect such a serious resolution, an attack of angina suddenly brought
about his death at Anagni on 1 September 1159.
The election of his successor was bound to be a stormy one. The two
divergent policies among the cardinals were inevitably brought into colli-
sion at a moment when the whole future direction of the Church de-
pended upon the preponderance of one or other of the two parties. The
majority of the cardinals favoured the election of Cardinal Roland, a
supporter of Hadrian's policy and of the alliance with Sicily, while a
small minority gave a stubborn support to Cardinal Octavian, head of


## p. 431 (#477) ############################################

The papal schism
431
the party bent on agreement with the Emperor. After Hadrian had
been laid to rest in the Vatican, the cardinals assembled in the church
of St Peter, and on 7 September 1159 the majority succeeded, after a
sharp struggle, in electing Roland, but the opposing party would not
admit their defeat, and proclaimed Octavian as Pontiff. In the tumult
of this double election, while the two Popes-designate were struggling
for the possession of the papal mantle', the doors of St Peter's were
opened to the armed partisans of Octavian who was proclaimed by the
name of Victor IV.
Roland and his cardinals, fearing personal violence, retired into the
fortress annexed to the church and remained shut in there for several
days, unable to move owing to the armed strength of the opposite
faction. Afterwards Roland, who had managed to be conveyed to
Trastevere, made a successful attempt at escape from his opponents.
But, although on regaining his freedom he was triumphantly acclaimed
by his own party, he did not feel himself sufficiently strong to remain in
Rome, and had to betake himself elsewhere. At Ninfa he was con-
secrated Pope as Alexander III, and after a short stay at Terracina he
went to Anagni.
Neither could Octavian hold out long at Rome. His
consecration took place at the monastery of Farfa, whence he went
to Segni. Thus the two rivals, in near touch with Rome and only a
few miles distant from each other, began to hurl anathemas the one
against the other. A great schism rent the Church afresh, and rendered
her path more difficult at a moment when dangers and pitfalls threatened
on every side. The contending parties lost no time in presenting their
cases to the tribunal of Christendom, and sent legates and letters to
sovereigns and bishops relating the story of the election each in his
own way. In a situation so uncertain, the attitude of Frederick might
have great weight, not only in Italy and Germany where he exercised
direct influence, but also throughout the rest of Europe where his name
was a force and his ideal position as the temporal leader of Christendom
was recognised. He perceived his advantage. As soon as the news of
Hadrian's death reached him, while the siege of Crema was yet in
progress, he wrote without delay to Eberhard of Salzburg a letter which
clearly shewed his intentions. In it he said that the successor of Hadrian
must be one who would reform the condition of the Church in the
direction of a pacific union, and treat the Empire and the loyal subjects
of the Empire with greater consideration. He had heard with great
regret that the election was already the cause of factions; he therefore
warned him not to give his adhesion precipitately to the Pope-elect, who-
ever he might be, without first consulting him (the Emperor), and
enjoined him to communicate the same advice to his suffragans. He also
1 Octavian tried to seize it from Roland; failing in this, he snatched a duplicate
from his chaplain, but, in his haste to be the first to be invested, he put it on the
wrong way round.
CH. XIII.


