-you re- spect a man who is a socialist but a
communist
comes from a foreign country and he has no business here.
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
The rage against the rational tax system is an explosion of the irrational hatred against the irrational taxation of the individual by society.
The Nazis knew very well how to exploit the complex of the "taxpayer's money.
" They went so far as to grant, during the first years of their rule, a kind of tax amnesty, publicized by Goering.
When they had to resort to heavier taxation than ever before they camouflaged it most skilfully as charity, voluntary donations, and so forth, and collected large amounts of money by illegal threats, rather than by offi- cial tax legislation.
Here are a few examples of the antitaxation complex:
The high-scoring man, M 105, who is violently anti-Semitic and associated with the "lunatic fringe," says:
"It is the taxpayer's money that has been put into South America; other countries will think we are fools. "
M345, a radar engineer of the Extension Testing Class, who scores middle onE, low on F, but high on PEC, believes:
(What about government control of business? ) "It has gotten to the point where it is requiring too much of the citizens' tax money and time. "
Again, the taxpayer's complex is not limited to high scorers. The low- scoring man, Mzz6, the deviate case of a conformist, conventional conserva- tive definitely opposed to prejudice, strongly identified with his father, accepts his Republican views:
". . . also because businessmen generally don't like the taxes. "
In case of a new economic crisis, where unemployment would necessitate high taxation of people whose incomes have shrunk, this complex would un- doubtedly play an exceptionally dangerous role. The threat is the more seri- ous since, in such a situation, a government which would not impose taxes would fail, while one which would take steps in this direction would invari-
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
ably antagonize the very same group from which totalitarian movements most likely draw their support.
4. FOREIGN POLICY AND RUSSIA
Lack of information on the part of our subjects prevails, even more than anywhere else, in the area of foreign politics. There are usually rather vague and misty ideas about international conflicts, interspersed with morsels of information on some individual topics with which the subjects either happen to be familiar or to which they have taken a fancy. The general mood is one of disappointment, anxiety, and vague discontent, as symbolically epitomized by the medium-scoring woman, F340B: "Seems we haven't got any foreign policy. "
This may easily be a mere echo of newspaper statements frequently made at the time of the study by columnists such as Walter Lippman and Dorothy Thompson. Repeating them transforms the feeling of insecurity and dis- orientation of many of our subjects into the semblance of critical superiority. More than in any other political sphere, our subjects live "from hand to mouth" in the area of international affairs.
There is a striking lack of a sense of proportion, of balanced judgment, considering the importance or unimportance of topics of foreign politics.
One illustration, stemming from the "easy going" low scorer M7zz:
(Major problems facing country? ) "Hard question to answer . . . Perhaps the main one is how we're going to fit in with the rest of the world. . . . I'm a little concerned about what we seem to be doing in China. . . . If we are a carrier of the torch of the Four Freedoms, I think we are a little inconsistent in our maneuver- ings in China and Indonesia. "
This statement seems to be a "day residue" of continuous newspaper read- ing rather than the expression of autonomous thinking. Yet it should be noted that it remains within the anti-imperialist frame of reference of the low scorer.
The symbol of political uneasiness is the atom bomb which is dreaded everywhere. The stand taken toward the atom bomb seems to differentiate the high from the low scorers. As is to be expected, also for psychological reasons, the high scorers are all out for secrecy. Here, as elsewhere, "they want to keep what we have. "
M662A, the San Quentin "tough guy," high on all scales:
(Threats to present form of government? ) "Atom bomb. If these other countries get it, they're going to use it on us and we're going to have to look out for Russia. . . . I'm for Russia, but . . . I think sooner or later we're going to go to war with them. "
As to the prospect of a devastating war, this man seems to take a fatalistic view as if it were a natural catastrophe rather than something dependent on
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL 719
humans. This is in keeping with our clinical knowledge of the male high scorers' psychological passivity (cf. p. 575).
The low scorers either want to outlaw the atom bomb or to make the secret public:
M627, the alcoholic sex-offender, low onE and PEC but high on F:
(Major problems facing this country? ) "Well, I think this atom bomb. (Solu- tion? ) . . . Well, it ought to be outlawed and money appropriated to see if we can't use that power for good. "
F515, the "genuine liberal" who is to be discussed in detail in Chapter XIX (p. 782), pleads for international atomic control:
"Truman doesn't want ~o give away the secret of the atom bomb-1 think he should. It's already out anyway. "
Although the over-all ideology is fear of war, the high scorer's attitude indicates that, while deeming war inevitable, they have some underlying sympathy for war-making, such as that found in the Los Angeles high-scoring radio writer 5003 characterized as highly neurotic:
As for the world state, he expects anything at the present time. "Why shouldn't we have further wars? W e are animals and have animal instincts and Darwin showed us it is the survival of the fittest. I'd like to believe in the spiritual brotherhood of men, but it's the strong man who wins. "
This kind of phrasing, "why shouldn't we have further wars," is indicative of his agreement with the idea, in spite of his talk of spiritual brotherhood. The use that is often made of the Darwinian slogan of the survival of the fit- test in order to rationalize crude aggressiveness, may be significant of the fascist potential within American "naturalism," although it is supposedly linked to progressive ideals and enlightenment.
5009, a p-year-old teaching principal in a small California town, who scores high on all scales, rationalizes his belief in a forthcoming war dif- ferently:
He expects no warless world and thinks that the next war will be with Russia. "The United States has always ranged itself against dictatorship. "
While he shows the typical high scorers' attitude-psychologically linked to cynicism and contempt for man-of regarding war as unavoidable, he justifies a policy which actually may lead to war with a democratic ideal: the stand to be taken against dictatorships.
A third aspect of subscribing to the war idea comes up in the interview of the aforementioned 5031, a wealthy building contractor. He
feels that perhaps we had better go to war with Russia now and get it over with.
Here the high scorer's typical cynicism, a fusion of contempt for man, exag- gerated down-to-earthness, and underlying destructiveness, is allowed
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THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
uncensored expression. Whereas in the sphere of private morale such psycho- logical urges are held at bay by the acceptance of more or less convention- alized humane standards, they are let loose in the sphere of international politics where there seems to be as little of a collective superego as there is of a truly powerful supranational control agency.
The all-too-ready assumption that war cannot be abolished-which, accord- ing to this man, could be hoped for only if military men ran the UNO-is, fused with the administrative, quasi-technical, idea that one "should get it over with" as soon as possible, that Russia should be taken care of. War and peace become matters of technological expediency. The political conse- quence of this way of thinking is self-explanatory.
As with many other political topics, attitude toward Russia, whether for or against, does not by itself differentiate with any sharpness between high and low scorers. There is, first, a kind of "pseudo-low" attitude toward Russia. It falls in line with the general admiration of power in high scorers and is positive only as far as Russian military successes are concerned. It turns into hostility where Russian strength is presented as potentially dangerous. This happens with the San Quentin inmate M62zA, who scores low onE and F but high on PEC. He expresses his true anti-Russian feelings by means of personalization:
(Major problems facing country today? ) "I think Russia. . . . (Subject fears a war with Russia sooner or later over the atom bomb. ) Russia wants control of territory in China, so do the United States and England. (What do you dislike most about Russia? ) Well, a little bit too aggressive. Of course, they've done some won- derful things. Five year plan, educated themselves. (What good things about Russia? ) Lots of stamina to stand up under hardship. (Objections? ) I met quite a few Russians. Don't like them, because they seem to be overbearing. (How do you mean? ) They like to have their own way. . . . (Subject met the Russians he has been exposed to in Shanghai, chiefly Russian merchants. ) They really believe in 'taking' you. They are not very clean . . . I didn't have any very definite ideas before. "
It may be noted how close this man's attitude toward the Russians comes to certain anti-Semitic stereotypes. However, he has nothing against the Jews; as a matter of fact his wife is Jewish. In this case anti-Russianism may be a phenomenon of displacement.
