No More Learning

leaden coffin was that of the historian rested solely The whole of the above were not brought to
upon the authority of the inscription, when this light at once. The earliest editions contain 29
support was withdrawn, the whole fabric of con- books only, namely, i-x. , xxi—xxxii. , xxxiv—
jecture fell to the ground, and it became evident xl. , the last breaking off abruptly in the middle of
the relics were those of an obscure freedman. chapter 37, with the word edixerunt. In 1518
The great and only extant work of Livy is a the latter portion of bk. xxxiii. , beginning in chapter
History of Rome, termed by himself Annales 17th with artis faucibus, together with what was
(xliü. 13), extending from the foundation of the wanting of bk. xl. , were supplied from a MS. be-
city to the death of Drusus, B. C. 9, comprised in longing to the cathedral church of St. Martin at
142 books: of these thirty-five have descended to Mayence. In 1531 bks. xli. —xlv. were discovered
us; but of the whole, with the exception of two, by Grynaeus in the convent of Lorsch, near Worms,
we possess summaries, which, although in them- and were published forth with at Basle by Frobe-
selves dry and lifeless, are by no means destitute nius ; and finally, in 1615, a MS. was found at
of value, since they afford a complete index or table Bamberg, which filled up the gap remaining in bk.
of contents, and are occasionally our sole authorities xxxiii. ;
and this appeared complete for the first
for the transactions of particular periods. The time at Rome in 1616. The fragment of bk. xci.
compiler of these Epitomes, as they are generally was copied from a palimpsest in the Vatican by
called, is unknown ; but they must have proceeded | Paulus Jacobus Bruns in 1772, and printed in the
a
3 E 4


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792
LIVIUS.
LIVIUS.
following year at Rome, Leipzig, and Hamburgh. | tempt has been made to render these limits still
A small portion which he failed to decypher was narrower, from the consideration that the emperor
afterwards made out by Niebuhr, who also sup is here spoken of as Augustus, a title not conferred
plied some words which had been cut away, and until the year 1. c. 27 ; but this will only prove
published the whole in his Ciceronis pro M1. Fonteio that the passage could not have been published
ct C. Rabirio Orat. Fragm. , Berlin, 1820. Two before that date, since, although written previously,
short fragments possessing much interest, since the honorary epithet might have been inserted
they describe the death and character of Cicero, here and elsewhere at any time before publication.
are preserved in the sixth Suasoria of Seneca. Again, we gather from the epitome that bk. lix.
From the revival of letters until the reign of contained a reference to the law of Augustus, De
Louis XIV. the hopes of the learned were perpe Muritandis Ordinibus, from which it has been con-
tually excited and tantalised by reports with regard cluded that the book in question must have been
to complete MSS. of the great historian. Strenuous written after B. c. 18 ; but this is by no means
exertions were made by Leo X. and many other certain, since it can be proved that a legislative
European potentates in their efforts to procure a cnactment upon this subject was proposed as early
perfect copy, which at one time was said to be de- as 1. c. 28. Since, however, the obsequies of
posited at Iona in the Hebrides, at another in Chios, Drusus were commemorated in bk. cxlii. it is evi-
at another in the monastery of Mount Athos, at dent, at the very lowest computation, that the task
another in the seraglio of the grand signor, while must have been spread over seventeen years, and
it has been confidently maintained that such a probably occupied a much longer time. We must
treasure was destroyed at the sack of Magdeburg ; not omit to notice that Niebuhr takes a very dif-
and there can be no doubt that a MS. containing ferent view of this matter. He is confident that
the whole of the fifth decade at least was once in Livy did not begin his labours until he had attained
existence at Lausanne. Tales too were circulated the age of fifty (B. c. 9), and that he had not fully
and eagerly believed of leaves or volumes having accomplished his design at the close of his life.
been seen or heard of under strange and romantic He builds chiefly upon a passage in ix. 36, where
circumstances ; but the prize, although apparently it is said that the Ciminian wood was in these days
often within reach, always eluded the grasp, and as impenetrable "quam nuper fuere Germanici
the pursuit has long since been abandoned in saltus," words which, it is urged, could not bave
despair.
been used before the forests of Germany had been
We remarked that two of the Epitomes had opened up by the campaigns of Drusus (B. C. 12–
been lost. This deficiency was not at first detected, 9); and upon another in iv. 20, where, after it is
since the numbers follow each other in regular recorded that Augustus had repaired the shrine of
succession from 1 up to 140 ; and hence the total Jupiter Feretrius, he is termed “templorum om-
number of books was supposed not to exceed that nium conditorem aut restitutorem," a description
amount. Upon more careful examination, how- which could not have been applied to him in an
ever, it was perceived that while the epitome of early part of his career. Now, without insisting
bk. cxxxv. closed with the conquest of the Salassi, that casual remarks such as these might have been
which belongs to B. C. 25, the epitome of bk. cxxxvi. introduced during a revision of the text, it must be
opened with the subjugation of the Rhaeti, by evident that the remarks themselves are much too
Tiberius, Nero, and Drusus, in B. c. 15, thus leav- vague to serve as the basis of a chronological theory,
ing a blank of nine years, an interval marked by except in so far as they relate to the restoration of the
the shutting of Janus, the celebration of the secular shrine of Jupiter Feretrius ; but this we know was
games, the acceptance of the tribunitian power by undertaken at the suggestion of Atticus (Comel.
Augustus, and other occurrences which would Nep. Ait. c. 20), and Atticus died B. c. 32. On
scarcely have been passed over in silence by the the other hand, the reasoning grounded on the
abbreviator. Sigonius and Drakenborch, whose shutting of the temple of Janus must be held, in so
reasonings have been generally admitted by scholars, far as bk. i. is involved, to be absolutely impregnable;
agree that two books were devoted to this space, and we can scarcely imagine that the eighth book
and hence the epitomes which stand as cxxxvi. , was not finished until sixteen years after the first.
cxxxvii. , cxxxviii. , cxxxix. , cxl. , ought to be In attempting to form an estimate of any great
marked cxxxviii. , cxxxix. , cxl. , cxli. , cxlii. , re- historical production, our attention is naturally and
spectively.
necessarily directed to two points, which may be
It was little probable, à priori, that an under- kept perfectly distinct: first, the substance, that is,
taking so vast should have been brought to a close the truth or falsehood of what is set down ; and
before any part of it was given to the world; and secondly, its character merely as a literary compo-
in point of fact we find indications here and there sition.
which throw some light upon the epochs when dif- As to the latter subject, Livy has little to fear
ferent sections were composed and published. Thus from positive censure or from faint praise. His
in book first (c. 19) it is stated that the temple of style may be pronounced almost faultless; and a
Janus had been closed twice only since the reign great proof of its excellence is, that the charms with
of Numa, for the first time in the consulship of which it is invested are so little salient, and so
T. Manlius (B. C. 235), a few years after the termi- equally diffused, that no one feature can be selected
nation of the first Punic war; for the second time for special eulogy, but the whole unite to produce
by Augustus Caesar, after the battle of Actium, in a form of singular beauty and grace. The narrative
B. C. 29, as we learn from other sources. But we flows on in a calm, but strong current, clear and
are told by Dion Cassius that it was shut again by sparkling, but deep and unbroken ; the diction dis-
Augustus after the conquest of the Cantabrians, in plays richness without heaviness, and simplicity
B. c. 25; and hence it is evident that the first book without tameness. The feelings of the reader are not
must have been written, and must have gone forth laboriously worked up from time to time by a
between the years B. C. 29 and B. c. 25. An at-grand effort, while he is suffered to languiste
;