## p. 432 (#478) ############################################

432
The standpoint of Alexander III
informed him that he was negotiating for a firm understanding between
himself and the Kings of France and England, and had instructed his
ambassadors to come to an agreement with them as to the most suitable
candidate for the Papacy, so that no election should be accepted without
the common consent of the three sovereigns. He added in conclusion
that letters were being sent on this matter to Germany, Burgundy, and
Aquitaine, in order that all his subjects might know that he would not on
any consideration suffer so great a dignity to be filled by anyone who
was not unanimously chosen by the faithful for the upholding of the
honour of the Empire and the peace and unity of the Church.
It was not likely that Roland and his partisans would find favour
with a prince thus disposed. Even if his grief at the schism were sincere,
it was only natural that Frederick should have wished for the triumph of
Octavian, of whom he felt secure. Either acting on secret instructions from
the Emperor or more probably on their own initiative, the two imperial
ambassadors who happened to be in Rome at the time shewed themselves
favourable to the election of the imperial cardinal, while the latter and his
followers, in the letters sent by them to the bishops and princes of the
Empire,dwelt strongly on the alliance of Roland with the King of Sicily and
his antipathy to the Empire. The letters of Alexander III, more elevated
in tone and shewing greater confidence in his claims, displayed in turn
a suspicion of the imperial attitude, and the Alexandrine cardinals in
writing to Frederick did not conceal this, but openly accused Otto
of Wittelsbach of opposing their Pope and themselves and of having
violently entered the Campagna with Octavian, trying to make the
territory subject to him. Reminding the Emperor that it was a duty
incumbent on his office to defend the Church against heretics and
schismatics, they concluded by saying: “Our wish is to honour you as the
special defender and patron of the Roman Church, and as far as in us
lies we desire the increase of your glory. Therefore we supplicate you to
love and honour the Holy Roman Church your mother; to watch over
her peace as becomes your imperial excellence and not to favour in any
way the great iniquity of the invading schismatic. ” Their firm language
and austere admonitions shewed that the traditions of Hadrian IV were
still in force, and that his successor, even in the anxious moments which
ushered in his pontificate, was not one to bend in face of difficulties.
The memory of those of his predecessors who, like Otto the Great,
had brought the imperial authority to bear in all its fulness on the
Papacy, could not fail to recur to Frederick's mind and dispose him to
try to become an arbitrator in the contest, thus resuming the ancient
claims of the Empire from which the Church by slow degrees had become
emancipated. He therefore decided to convene an assembly of prelates,
while inviting the two contending parties to be present and submit their
reasons to its judgment. Two bishops were charged to convey the letters
in which Frederick ordered the two claimants to appear. Alexander was


## p. 433 (#479) ############################################

The Synod of Pavia
433
וי
well aware that a refusal might be taken to mean that he was uncertain
of his cause, but a refusal was inevitable. Not only had Alexander and
his followers reason to fear the bias of a council convened in the
Emperor's name and placed under the aegis of his power, but to
acknowledge such an assembly and participate in it would be dealing a
fatal blow at the great principle at stake, the superiority of the Church
to every earthly authority. In agreement with his cardinals, Alexander
rejected the proposal, and expressed his sorrowful surprise that the
Emperor should have overstepped in this manner the limits of his
dignity, and presumed, he the champion of the Church, to dictate terms
to the Pontiff
' as though he were his sovereign. The imperial legates
withdrew, ill-content with such an answer, and betook themselves to
Octavian who, on the other hand, accepted the invitation without hesita-
tion and set forth for Pavia.
Frederick at last had brought Crema to surrender, and had given orders
for the demolition of the heroic city and the dispersal of the citizens.
In February 1160 he opened the Synod of Pavia with an oration in
which, notwithstanding the vagueness of the phraseology, his thoughts
concerning the relations of the Empire and the Church were transparent
enough. “Although,” he said, “in my office and dignity of Emperor I
can convoke councils, especially in moments of peril for the Church, as
did Constantine, Theodosius, Justinian, and in later times the Emperors
Charlemagne and Otto, yet we leave it to your prudence and power to
decide in this matter. God made you priests and gave you power to judge
us also. And since it is not for us to judge you in things appertaining to
God, we exhort you so to act in this matter as though we awaited from
you the judgment of God. " Thus speaking he retired, leaving the
Council to their deliberations. At this Council were assembled many
abbots and lesser ecclesiastics, but only fifty of the rank of bishop and
archbishop, the majority of whom were Germans or northern Italians.
From other countries hardly any had come, and some foreign sovereigns
had sent in adhesions couched in vague terms which were received and
registered as if they had a positive value. Octavian had no difficulty in
establishing the validity of his cause, all the more so since Alexander
was not present, owing to his refusal to recognise the synod, and thus
did nothing to vindicate his case. Alexander besides had to reckon with
the accusation of his hostility to the Empire and alliance with the
Sicilians and the Lombards. Octavian was acknowledged to be Pope
and honoured as such by the Emperor. On the following day he launched
a fresh excommunication against Roland and severe admonitions to the
King of Sicily and the Lombards.
The schism had now become incurable. Alexander did not stagger
under the blow. He issued an excommunication against Frederick and
renewed the ban already laid on Octavian and his party. Thus asserting
his authority, he released Frederick's subjects from their obedience,
C. MED. H. VOL. V. CH. XIII.
28