" However, there is also a "genuine" low scorer's negative attitude against Russia, based on aversion to totalitarianism. Here, the Psychiatric Clinic pa- tient M204, suffering from anxiety neurosis, a moderate socialist and militant pacifist, with low scores on all scales, fits in:
He is a little skeptical about the Soviet Union, disapproving of their totalitarian methods, but being interested in "their interesting experiment. "
Another example is Mpo, a liberal of the Extension Testing Class with an unusually low score, assistant manager for an advertising agency, whose
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL 72 I
cnt1c1sm touches upon formal democratism while at the same time he is repelled by the oligarchic aspects of Russian government:
(Your understanding of democracy? ) "Government of, for, and by the people. Government by majority, directed to its achieving good results for the people. May be a difference between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, in that sense, may be democracy in Russia. I don't think it necessarily takes our voting system, although I like (democratic voting). . . . (You are critical of Soviet Russia? ) I don't like the concentration of political power in so few hands. "
Sometimes this kind of critique assumes, with low scorers, the aspect of disagreement with American communists because of their wholesale endorse- ment of Russian politics.
M203, a teacher, "liberal but not radical," with low scores on all scales:
"It is good to have intelligent, liberal leadership, rather than radical leadership, which would be bad. (Example? ) Well, like the communists in this country: they are not intelligent, they are too radical, and there is too much line which is deter- mined by Russia. For instance, Roosevelt was less rigid and learned more by his mistakes. "
It should be noted that this man is an outspoken antifascist who finds it "disgraceful that Bilbo should be in Congress. "
As to the pro-Russian attitude found among low scorers, it cannot be overlooked that it has sometimes a somewhat mechanical outlook. Here the element of stereotypy comes clearly to the fore in low scorers. As an example M713A may serve. He is a young veteran, studying landscape archi- tecture, whose scores are all low.
(How do you feel about Soviet Russia? ) "A very wonderful experiment. ? . . I believe that if left alone will be the greatest power in a few years. (Disagreement with the communists' line? ) Just in the matter of approach. Their approach is a little too violent, though I can see the reason for that. . . . I think we ought to approach it a little more gradually. . . . If went into communism would just be like the army. ? ? ? Maybe take a hundred years-we are working gradually to- ward it. "
It is a question whether the idea of a gradual development is compatible with the theory of dialectical materialism officially accepted in Russia, or whether it is indicative of a dubious element in the subject's appreciation
of the "wonderful experiment. " It should be noted that the idea of socialism
as an "experiment" stems from the vernacular of middle-class "common sense" and it tends to replace the traditional socialist concept of class struggle with the image of a kind of joint, unanimous venture-as if society as a whole,
as it is today, were ready to try socialism regardless of the influence of existing property relations. This pattern of thinking is at least inconsistent , with the very same social theory to which our subject seems to subscribe. \ Anyway, he, like any of our other subjects, goes little into matters orJ
? 722
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
Marxian doctrine or of specific Russian issues, but c. ontents himself with rather a summary positive stand.
Arid then there is the idea of the "greatest power. " That this idea is not exceptional among low scorers, in other words, that a positive stand toward Russia may have something to do with the Russian successes on the battle- fields and in international competition, rather than with the system, is cor- roborated by the San Quentin inmate M6z9, who scores low onE and F but. high on PEC, the man who does not believe in any real utopia:
"Well, Russia is undoubtedly one of the most powerful nations in the world today. They've risen to power in the last few years and made more progress than any other country. "
Our general impression concerning our subjects' attitude towards Russia may be summed up as follows. ~ the vast majority of Americans, the very existence of the Soviet Union constitutes a source of continuous uneasiness. The emergence and survival of a system that has done away with free enter- prise seems to them a threat to the basic tenets of the culture of this coun- try, to the "American way," by the mere fact that it has shattered the belief in liberal economy and liberal political organization as a "natural" eternal phenomenon which excludes any other rational form of society. On the other hand, the success of Russia, particularly her performance during the war, appeals strongly to the American belief that values can be tested by the outcome, by whether they "work"-which is a profoundly liberalistic idea by itse~The way our subjects cope with this inconsistency of evaluation differentiates between high and low scorers. To the former, the Soviet Union, incompatible with their frame of reference, should be done away with as the extreme expression of the "foreign," of what is also in a psychological sense "strange," more than anything else. Even the fact that Russia has proved successful in some respects is put into the service of this fantasy: frequently, Russian power is exaggerated, with a highly ambivalent l! ~dertone com-:_, parable to the stereotypes about "Jewish world power. " To the low scorerll Russia is rarely Ips "strange"-an attitude which has doubtless some basis in reality. But theyj try to master this sense of strangenes0in a different way,~by taking an objecnve attitude of "appreciation," coriibining understanding with detachment and a dash of superiority. When they express more out- spoken sympathies for the Soviet Union, they do so by implicitly translating Russian phenomena into ideas more familiar to Americans, often by present- ing the Russian system as something more harmless and "democratic" than it is, as a kind of pioneering venture somehow reminiscent of our own tradi- tion. Yet indices of a certain inner aloofness are rarely missing. The low scorers' pro-Russian sympathies seem to be of a somewhat indirect nature, either by rigid acceptance of an extraneous "ticket" or by identification based on theoretical thinking and moral reflections rather than on an imme-
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MATERIAL 723
diate feeling that this is "my" cause. (Their appraisal of Russia frequently assumes an air of hesitant, benevolent expectancy-let us see how they will manage. This contains both an element of authentic rationality and the po- tential of their swinging against Russia under the cover of handy rationaliza- tions if pressure of public opinion should urge such a chang~
5. COMMUNISM
The complex, Russia, is closely associated with the complex of communism in the minds of our subjects. This is all ? the more the case since communism has ceased to be in the public mind an entirely new form of society, based on a complete break in the economic setup, and has become bluntly identified with the Russian government and Russian influence on interna- tional politics. Hardly any reference to the basic issue of nationalization of the means of production as a part of the communist program has been found in our sample-a negative result which is significant enough with regard to the historical dynamics to which the concept of communism has been sub- jected during the -last two decades.
Among the high scorers the only feature of the old idea that seems to have survived is the "bogy" of communism. The more the latter concept is emptied of any specific content, the more it is being transformed into a receptacle for all kinds of hostile projections, many of them on an infantile level somehow reminiscent of the presentation of evil forces in comic strips. Practically all features of "high" thinking are absorbed by this imagery. The vagueness of the notion of communism, which makes it an unknown and inscrutable quan- tity, may even contribute to the negative affects attached to it.
Among the crudest expressions of these feelings is that of our insect toxi- cologist M zo8, by whom the problem of communism is stated in terms of plain ethnocentrism:
(Why is he against communism? ) "Well, it is foreign. Socialism, o. k.
-you re- spect a man who is a socialist but a communist comes from a foreign country and he has no business here. "
Fzzz, who scores high onE, middle on F, and low on PEC, is a young girl who wants to become a diplomat because she is "mad at England and Rus- sia. " Her idea of communism has an involuntarily parodistic ring:
(Political outgroups? ) "Fascists and communists. I don't like the totalitarian ideas of the fascists, the centralization of the communists. In Russia nothing is private, everything goes to one man. They have violent ways of doing things. "
To the mind of this woman, the idea of political dictatorship has turned into the bogy of a kind of economic supra-individualism, just as if Stalin claimed ownership of her typewriter.
By a similarly irrational twist another high scorer, lvf664B, an uneducated
? 724
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and unintelligent sex offender of the San Quentin group, with high scores on all scales, simply associates communism with the danger of war:
"If labor keeps getting more power, we'll be like Russia. That's what causes wars. "
The complete irrationality, not to say idiocy, of the last three examples shows what vast psychological resources fascist propaganda can rely. on when denouncing a more or less imaginary communism without taking the
,trouble to discuss any real political or economic issues. ' ~If representatives of this attitude enter upon any argumentation at all, it is, the last examples indicate, centered in the facile, though not completely spurious identification of communism and fascism which displaces hostility
against the defeated enemy upon the foe to be.
Low scorers are not immune in this respect. Thus the low-scoring student-
minister M910 is of the following opinion:
(How do you feel about R? ssia's government? ) "I think there is very little dif- ference between fascism and communism as it's practiced in Russia. The 1936 Constitution is a marvelous document. I think it's five hundred years ahead of our Constitution because it guarantees social rights instead of individual rights but when man hasn't any rights except as a member of the Communist Party. . . . I think it's capitalistic. . . . (What is the nature of your objections to Russia? ) Well, first of all, I think it was Russia that carried the ball in entering this veto power into the UNO which I think will be the death of the thing right now. . . . Russia has got the things right where she wants them. We think we're the leaders but we fool ourselves. . . . " (Subject objects strongly to deceitful diplomacy. )
High scorers who make less intellectual effort simply find communism not individualistic enough. The standard phraseology they employ contrasts nicely with the belief in spiritual independence which they profess. We quote as an example Fzo6, a high scorer of the Public Speaking Class group, a young teacher:
(Political outgroups? ) "Communists have some good ideas but I don't think too much of them. They don't give the individuals enough mind of their own. "
Sometimes the identification of communism and fascism is accompanied by paranoid twists in the Elders of Zion style. M345, our radar field engi- neer:
(What do you think of the P. A. C. ? ) "Never found any definite information on the C. I. O. . . . but . . . C. I. O. seems the agency to turn international, certainly has got all the earmarks, not because of being labor union, but just because of the way they compare. " (Subject compares communism to Hitler in Mein Kampf, telling exactly what planned to do and how, and then doing it. ) "C. I. O. has fol- lowed the lines of action very similar to pronounced policies of Comintern-even their name, Congress for Industrial Workers; not much faith in the communists succeeding. Their aim is tight little control of their own group. "
The mix-up of Comintern, CIO, and Mein Kampf is the appropriate climate for panic, and subsequent violent action.
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL 725
But this climate by no-means prevails. There is one quite frequently noted way of dealing with the problem of communism which safeguards the aspects of detached objectivity while allowing for good-natured rejection. It reminds one of the story of the boy who, when offered some very sour dish and asked whether he liked it answered: "Excellent-when I'll be grown up. " Communism is a good thing for the others, particularly for "those foreigners," from whom it has been imported anyway. This technique is employed by both high and low scorers. 5008, the liberal-minded Jefferson descendant:
"The communists may be able to do something in the Soviet Union, but they would utterly fail here. "
In M zz5, the low-scoring fraternity man, the argument has a noticeable taint of contempt for the have-nots. This is the man who wants "none of this Marxian stuff. "
". . . but in poorer countries, like in Russia, Germany, etc. , it's necessary in some modified form; but not in America. W e have too much here already, that is we are too developed already. "
The subject is not struck by the idea that a collectivistic economy might be easier in an industrially highly advanced, mature country, rather than more difficult. To him, communism is simply identified with enhancement of ma- terial productive powers through more efficient organization. He seems to be afraid of overproduction as if this concept would still make sense in an economy no longer dependent upon the contingencies of the market.
Even the extreme low scorer M z206a, of the Maritime School group, who believes that America will eventually become a socialistic country,
thinks that Russia has a wonderful system of government-for Russia-"though I don't think we could transplant its system to this country . . . though we should watch her and get ideas to build our own country better. "
In this case the argument is mitigated by an element of thoughtfulness which is in accordance with the stand taken by this subject with regard to the Communist Party in this country:
"Well, I don't know a great deal about it. I believe that if a man wants to be a communist, that's not only his privilege, but his duty . . . to try and convince as many people as he can. . . . "Subject objects vigorously to red-baiting tactics.
"I think that Russia will be the most democratic country in the world in time. . . . Joe has been a little ruthless at times, but. . . . "
Sometimes the argument is fused with the idea that socialism would not be "practical," for purely economic reasons which are mostly taken from the very sphere of a profit system which is supposed to be replaced under socialism by an economic organization moulded after the needs of the population. F359, the previously (pp. 6r6, 69o) quoted high-scoring account- ant in a government department:
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
Subject thinks that communism is all right for Russia, but not for this country, although the trend seems to be more and more that way. She believes in private ownership of property and the private enterprise system. She considers it more efficient. She is not so sure about government ownership of public utilities such as water, etc. She thinks that they probably operate better under private ownership, that the costs are lower.
The interviews of other subjects show an unmistakably condescending overtone of this same argument, such as M107, a medical student who scores high onE but middle on F and PEC:
"We can cooperate with Russia; if they want communism they have to have it. "
This type of liberal approach, of which, incidentally, the Hitler regime profited during the whole Chamberlain era of noninterference, is not as broad-minded as it may appear. It often hides the conviction that there is no objective truth in politics, that every country, as every individual, may
\ behave as it likes and that the only thing that counts is success. It is precisely LJ:bis pragmatization of politics which ultimately define's fascist philosophy.
Obviously, the relationship between anticommunism and fascist potential as measured by our scales should not be oversimplified. In some of our earlier studies the correlation between anti-Semitism and anticommunism was very high,8 but there is reason to believe that it would not be so high today, not, at least, at the surface level. During the last several years all the propaganda machinery of the country has been devoted to promoting anticommunist feeling in the sense of an irrational "scare" and there are probably not many people, except followers of the "party line," who have been able to resist the incessant ideological pressure. At the same time, during the past two or three years it may have become more "conventional" to be overtly opposed to anti-Semitism, if the large number of magazine articles, books, and films
with wide circulation can be regarded as symptomatic of a trend. The under- lying character structure has little bearing on such fluctuations. If they could be ascertained, they would demonstrate the extreme importance of propaganda in political matters. Propaganda, when directed to the antidemo- cratic potential in the people, determines to a large extent the choice of the social objects of psychological aggressiveness.
s Cf. Levinson and Sanford (71).
? CHAPTER XVIII
SOME ASPECTS OF RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGY AS REVEALED IN THE INTERVIEW MATERIAL T. W. Adorno
A. INTRODUCTION
The relationship between prejudice and religion played a relatively minor role in our research. This may be due in a large part to the nature of our sample. It did not include any specific religious groups nor was it drawn from geographical areas such as the Bible Belt or cities with a heavily concentrated Irish-Catholic population in which religious ideology has considerable social importance. If research along the lines of the present work should be carried through in such areas, the religious factor might easily come to the fore to a much greater extent than in the present study.