## p. 434 (#480) ############################################

434
Capture and destruction of Milan
encouraged the Lombards to revolt, and fomented the internal discords
of Germany. Meanwhile he maintained his cause throughout the rest of
Europe, writing to the bishops at large, and exhorting them to support
him among their flocks and before their sovereigns. The support of the
episcopate was in fact of great use to him in the various courts of
Europe, and especially in those of France and England, two centres of
influence of the highest importance. Frederick made vain efforts to gain
the kings of these countries; they maintained a prudent reserve, which
after some hesitation settled down into an attitude decidedly favour-
able to Alexander.
The part taken by the Emperor in this struggle for the Papacy did
not turn him from his fixed resolve to subdue Lombardy to obedience,
and root out all possibility of resistance by bringing Milan to his feet.
The calamities and destruction of Crema did not avail to break the
spirit of the unyielding Lombard towns opposed to the Emperor, and
they rose again in arms, reinvigorated by their alliance with the Pope.
In order to assert his sway it was necessary for Frederick to strike a
mortal blow at Milan and thus cut out the heart of the Lombard
resistance. But it was not an easy undertaking, and all Barbarossa's
power might have been shattered but for the assistance of the cities
which stood by him faithfully. Their municipal hatred of the great
sister city waxed ever stronger as the struggle went on, and caused a
wretched denial in the face of the foreigner of those bonds of unselfishness
and of blood which ought to have drawn them closely together. With
such auxiliaries Frederick began operations against Milan, and for a whole
year there was constant warfare in the surrounding territory, with alter-
nating success and a cruel destruction of the great Lombard plain. In
the spring of 1161 Germany and Hungary sent the reinforcements
necessary for the campaign, and the Emperor was able to shut in the
city more closely. A long siege followed, lasting yet another year.
The defenders held out as long as was possible with unshaken tenacity,
but in the end the forces of resistance failed. The Aower of the garrison
had fallen at their posts, disease and hunger were rapidly cutting off the
remnant, munitions of defence had given out, all resources were ex-
hausted. There was nothing to be done but to make terms, and all
attempts were vain to secure some favourable agreement previous to sur-
render. In March 1162 the vanquished city had to stoop low and submit
at the conqueror's discretion. The sight of the misery and fall of so
great and noble a city aroused pity even in her enemies, who could not
refrain from appealing to the clemency of Frederick. The stern ruler
would not bend, but turned a heart of stone to their prayers. For him
harshness in this case was justice. The imperial majesty must be
vindicated by a signal example of rigour which should extirpate all hope
of future conflict. Milan, given over to pillage and fire, seemed buried for
ever beneath the mass of her own ruins,


## p. 435 (#481) ############################################

Alexander III takes refuge in France
435
To those Milanese who survived the siege were assigned four localities
where they might settle, not very far from the ruined city. It was a
grievous dispersion, yet a contemporary chronicler accused Frederick at
a later date of a want of foresight in having allowed the Milanese to
remain so near to the ashes of their fallen city. But how could it have
been possible to imagine a speedy resurrection after such a fall, and that
Milan might rise again, when Frederick's power had reached such a
height and was inspiring everywhere both reverence and terror? All
opposition gave way before him. Piacenza and Brescia had to accept
his stern conditions. Their walls were demolished; the imperial officials
were received; tribute and hostages were rendered to the Emperor; the
imperial Pope was recognised, while the Bishop of Piacenza, whose
loyalty to Alexander was untainted, passed into exile. Other cities
underwent the same ordeal. The imperial claims asserted at Roncaglia
held the field. The dissensions of the Lombard cities had borne the bitter
fruit of misery and servitude, but a fruit destined in its bitterness to be
one of remedy and healing.
The victories in Lombardy now strengthened Frederick's projects with
regard to Sicily and the East, where the help of maritime forces was in-
dispensable. He therefore first offered inducements to Pisa and then to
Genoa to form an alliance with him. Both consented, although each was
distrustful of the other, and Genoa in particular gave adhesion from
motives of expediency rather than from any friendly intention. The
position in northern Italy being thus secured and a powerful naval con-
nexion being established on the sea, Frederick might well feel assured
that within his grasp lay the dominion of all Italy, and that he was on
the verge of entering upon the lordship of a genuine and incontestable
empire. But Alexander III, despite the grave anxieties of his position,
was keeping a watchful eye on this policy with the intention of arresting
its achievement. While the war in Lombardy lasted, the Pope, unable
to keep a footing in Rome, had remained in the Campagna. In spite of
Frederick, all Europe outside the Empire and the Latin East now
acknowledged him, but his material resources were such that he was
bound to quit Italy and throw himself upon the traditional hospitality
of the French kingdom. He embarked at Capo Circello on a galley of
the King of Sicily, and after a halt at Genoa entered France through
Provence, where he was received everywhere with signs of deep devotion.
Well aware of Frederick's commanding influence, he turned to Eberhard
of Salzburg, the prelate most loyal to him in Germany, who had
brought all his authority to bear on Frederick in order that he might
relinquish the schism and make peace with the Church. But the Pope
could only put slender trust in these pacific proposals, and within a short
month, in May 1162, the struggle still continuing, he renewed his ex-
communications against Octavian and the Emperor in a solemn act of
promulgation at Montpellier. In the meantime, Alexander was keeping
CH. XIII.
28– 2