Apart from this limitation, there is another and more fundamental one. Religion does not play such a decisive role within the frame of mind of most people as it once did; only rarely does it seem to account for . their social attitudes and opinions. This at least was indicated by the present results. The quantitative relationships obtained (Chapter VI) are not particularly strik- ing, and although part of the interview schedule was devoted specifically to religion, it cannot be said that the material gathered in this part of the inter- views is very rich. On an overt level at least, religious indifference seems to put this whole sphere of ideology somewhat into the background; there can be no question but that it is less affect-laden than most of the other ideological areas under consideration and that the traditional equation be- tween religious "fanaticism" and fanatical prejudice no longer holds good.
Yet, there is reason enough to devote some close attention to our data on religion, scarce though they may be. The considerable part played by actual or former ministers in spreading fascist propaganda and the continuous use they make of the religious medium strongly suggest that the general trend toward religious indifference does not constitute altogether a break between religious persuasion and our main problem. Although religion may no longer stimulate open fanaticism against those who do not share one's own belief,
727
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we are led to suspect that on a deeper, more unconscious level the religious heritage, the carry-over of old belief and the identification with certain denominations, still make themselves felt.
Our approach was guided by certain theoretical considerations inherent in our general frame of reference. In order to give relief to the focus of our observations, it is appropriate to indicate the more fundamental of these theoretical reflections.
It was expected from the very beginning that the relations between religious ideology and ethnocentrism would be complex. On the one hand the Christian doctrine of universal love and the idea of "Christian Humanism" is opposed to prejudice. This doctrine is doubtless one of the major historical presup- positions for the recognition of minorities as sharing equal rights with ma- jorities "in the sight of God. " The Christian relativization of the natural, the extreme emphasis on the "spirit," forbids any tendency to regard natural characteristics such as "racial" traits as ultimate values or to judge man according to his descent.
On the other hand, Christianity as the religion of the "Son" contains an implicit antagonism against the religion of the "Father" and its surviving witnesses, the Jews. This antagonism, continuous since St. Paul, is enhanced by the fact that the Jews, by clinging to their own religious culture, rejected the religion of the Son and by the fact that the New Testament puts upon them the blame for Christ's death. It has been pointed out again and again by great theologians, from Tertullian and Augustine to Kierkegaard, that the acceptance of Christianity by the Christians themselves contains a prob- lematic and ambiguous element, engendered by the paradoxical nature of the doctrine of God becoming man, the Infinite finite. Unless this element is con- sciously put into the center of the religious conception, it tends to promote hostility against the outgroup. As Samuel ( ro I) has pointed out, the "weak" Christians resent bitterly the openly negative attitude of the Jews toward the religion of the Son, since they feel within themselves traces of this nega- tive attitude based upon the paradoxical, irrational nature of their creed-an attitude which they do not dare to admit and which they must therefore put under a heavy taboo in others.
It is hardly an exaggeration to say that many of the usual rationalizations of anti-Semitism originate within Christianity or at least have been amal- gamated with Christian motives. The fight against the Jews seems to be mod- eled after the fight between the Redeemer and the Christian Devil. Joshuah Trachtenberg (I I9) has given detailed evidence that the imagery of the Jew is largely a secularization of the medieval imagery of the Devil. The fantasies about Jewish bankers and money-lenders have their biblical arche- type in the story of Jesus driving the usurers from the Temple. The idea of the Jewish intellectual as a sophist is in keeping with the Christian denuncia- tion of the Pharisee. The Jewish traitor who betrays not only his master but
? RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGY IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL
also the ingroup to which he has been admitted, is Judas. These motifs are enhanced by more unconscious trends such as are expressed in the idea of the crucifix and the sacrifice of blood. Although these latter ideas have been more or less successfully replaced by "Christian Humanism," their deeper psychological roots have still to be reckoned with. l
In attempting to evaluate the influence of such elements of religion upon the existence or absence of prejudice today, one has to take into considera- tion the position in which Christianity presently finds itself: it is faced with an "indifference" which often seems to make it altogether unimportant. The Christian religion has been deeply affected by the process of Enlightenment and the conquest of the scientific spirit. The "magical" elements of Chris- tianity as well as the factual basis of Christian belief in biblical history have been profoundly shaken. This, however, does not mean that Christian religion has been abolished. Although largely emasculated in its profoundest claims, it has maintained at least part of the social functions acquired throughout the centuries. This means that it has largely become neutralized. The shell of Christian doctrine, above all its social authority and also a number of more or less isolated elements of its content, is preserved and "consumed" in a haphazard way as a "cultural good" like patriotism or traditional art.
This neutralization of religious beliefs is strikingly exemplified by the fol- lowing statement of Mzog, a high-scoring Roman Catholic who attends church regularly. He writes on his questionnaire that he considers religion a
"thoroughly important part of existence, perhaps it should occupy 2 to 5 per cent of leisure time. "
The relegation of religion, which was once regarded as the most essential sphere of life, to "leisure," as well as the time allotment made for it and, above all, the fact that it is subsumed under a calculated time schedule and referred to in terms of per cent is symbolic of the profound changes which have taken place with regard to the prevailing attitude towards religion.
It may be assumed that such neutralized residues of Christianity as that indicated in M zag's statement are largely severed from their basis in serious belief and substantial individual experience. Therefore, they rarely pro- duce individual behavior that is different from what is to be expected from the prevailing patterns of civilization. However, some of the formal proper- ties of religion, such as the rigid antithesis of good and evil, ascetic ideals, emphasis upon unlimited effort on the part of the individual, still exercise considerable power. Severed from their roots and often devoid of any spe- cific conte? nt, these formal constituents are apt to be congealed into mere formulae. Thus, they assume an aspect of rigidity and intolerance such as we expect to find in the prejudiced person.
1 A detailed theoretical analysis of the relationship between Christianity and anti- Semitism has been contributed by Max Horkheimer and T . W . Adorno (53).
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
73?
The dissolution of positive religion and its preservation in a noncommittal
ideological form are due to social processes. \Vhile religion has been deprived of the intrinsic claim of truth, it has been gradually transformed into "social cement. " The more this cement is needed for the mai~tenance of the status quo and the more dubious its inherent truth becomes, the more obstinately is its authority upheld and the more its hostile, destructive and negative fea- tures come to the fore. The transformation of religion into an agency of social conformity makes it fall in line with most other conformist tendencies. Adherence to Christianity under such conditions easily lends itself to abuse; to subservience, overadjustment, and ingroup loyalty as an ideology which covers up hatred against the disbeliever, the dissenter, the Jew. Belonging to a denomination assumes an air of aggressive fatality, similar to that of being born as a member of one particular nation. Membership in any particular religious group tends to be reduced to a fairly abstract ingroup-outgroup re- lationship within the general pattern brought out by the foregoing discus- sion of ethnocentrism.
These theoretical formulations are not intended as hypotheses for which crucial tests could be provided by our research; rather, they furnish some of the background against which the observations now to be reported may plausibly be interpreted.
B. GENERAL OBSERV A TIONS
There is much in the interview material to support the view, suggested by findings from the questionnaire, that the more religion becomes conveQtion- alized, the more it falls in line with the general outlook of the ethnocentric individual. An illustration of this point is afforded by the following excerpt from the interview of F5o54, a woman who scored high on the ethnocentrism scale.
The subject seems to have accepted a set of rather dogmatic moral codes which makes her regard people, especially "youngsters who call themselves atheists" as falling outside the circle in which she wants to move. She made a point of admitting (confidentially) that one of the main reasons she was looking forward to moving away from Westwood was that she could thereby get her youngest daughter away from the influence of the neighbor's boy, who is an atheist because his father tells him "religion is a lot of hooey.
Here are a few examples of the antitaxation complex:
The high-scoring man, M 105, who is violently anti-Semitic and associated with the "lunatic fringe," says:
"It is the taxpayer's money that has been put into South America; other countries will think we are fools. "
M345, a radar engineer of the Extension Testing Class, who scores middle onE, low on F, but high on PEC, believes:
(What about government control of business? ) "It has gotten to the point where it is requiring too much of the citizens' tax money and time. "
Again, the taxpayer's complex is not limited to high scorers. The low- scoring man, Mzz6, the deviate case of a conformist, conventional conserva- tive definitely opposed to prejudice, strongly identified with his father, accepts his Republican views:
". . . also because businessmen generally don't like the taxes. "
In case of a new economic crisis, where unemployment would necessitate high taxation of people whose incomes have shrunk, this complex would un- doubtedly play an exceptionally dangerous role. The threat is the more seri- ous since, in such a situation, a government which would not impose taxes would fail, while one which would take steps in this direction would invari-
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ably antagonize the very same group from which totalitarian movements most likely draw their support.
4. FOREIGN POLICY AND RUSSIA
Lack of information on the part of our subjects prevails, even more than anywhere else, in the area of foreign politics. There are usually rather vague and misty ideas about international conflicts, interspersed with morsels of information on some individual topics with which the subjects either happen to be familiar or to which they have taken a fancy. The general mood is one of disappointment, anxiety, and vague discontent, as symbolically epitomized by the medium-scoring woman, F340B: "Seems we haven't got any foreign policy. "
This may easily be a mere echo of newspaper statements frequently made at the time of the study by columnists such as Walter Lippman and Dorothy Thompson. Repeating them transforms the feeling of insecurity and dis- orientation of many of our subjects into the semblance of critical superiority. More than in any other political sphere, our subjects live "from hand to mouth" in the area of international affairs.
There is a striking lack of a sense of proportion, of balanced judgment, considering the importance or unimportance of topics of foreign politics.
One illustration, stemming from the "easy going" low scorer M7zz:
(Major problems facing country? ) "Hard question to answer . . . Perhaps the main one is how we're going to fit in with the rest of the world. . . . I'm a little concerned about what we seem to be doing in China. . . . If we are a carrier of the torch of the Four Freedoms, I think we are a little inconsistent in our maneuver- ings in China and Indonesia. "
This statement seems to be a "day residue" of continuous newspaper read- ing rather than the expression of autonomous thinking. Yet it should be noted that it remains within the anti-imperialist frame of reference of the low scorer.
The symbol of political uneasiness is the atom bomb which is dreaded everywhere. The stand taken toward the atom bomb seems to differentiate the high from the low scorers. As is to be expected, also for psychological reasons, the high scorers are all out for secrecy. Here, as elsewhere, "they want to keep what we have. "
M662A, the San Quentin "tough guy," high on all scales:
(Threats to present form of government? ) "Atom bomb. If these other countries get it, they're going to use it on us and we're going to have to look out for Russia. . . . I'm for Russia, but . . . I think sooner or later we're going to go to war with them. "
As to the prospect of a devastating war, this man seems to take a fatalistic view as if it were a natural catastrophe rather than something dependent on
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL 719
humans. This is in keeping with our clinical knowledge of the male high scorers' psychological passivity (cf. p. 575).
The low scorers either want to outlaw the atom bomb or to make the secret public:
M627, the alcoholic sex-offender, low onE and PEC but high on F:
(Major problems facing this country? ) "Well, I think this atom bomb. (Solu- tion? ) . . . Well, it ought to be outlawed and money appropriated to see if we can't use that power for good. "
F515, the "genuine liberal" who is to be discussed in detail in Chapter XIX (p. 782), pleads for international atomic control:
"Truman doesn't want ~o give away the secret of the atom bomb-1 think he should. It's already out anyway. "
Although the over-all ideology is fear of war, the high scorer's attitude indicates that, while deeming war inevitable, they have some underlying sympathy for war-making, such as that found in the Los Angeles high-scoring radio writer 5003 characterized as highly neurotic:
As for the world state, he expects anything at the present time. "Why shouldn't we have further wars? W e are animals and have animal instincts and Darwin showed us it is the survival of the fittest. I'd like to believe in the spiritual brotherhood of men, but it's the strong man who wins. "
This kind of phrasing, "why shouldn't we have further wars," is indicative of his agreement with the idea, in spite of his talk of spiritual brotherhood. The use that is often made of the Darwinian slogan of the survival of the fit- test in order to rationalize crude aggressiveness, may be significant of the fascist potential within American "naturalism," although it is supposedly linked to progressive ideals and enlightenment.
5009, a p-year-old teaching principal in a small California town, who scores high on all scales, rationalizes his belief in a forthcoming war dif- ferently:
He expects no warless world and thinks that the next war will be with Russia. "The United States has always ranged itself against dictatorship. "
While he shows the typical high scorers' attitude-psychologically linked to cynicism and contempt for man-of regarding war as unavoidable, he justifies a policy which actually may lead to war with a democratic ideal: the stand to be taken against dictatorships.
A third aspect of subscribing to the war idea comes up in the interview of the aforementioned 5031, a wealthy building contractor. He
feels that perhaps we had better go to war with Russia now and get it over with.
Here the high scorer's typical cynicism, a fusion of contempt for man, exag- gerated down-to-earthness, and underlying destructiveness, is allowed
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THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
uncensored expression. Whereas in the sphere of private morale such psycho- logical urges are held at bay by the acceptance of more or less convention- alized humane standards, they are let loose in the sphere of international politics where there seems to be as little of a collective superego as there is of a truly powerful supranational control agency.
The all-too-ready assumption that war cannot be abolished-which, accord- ing to this man, could be hoped for only if military men ran the UNO-is, fused with the administrative, quasi-technical, idea that one "should get it over with" as soon as possible, that Russia should be taken care of. War and peace become matters of technological expediency. The political conse- quence of this way of thinking is self-explanatory.
As with many other political topics, attitude toward Russia, whether for or against, does not by itself differentiate with any sharpness between high and low scorers. There is, first, a kind of "pseudo-low" attitude toward Russia. It falls in line with the general admiration of power in high scorers and is positive only as far as Russian military successes are concerned. It turns into hostility where Russian strength is presented as potentially dangerous. This happens with the San Quentin inmate M62zA, who scores low onE and F but high on PEC. He expresses his true anti-Russian feelings by means of personalization:
(Major problems facing country today? ) "I think Russia. . . . (Subject fears a war with Russia sooner or later over the atom bomb. ) Russia wants control of territory in China, so do the United States and England. (What do you dislike most about Russia? ) Well, a little bit too aggressive. Of course, they've done some won- derful things. Five year plan, educated themselves. (What good things about Russia? ) Lots of stamina to stand up under hardship. (Objections? ) I met quite a few Russians. Don't like them, because they seem to be overbearing. (How do you mean? ) They like to have their own way. . . . (Subject met the Russians he has been exposed to in Shanghai, chiefly Russian merchants. ) They really believe in 'taking' you. They are not very clean . . . I didn't have any very definite ideas before. "
It may be noted how close this man's attitude toward the Russians comes to certain anti-Semitic stereotypes. However, he has nothing against the Jews; as a matter of fact his wife is Jewish. In this case anti-Russianism may be a phenomenon of displacement.