## p. 436 (#482) ############################################

436 Failure of Frederick's negotiations with Louis VII
up
his relations with France and England with a view to gaining their
decisive adherence to his cause. Nor did he neglect any means of attract-
ing German sympathy and that of Italy, and by raising difficulties in
the path of Octavian of dealing a blow at the policy of Frederick. cta-
vian, in his turn, in two synods held at Lodi and Cremona, had con-
firmed the decisions of the Council of Pavia, but it was not difficult to
see that Alexander's adherents were gaining in number and that Octa-
vian's party was lukewarm and more of a make-believe than a reality.
Alexander could only be overcome by shattering his foundations and
depriving him of the asylum which was at once his refuge and his strength.
While he appeared to be preparing for an expedition in the South,
Frederick turned back and, leaving his representatives in Lombardy
charged to keep that province in subjection, he crossed the Alps. Taking
advantage of the disputes between England and the French King Louis VII,
he turned to the latter in the hope of making him an ally and separating
him from the Pope. Louis hesitated; at the instigation of certain coun-
cillors who were strongly in favour of an alliance with the Emperor, he
began to treat with Frederick and finally with Octavian, while at the
same time he made no break in his relations with Alexander, who watched
with anxious attention this turn in French policy. It was settled that
the two sovereigns should meet on 29 August 1162 at St-Jean-de-Losnes
on the frontiers of France and the County of Burgundy, now subject to
Frederick. Henry of Champagne, brother-in-law of King Louis, was the
soul of these negotiations, and it suited his interests to separate Louis
from Henry II of England. The two sovereigns were to bring with them
the two pretenders to the Papacy and to arrive together at a final re-
cognition of the true Pope, but if one of the two rivals refused to appear
then the other was to be recognised on the spot. Later the king asserted
that Henry had gone beyond his instructions in accepting this condition;
but meanwhile Alexander, perceiving the serious danger of such an inter-
view, made every effort to prevent its taking place. He was in time to
have a conversation with Louis, and if he did not succeed in dissuading
him from the meeting he at least was able to convince him that he, the
Vicar of Christ, could not bow to the decision of the proposed tribunal.
Louis, shaken by the Pope's arguments, made his way to the banks of the
Saône in an uncertain mood and anxious to find a means of extricating
himself from the complications in which Henry of Champagne had in-
volved him. He was also apprehensive of the show of force with which the
Emperor came to meet him, and Frederick himself had his own suspicions.
The latter arrived with his own Pope, Victor IV, at the place of meeting,
but, not finding the king there, withdrew. Soon afterwards Louis arrived,
and hearing of the Emperor's withdrawal took his departure without
waiting to see if he would return. Thus the interview between the two
sovereigns never took place.
Perhaps there was no real wish on either side for the meeting. But


## p. 437 (#483) ############################################

Difficulties in Italy
437
Henry of Champagne in his vexation threatened to transfer his allegiance
to the Emperor, and so constrained Louis to promise to return in three
weeks in readiness to accept, along with Frederick, the decisions of a con-
gress. This was a mortal blow for Alexander, but he did not lose courage.
He brought every kind of influence to bear on Louis, and shewed great
political shrewdness in turning to the King of England who was sus-
picious of an alliance between France and the Emperor, even succeeding
in bringing about an understanding between him and the King of France.
Thus when Frederick felt most sure of his position he found himself
threatened by an unexpected danger, and made up his mind to withdraw
from the conference. The Emperor's defection caused no regret to Louis.
He returned to Dijon freed from the obligations into which he had
entered almost against his will. Before leaving Burgundy, Frederick had
held a diet in which Victor IV, while affirming his rights, had excommuni-
cated Alexander III. The latter, in the meanwhile, had enjoyed a triumph
at Coucy-sur-Loire. There the Kings of England and of France paid
him reverence together and declared him to be the valid and legitimate
Pope. In the presence of this triumphant success the anti-Pope's im-
portance was diminished. The struggle between the Papacy and the
Empire reverted to great principles and issues, and although the two
chief litigants were then at a distance, both appealed to the name of
Rome, and the name of Rome once more localised in Italy the arena of
combat.
In Italy signs were not wanting that Frederick, notwithstanding the
destruction of Milan and the dismantling of the cities in alliance with
her, was far from having stamped out all resistance. The heart of the
people was unconquerable, and beat in expectation of the hour when
they could rise again for the struggle. The affairs of Germany held the
Emperor there under weighty responsibilities, while his representatives
in Lombardy were imposing cruel exactions on the subject populations.
These called in vain for justice. Day by day their yoke became more
galling, and if the terrible fate of Milan warned them to endure the
burden, still the germs of revolt were ripening below the surface. The
Chancellor Rainald of Dassel was indefatigable in checking disaffection
and in preparing the naval expedition against Sicily, in the absence
of the Emperor, but his adversaries were not idle. Alexander III, the
Kings of Sicily and France, the Emperor of Constantinople, Venice,
and the Lombard cities, had come to an agreement among themselves.
The forces of resistance were quickened into life. When in October 1163
Frederick with a small army re-entered Lombardy, he was met on all sides
by complaints of the rapacity of his agents and by appeals to mitigate the
hardships of the oppressed populations. But Frederick gave little heed
to such appeals, and the sufferers felt that succour must be sought amongst
themselves. Venice gave them encouragement. While the Emperor was
engaged in appointing one of his creatures as king in Sardinia without
CH. XIII.


## p. 438 (#484) ############################################

438
Beginnings of the Lombard League
estranging Genoa and Pisa, who were disputing with each other the pos-
session of this island, Verona, Padua, and Vicenza rose in joint rebellion
to offer a common resistance and to maintain the rights which ancient
custom had handed down. Frederick was suddenly faced by the fact that
the league might embrace a wider compass and, being without sufficient
force to quell the insurgent communes, he made efforts to pacify them.
In this attempt he failed. He therefore sought aid from Pavia, Mantua,
and Ferrara, whom he loaded with privileges, trying to move them to
hostile action against the League. But the allies appeared in such
strong force that he had temporarily to renounce the hazard of battle.
In the meanwhile the anti-Pope Victor had died, in April 1164, at
Lucca. The position of Alexander III being thenceforth secure, Frederick
might not have been altogether indisposed to renew attempts at recon-
ciliation, but the Archbishop of Cologne, Rainald of Dassel, the implacable
enemy of Alexander, stood in his way and obtained the immediate election
of another anti-Pope. This was Guido of Crema, who took the name of
Paschal III. From the moment of his election the Emperor took him
under his protection, and, on his return to Germany, tried to make the
German and Italian bishops acknowledge him, but this scheme met with
open opposition in the episcopate of both countries. Among the Ger-
mans, the Archbishop-elect of Mayence, Conrad of Wittelsbach, rather
than yield went into exile in France, near Alexander. The Archbishops
of Trèves, Magdeburg, and Salzburg, and the Bishop of Brixen held out,
refusing to accept an election so patently uncanonical; while many others
of less courage submitted in appearance only to the imperial will.
This opposition, which augmented Frederick's difficulties in Germany,
also encouraged the Lombards to shake off their yoke. Alexander III,
now that hope of reconciliation with Barbarossa had proved fallacious,
was doing all in his power to spur on the resistance of Lombardy,
relying on the determination and love of liberty among the communes.
Thus by stirring up the cities to rebellion and by devising means
for drawing together more closely the adverse powers of Europe, the
able policy of Alexander aimed at isolating Frederick and placing him
in a position of marked inferiority in his struggle with the Church.
The Emperor, wishing to break through the ring of hostile influences
which encompassed him, turned to Henry II of England. This monarch
was bound to the King of France by very fragile ties, and had deep
causes of dissension with the Pope, owing to the struggle which had
arisen with Thomas Becket. This dispute was undoubtedly the source
of serious difficulties for Alexander III, difficulties which only came to
an end on Becket's tragic death. The Emperor and the King of England
took advantage of this event to draw closer together, yet without essen-
tially modifying the Pope's position towards Frederick. Alexander was
now recognised as the uncontested head of Christendom. He felt strong
enough to reoccupy his see and carry on the struggle, which threatened