" However, there is also a "genuine" low scorer's negative attitude against Russia, based on aversion to totalitarianism. Here, the Psychiatric Clinic pa- tient M204, suffering from anxiety neurosis, a moderate socialist and militant pacifist, with low scores on all scales, fits in:
He is a little skeptical about the Soviet Union, disapproving of their totalitarian methods, but being interested in "their interesting experiment. "
Another example is Mpo, a liberal of the Extension Testing Class with an unusually low score, assistant manager for an advertising agency, whose
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL 72 I
cnt1c1sm touches upon formal democratism while at the same time he is repelled by the oligarchic aspects of Russian government:
(Your understanding of democracy? ) "Government of, for, and by the people. Government by majority, directed to its achieving good results for the people. May be a difference between Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, in that sense, may be democracy in Russia. I don't think it necessarily takes our voting system, although I like (democratic voting). . . . (You are critical of Soviet Russia? ) I don't like the concentration of political power in so few hands. "
Sometimes this kind of critique assumes, with low scorers, the aspect of disagreement with American communists because of their wholesale endorse- ment of Russian politics.
M203, a teacher, "liberal but not radical," with low scores on all scales:
"It is good to have intelligent, liberal leadership, rather than radical leadership, which would be bad. (Example? ) Well, like the communists in this country: they are not intelligent, they are too radical, and there is too much line which is deter- mined by Russia. For instance, Roosevelt was less rigid and learned more by his mistakes. "
It should be noted that this man is an outspoken antifascist who finds it "disgraceful that Bilbo should be in Congress. "
As to the pro-Russian attitude found among low scorers, it cannot be overlooked that it has sometimes a somewhat mechanical outlook. Here the element of stereotypy comes clearly to the fore in low scorers. As an example M713A may serve. He is a young veteran, studying landscape archi- tecture, whose scores are all low.
(How do you feel about Soviet Russia? ) "A very wonderful experiment. ? . . I believe that if left alone will be the greatest power in a few years. (Disagreement with the communists' line? ) Just in the matter of approach. Their approach is a little too violent, though I can see the reason for that. . . . I think we ought to approach it a little more gradually. . . . If went into communism would just be like the army. ? ? ? Maybe take a hundred years-we are working gradually to- ward it. "
It is a question whether the idea of a gradual development is compatible with the theory of dialectical materialism officially accepted in Russia, or whether it is indicative of a dubious element in the subject's appreciation
of the "wonderful experiment. " It should be noted that the idea of socialism
as an "experiment" stems from the vernacular of middle-class "common sense" and it tends to replace the traditional socialist concept of class struggle with the image of a kind of joint, unanimous venture-as if society as a whole,
as it is today, were ready to try socialism regardless of the influence of existing property relations. This pattern of thinking is at least inconsistent , with the very same social theory to which our subject seems to subscribe. \ Anyway, he, like any of our other subjects, goes little into matters orJ
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Marxian doctrine or of specific Russian issues, but c. ontents himself with rather a summary positive stand.
Arid then there is the idea of the "greatest power. " That this idea is not exceptional among low scorers, in other words, that a positive stand toward Russia may have something to do with the Russian successes on the battle- fields and in international competition, rather than with the system, is cor- roborated by the San Quentin inmate M6z9, who scores low onE and F but. high on PEC, the man who does not believe in any real utopia:
"Well, Russia is undoubtedly one of the most powerful nations in the world today. They've risen to power in the last few years and made more progress than any other country. "
Our general impression concerning our subjects' attitude towards Russia may be summed up as follows. ~ the vast majority of Americans, the very existence of the Soviet Union constitutes a source of continuous uneasiness. The emergence and survival of a system that has done away with free enter- prise seems to them a threat to the basic tenets of the culture of this coun- try, to the "American way," by the mere fact that it has shattered the belief in liberal economy and liberal political organization as a "natural" eternal phenomenon which excludes any other rational form of society. On the other hand, the success of Russia, particularly her performance during the war, appeals strongly to the American belief that values can be tested by the outcome, by whether they "work"-which is a profoundly liberalistic idea by itse~The way our subjects cope with this inconsistency of evaluation differentiates between high and low scorers. To the former, the Soviet Union, incompatible with their frame of reference, should be done away with as the extreme expression of the "foreign," of what is also in a psychological sense "strange," more than anything else. Even the fact that Russia has proved successful in some respects is put into the service of this fantasy: frequently, Russian power is exaggerated, with a highly ambivalent l! ~dertone com-:_, parable to the stereotypes about "Jewish world power. " To the low scorerll Russia is rarely Ips "strange"-an attitude which has doubtless some basis in reality. But theyj try to master this sense of strangenes0in a different way,~by taking an objecnve attitude of "appreciation," coriibining understanding with detachment and a dash of superiority. When they express more out- spoken sympathies for the Soviet Union, they do so by implicitly translating Russian phenomena into ideas more familiar to Americans, often by present- ing the Russian system as something more harmless and "democratic" than it is, as a kind of pioneering venture somehow reminiscent of our own tradi- tion. Yet indices of a certain inner aloofness are rarely missing. The low scorers' pro-Russian sympathies seem to be of a somewhat indirect nature, either by rigid acceptance of an extraneous "ticket" or by identification based on theoretical thinking and moral reflections rather than on an imme-
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MATERIAL 723
diate feeling that this is "my" cause. (Their appraisal of Russia frequently assumes an air of hesitant, benevolent expectancy-let us see how they will manage. This contains both an element of authentic rationality and the po- tential of their swinging against Russia under the cover of handy rationaliza- tions if pressure of public opinion should urge such a chang~
5. COMMUNISM
The complex, Russia, is closely associated with the complex of communism in the minds of our subjects. This is all ? the more the case since communism has ceased to be in the public mind an entirely new form of society, based on a complete break in the economic setup, and has become bluntly identified with the Russian government and Russian influence on interna- tional politics. Hardly any reference to the basic issue of nationalization of the means of production as a part of the communist program has been found in our sample-a negative result which is significant enough with regard to the historical dynamics to which the concept of communism has been sub- jected during the -last two decades.
Among the high scorers the only feature of the old idea that seems to have survived is the "bogy" of communism. The more the latter concept is emptied of any specific content, the more it is being transformed into a receptacle for all kinds of hostile projections, many of them on an infantile level somehow reminiscent of the presentation of evil forces in comic strips. Practically all features of "high" thinking are absorbed by this imagery. The vagueness of the notion of communism, which makes it an unknown and inscrutable quan- tity, may even contribute to the negative affects attached to it.
Among the crudest expressions of these feelings is that of our insect toxi- cologist M zo8, by whom the problem of communism is stated in terms of plain ethnocentrism:
(Why is he against communism? ) "Well, it is foreign. Socialism, o. k.
-you re- spect a man who is a socialist but a communist comes from a foreign country and he has no business here. "
Fzzz, who scores high onE, middle on F, and low on PEC, is a young girl who wants to become a diplomat because she is "mad at England and Rus- sia. " Her idea of communism has an involuntarily parodistic ring:
(Political outgroups? ) "Fascists and communists. I don't like the totalitarian ideas of the fascists, the centralization of the communists. In Russia nothing is private, everything goes to one man. They have violent ways of doing things. "
To the mind of this woman, the idea of political dictatorship has turned into the bogy of a kind of economic supra-individualism, just as if Stalin claimed ownership of her typewriter.