## p. 439 (#485) ############################################

Return of Alexander III to Rome
439
to be renewed with greater tenacity than ever. Through the aid of his
vicar, the Cardinal of Ss. John and Paul, the Pope had secured
guarantees for his safe residence in Rome, and in October 1165 he left
France where his reception had been so generous. He travelled to Messina
by sea. From Palermo the King of Sicily sent him gifts and ordered an
escort of galleys to convey him honourably to Rome, where the Pope
made a solemn entry on 23 November. He at once took up his residence
in the Lateran. From Germany, whither he had returned and which he
was striving to pacify, the Emperor could not fail to perceive that the
triumphs of his rival in Rome were a source of dangers which it would
be necessary to dispel. He felt that the loyalty of the Lombard cities
was no longer to be reckoned upon, and therefore began to recruit an
army powerful enough to be confident of success and capable of crushing
any resistance from one end of Italy to the other. In order to conjure
back more and more the majesty of the Empire, he had Charlemagne
canonised by the anti-Pope Paschal III on the Christmas festival of 1165.
But times had changed and altered situations had arisen for the Papacy,
the Empire, and the peoples now awakened to a new life. Frederick
Barbarossa in his lofty aspirations had no conception that he was sum-
moning from the tomb of his great predecessor in Aix-la-Chapelle the
phantom of a past for which there was no longer a place amid the living.
The absence of Frederick made it more easy for the Lombards to
come to agreements preliminary to common action. The signs of resist-
ance arose quickly on all sides. In the cities tumults frequently broke
out and in Bologna the imperial podestà was killed during an uprising
of the populace. William I of Sicily had died and was succeeded in
1166 by the child William II, whose mother the Regent maintained
friendly relations with the Pope and an antagonistic policy towards the
Emperor. She was encouraged by Manuel Comnenus, who aimed at
gaining a foothold in Italy and showered attentions on the youthful king,
while he was trying to flatter the Pope by holding out to him the
mirage of reunion of the two Churches, asking in return the Roman
crown of Empire. Alexander placed no reliance on this project, but
shewed himself ready to negotiate in order to add to the dangers of
Frederick's position. Venice entered into alliance with Sicily and Con-
stantinople, forming thus a joint domination over the Adriatic, while
Pisa and Genoa, although in league with Frederick, were mutually so
quarrelsome and jealous of each other that the warmth of their devotion
could not be safely depended upon. Only one way lay open to Frederick,
and that was the reconquest of Italy by force.
He collected a considerable army, and in October 1166 set out
accompanied by the Empress. By the middle of November he was in
Lombardy and held a diet at Lodi, but he quickly saw that hostility
was greater than ever, and that he aroused an atmosphere of hatred
to the highest intensity. The cities which had at first favoured him had
OH. XIII.


## p. 440 (#486) ############################################

440
Frederick's fourth expedition to Italy
turned lukewarm or unfriendly, and the two on which he most relied to
give effect to the expedition against Sicily, Pisa and Genoa, came to
Lodi only to dispute rival claims, thus emphasising a discord which was of
evil omen. Instead of moving directly upon Rome in order to dispatch the
business of Alexander and scatter the forces of William of Sicily and
the Byzantines, Frederick was obliged to tarry some time in Lombardy,
making destructive raids on the territory of Brescia and Bergamo.
Thence he advanced on Bologna and compelled that city to give hostages
before betaking himself to Ancona by the Romagna. He sent a portion
of his army towards Rome under the command of Rainald, Archbishop of
Cologne, and another warrior-archbishop, Christian of Buch, whom he had
substituted in the see of Mayence for Conrad of Wittelsbach, a partisan of
Pope Alexander. The immediate descent on the south made it necessary
that he should have a base on the Adriatic and that the approach to
Abruzzo by the Marches should be free. He therefore determined to
invest Ancona in person.
He met with a stubborn resistance. Lombardy in the meantime,
determined to throw off his yoke, was emboldened by the League of
Verona, and one city after another entered into a joint compact to
prepare for an act of liberation. The confederates resolved, as a symbol
of their union, to restore Milan from her ruins, construct her moats,
and set up her walls anew as a bulwark. On 27 April 1167, the allied
forces appeared before the fallen city bent on the work of reconstruction
and of warding off any possible attacks, especially from Pavia, always
the faithful ally of the Empire. Milan rose again as if by enchantment
and the spirit of independence seemed to live again within her. The
cities in their rekindled life built fortifications, and all through Lom-
bardy ran the thrill of coming war.
Alexander III saw in this harmony his greatest hope of safety and hailed
with fervour. His position was a very serious one. He had succeeded
in gaining to a certain extent the favour of the Romans, thanks to their
hatred of the neighbouring cities, who seemed to be biassed towards the
Empire, especially Tusculum. But the two German archbishops at the
head of their forces were masters of the Campagna, and had reduced
that district into obedience to the anti-Pope Paschal, who had made
Viterbo his headquarters.