By a similarly irrational twist another high scorer, lvf664B, an uneducated
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and unintelligent sex offender of the San Quentin group, with high scores on all scales, simply associates communism with the danger of war:
"If labor keeps getting more power, we'll be like Russia. That's what causes wars. "
The complete irrationality, not to say idiocy, of the last three examples shows what vast psychological resources fascist propaganda can rely. on when denouncing a more or less imaginary communism without taking the
,trouble to discuss any real political or economic issues. ' ~If representatives of this attitude enter upon any argumentation at all, it is, the last examples indicate, centered in the facile, though not completely spurious identification of communism and fascism which displaces hostility
against the defeated enemy upon the foe to be.
Low scorers are not immune in this respect. Thus the low-scoring student-
minister M910 is of the following opinion:
(How do you feel about R? ssia's government? ) "I think there is very little dif- ference between fascism and communism as it's practiced in Russia. The 1936 Constitution is a marvelous document. I think it's five hundred years ahead of our Constitution because it guarantees social rights instead of individual rights but when man hasn't any rights except as a member of the Communist Party. . . . I think it's capitalistic. . . . (What is the nature of your objections to Russia? ) Well, first of all, I think it was Russia that carried the ball in entering this veto power into the UNO which I think will be the death of the thing right now. . . . Russia has got the things right where she wants them. We think we're the leaders but we fool ourselves. . . . " (Subject objects strongly to deceitful diplomacy. )
High scorers who make less intellectual effort simply find communism not individualistic enough. The standard phraseology they employ contrasts nicely with the belief in spiritual independence which they profess. We quote as an example Fzo6, a high scorer of the Public Speaking Class group, a young teacher:
(Political outgroups? ) "Communists have some good ideas but I don't think too much of them. They don't give the individuals enough mind of their own. "
Sometimes the identification of communism and fascism is accompanied by paranoid twists in the Elders of Zion style. M345, our radar field engi- neer:
(What do you think of the P. A. C. ? ) "Never found any definite information on the C. I. O. . . . but . . . C. I. O. seems the agency to turn international, certainly has got all the earmarks, not because of being labor union, but just because of the way they compare. " (Subject compares communism to Hitler in Mein Kampf, telling exactly what planned to do and how, and then doing it. ) "C. I. O. has fol- lowed the lines of action very similar to pronounced policies of Comintern-even their name, Congress for Industrial Workers; not much faith in the communists succeeding. Their aim is tight little control of their own group. "
The mix-up of Comintern, CIO, and Mein Kampf is the appropriate climate for panic, and subsequent violent action.
? POLITICS AND ECONOMICS IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL 725
But this climate by no-means prevails. There is one quite frequently noted way of dealing with the problem of communism which safeguards the aspects of detached objectivity while allowing for good-natured rejection. It reminds one of the story of the boy who, when offered some very sour dish and asked whether he liked it answered: "Excellent-when I'll be grown up. " Communism is a good thing for the others, particularly for "those foreigners," from whom it has been imported anyway. This technique is employed by both high and low scorers. 5008, the liberal-minded Jefferson descendant:
"The communists may be able to do something in the Soviet Union, but they would utterly fail here. "
In M zz5, the low-scoring fraternity man, the argument has a noticeable taint of contempt for the have-nots. This is the man who wants "none of this Marxian stuff. "
". . . but in poorer countries, like in Russia, Germany, etc. , it's necessary in some modified form; but not in America. W e have too much here already, that is we are too developed already. "
The subject is not struck by the idea that a collectivistic economy might be easier in an industrially highly advanced, mature country, rather than more difficult. To him, communism is simply identified with enhancement of ma- terial productive powers through more efficient organization. He seems to be afraid of overproduction as if this concept would still make sense in an economy no longer dependent upon the contingencies of the market.
Even the extreme low scorer M z206a, of the Maritime School group, who believes that America will eventually become a socialistic country,
thinks that Russia has a wonderful system of government-for Russia-"though I don't think we could transplant its system to this country . . . though we should watch her and get ideas to build our own country better. "
In this case the argument is mitigated by an element of thoughtfulness which is in accordance with the stand taken by this subject with regard to the Communist Party in this country:
"Well, I don't know a great deal about it. I believe that if a man wants to be a communist, that's not only his privilege, but his duty . . . to try and convince as many people as he can. . . . "Subject objects vigorously to red-baiting tactics.
"I think that Russia will be the most democratic country in the world in time. . . . Joe has been a little ruthless at times, but. . . . "
Sometimes the argument is fused with the idea that socialism would not be "practical," for purely economic reasons which are mostly taken from the very sphere of a profit system which is supposed to be replaced under socialism by an economic organization moulded after the needs of the population. F359, the previously (pp. 6r6, 69o) quoted high-scoring account- ant in a government department:
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Subject thinks that communism is all right for Russia, but not for this country, although the trend seems to be more and more that way. She believes in private ownership of property and the private enterprise system. She considers it more efficient. She is not so sure about government ownership of public utilities such as water, etc. She thinks that they probably operate better under private ownership, that the costs are lower.
The interviews of other subjects show an unmistakably condescending overtone of this same argument, such as M107, a medical student who scores high onE but middle on F and PEC:
"We can cooperate with Russia; if they want communism they have to have it. "
This type of liberal approach, of which, incidentally, the Hitler regime profited during the whole Chamberlain era of noninterference, is not as broad-minded as it may appear. It often hides the conviction that there is no objective truth in politics, that every country, as every individual, may
\ behave as it likes and that the only thing that counts is success. It is precisely LJ:bis pragmatization of politics which ultimately define's fascist philosophy.
Obviously, the relationship between anticommunism and fascist potential as measured by our scales should not be oversimplified. In some of our earlier studies the correlation between anti-Semitism and anticommunism was very high,8 but there is reason to believe that it would not be so high today, not, at least, at the surface level. During the last several years all the propaganda machinery of the country has been devoted to promoting anticommunist feeling in the sense of an irrational "scare" and there are probably not many people, except followers of the "party line," who have been able to resist the incessant ideological pressure. At the same time, during the past two or three years it may have become more "conventional" to be overtly opposed to anti-Semitism, if the large number of magazine articles, books, and films
with wide circulation can be regarded as symptomatic of a trend. The under- lying character structure has little bearing on such fluctuations. If they could be ascertained, they would demonstrate the extreme importance of propaganda in political matters. Propaganda, when directed to the antidemo- cratic potential in the people, determines to a large extent the choice of the social objects of psychological aggressiveness.
s Cf. Levinson and Sanford (71).
? CHAPTER XVIII
SOME ASPECTS OF RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGY AS REVEALED IN THE INTERVIEW MATERIAL T. W. Adorno
A. INTRODUCTION
The relationship between prejudice and religion played a relatively minor role in our research. This may be due in a large part to the nature of our sample. It did not include any specific religious groups nor was it drawn from geographical areas such as the Bible Belt or cities with a heavily concentrated Irish-Catholic population in which religious ideology has considerable social importance. If research along the lines of the present work should be carried through in such areas, the religious factor might easily come to the fore to a much greater extent than in the present study.
Apart from this limitation, there is another and more fundamental one. Religion does not play such a decisive role within the frame of mind of most people as it once did; only rarely does it seem to account for . their social attitudes and opinions. This at least was indicated by the present results. The quantitative relationships obtained (Chapter VI) are not particularly strik- ing, and although part of the interview schedule was devoted specifically to religion, it cannot be said that the material gathered in this part of the inter- views is very rich. On an overt level at least, religious indifference seems to put this whole sphere of ideology somewhat into the background; there can be no question but that it is less affect-laden than most of the other ideological areas under consideration and that the traditional equation be- tween religious "fanaticism" and fanatical prejudice no longer holds good.
Yet, there is reason enough to devote some close attention to our data on religion, scarce though they may be. The considerable part played by actual or former ministers in spreading fascist propaganda and the continuous use they make of the religious medium strongly suggest that the general trend toward religious indifference does not constitute altogether a break between religious persuasion and our main problem. Although religion may no longer stimulate open fanaticism against those who do not share one's own belief,
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we are led to suspect that on a deeper, more unconscious level the religious heritage, the carry-over of old belief and the identification with certain denominations, still make themselves felt.
Our approach was guided by certain theoretical considerations inherent in our general frame of reference. In order to give relief to the focus of our observations, it is appropriate to indicate the more fundamental of these theoretical reflections.
It was expected from the very beginning that the relations between religious ideology and ethnocentrism would be complex. On the one hand the Christian doctrine of universal love and the idea of "Christian Humanism" is opposed to prejudice. This doctrine is doubtless one of the major historical presup- positions for the recognition of minorities as sharing equal rights with ma- jorities "in the sight of God. " The Christian relativization of the natural, the extreme emphasis on the "spirit," forbids any tendency to regard natural characteristics such as "racial" traits as ultimate values or to judge man according to his descent.
On the other hand, Christianity as the religion of the "Son" contains an implicit antagonism against the religion of the "Father" and its surviving witnesses, the Jews. This antagonism, continuous since St. Paul, is enhanced by the fact that the Jews, by clinging to their own religious culture, rejected the religion of the Son and by the fact that the New Testament puts upon them the blame for Christ's death. It has been pointed out again and again by great theologians, from Tertullian and Augustine to Kierkegaard, that the acceptance of Christianity by the Christians themselves contains a prob- lematic and ambiguous element, engendered by the paradoxical nature of the doctrine of God becoming man, the Infinite finite. Unless this element is con- sciously put into the center of the religious conception, it tends to promote hostility against the outgroup. As Samuel ( ro I) has pointed out, the "weak" Christians resent bitterly the openly negative attitude of the Jews toward the religion of the Son, since they feel within themselves traces of this nega- tive attitude based upon the paradoxical, irrational nature of their creed-an attitude which they do not dare to admit and which they must therefore put under a heavy taboo in others.
It is hardly an exaggeration to say that many of the usual rationalizations of anti-Semitism originate within Christianity or at least have been amal- gamated with Christian motives. The fight against the Jews seems to be mod- eled after the fight between the Redeemer and the Christian Devil. Joshuah Trachtenberg (I I9) has given detailed evidence that the imagery of the Jew is largely a secularization of the medieval imagery of the Devil. The fantasies about Jewish bankers and money-lenders have their biblical arche- type in the story of Jesus driving the usurers from the Temple. The idea of the Jewish intellectual as a sophist is in keeping with the Christian denuncia- tion of the Pharisee. The Jewish traitor who betrays not only his master but
? RELIGIOUS IDEOLOGY IN INTERVIEW MA TERIAL
also the ingroup to which he has been admitted, is Judas. These motifs are enhanced by more unconscious trends such as are expressed in the idea of the crucifix and the sacrifice of blood. Although these latter ideas have been more or less successfully replaced by "Christian Humanism," their deeper psychological roots have still to be reckoned with. l
In attempting to evaluate the influence of such elements of religion upon the existence or absence of prejudice today, one has to take into considera- tion the position in which Christianity presently finds itself: it is faced with an "indifference" which often seems to make it altogether unimportant. The Christian religion has been deeply affected by the process of Enlightenment and the conquest of the scientific spirit. The "magical" elements of Chris- tianity as well as the factual basis of Christian belief in biblical history have been profoundly shaken. This, however, does not mean that Christian religion has been abolished. Although largely emasculated in its profoundest claims, it has maintained at least part of the social functions acquired throughout the centuries. This means that it has largely become neutralized. The shell of Christian doctrine, above all its social authority and also a number of more or less isolated elements of its content, is preserved and "consumed" in a haphazard way as a "cultural good" like patriotism or traditional art.
This neutralization of religious beliefs is strikingly exemplified by the fol- lowing statement of Mzog, a high-scoring Roman Catholic who attends church regularly. He writes on his questionnaire that he considers religion a
"thoroughly important part of existence, perhaps it should occupy 2 to 5 per cent of leisure time. "
The relegation of religion, which was once regarded as the most essential sphere of life, to "leisure," as well as the time allotment made for it and, above all, the fact that it is subsumed under a calculated time schedule and referred to in terms of per cent is symbolic of the profound changes which have taken place with regard to the prevailing attitude towards religion.
It may be assumed that such neutralized residues of Christianity as that indicated in M zag's statement are largely severed from their basis in serious belief and substantial individual experience. Therefore, they rarely pro- duce individual behavior that is different from what is to be expected from the prevailing patterns of civilization. However, some of the formal proper- ties of religion, such as the rigid antithesis of good and evil, ascetic ideals, emphasis upon unlimited effort on the part of the individual, still exercise considerable power. Severed from their roots and often devoid of any spe- cific conte? nt, these formal constituents are apt to be congealed into mere formulae. Thus, they assume an aspect of rigidity and intolerance such as we expect to find in the prejudiced person.
1 A detailed theoretical analysis of the relationship between Christianity and anti- Semitism has been contributed by Max Horkheimer and T . W . Adorno (53).
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
73?
The dissolution of positive religion and its preservation in a noncommittal
ideological form are due to social processes. \Vhile religion has been deprived of the intrinsic claim of truth, it has been gradually transformed into "social cement. " The more this cement is needed for the mai~tenance of the status quo and the more dubious its inherent truth becomes, the more obstinately is its authority upheld and the more its hostile, destructive and negative fea- tures come to the fore. The transformation of religion into an agency of social conformity makes it fall in line with most other conformist tendencies. Adherence to Christianity under such conditions easily lends itself to abuse; to subservience, overadjustment, and ingroup loyalty as an ideology which covers up hatred against the disbeliever, the dissenter, the Jew. Belonging to a denomination assumes an air of aggressive fatality, similar to that of being born as a member of one particular nation. Membership in any particular religious group tends to be reduced to a fairly abstract ingroup-outgroup re- lationship within the general pattern brought out by the foregoing discus- sion of ethnocentrism.
These theoretical formulations are not intended as hypotheses for which crucial tests could be provided by our research; rather, they furnish some of the background against which the observations now to be reported may plausibly be interpreted.
B. GENERAL OBSERV A TIONS
There is much in the interview material to support the view, suggested by findings from the questionnaire, that the more religion becomes conveQtion- alized, the more it falls in line with the general outlook of the ethnocentric individual. An illustration of this point is afforded by the following excerpt from the interview of F5o54, a woman who scored high on the ethnocentrism scale.
The subject seems to have accepted a set of rather dogmatic moral codes which makes her regard people, especially "youngsters who call themselves atheists" as falling outside the circle in which she wants to move. She made a point of admitting (confidentially) that one of the main reasons she was looking forward to moving away from Westwood was that she could thereby get her youngest daughter away from the influence of the neighbor's boy, who is an atheist because his father tells him "religion is a lot of hooey.