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LIVIUS.
793
LIVIUS.
through long intervals of dullness, but a sort of and he moulded what had before been a collection
gentle excitement is steadily maintained : the atten- of heavy, rude, incongruous masses, into one com-
tion never droops ; and while the great results manding figure, synimetrical in all its proportions,
appear in full relief, the minor incidents, which full of vigorous life and manly dignity. Where
often conduce so materially to these results, are his authorities were in accordance with each other,
brought plainly into view. Nor is his art as a and with common sense, he generally rested satis-
painter less wonderful. There is a distinctness of fied with this agreement; where their testimony
outline and a warmth of colouring in all his de- was irreconcilable, he was content to point out
lineations, whether of living men in action, or of their want of harmony, and occasionally to offer
things inanimate, which never fail to call up the an opinion on their comparative credibility. But,
whole scene, with all its adjuncts, before our eyes. however turbid the current of his information, in
In a gallery of masterpieces, it is difficult to make no case did he ever dream of ascending to the
a selection, but we doubt whether any artist, an- fountain head. Never did he seek to confirm or
cient or modern, ever finished a more wonderful to confute the assertion of others by exploring the
series of pictures than those which are found at the sources from which their knowledge was derived.
conclusion of the 27th book, representing the state He never attempted to test their accuracy by ex-
of the public mind at Rome, when intelligence was amining monuments of remote antiquity, of which
first received of the daring expedition of the consul not a few were accessible to every inhabitant of
Claudius Nero, the agonising suspense which pre- the metropolis. He never thought it necessary to
vailed while the success of this hazardous project inquire how far the various religious rites and
was yet uncertain, and the almost frantic joy which ceremonics still observed might throw light upon
hailed the intelligence of the great victory on the the institutions of a distant epoch ; nor did he en-
Metaurus. The only point involving a question of deavour to illustrate the social divisions of the early
taste from which we should feel inclined to with Romans, and the progress of the Roman constitu-
hold warm commendation is one which has called tion, by investigating the antiquities of the various
forth the warmest admiration on the part of many Italian tribes, most of whom possessed their own
critics. We mean the numerous orations by which records and traditions.
the course of the narrative is diversified, and which It may perhaps be objected that we have no
are frequently made the vehicle of political dis right to assume that Livy did not make use of such
quisition. Not but that these are in themselves ancient monuments or documents as were available
models of eloquence; but they are too often out of in his age, and that in point of fact he actually
keeping with the very moderate degree of mental refers to several. We shall soon discover, how-
cultivation enjoyed by the speakers, and are fre- ever, upon close scrutiny, that in all such cases he
quently little adapted to the times when they were does not speak from personal investigation, but
delivered, or to the audiences to whom they were from intelligence received through the medium of
addressed. Instead of being the shrewd out-pour- the annalists. Thus he is satisfied with quoting
ings of homely wisdom, or the violent expression of Licinius Macer for the contents of the Foedus
rude passion, they have too much the air of polished Ardeatinum (iv. 7); the “ Lex vetusta priscis
rhetorical declamations.
literis verbisque scripta" (vii. 3), and the circum-
Before proceeding to examine and to judge the stances connected with the usage there commemo-
matter or substance of the work, we are bound to rated are evidently taken upon trust from Cincius
ascertain, if possible, the end which the author Alimentus ; and although he appeals (viii. 20) to
proposed to himself
. Now no one who reads the the Foedus Neapolitanum, he does not pretend to
pages of Livy with attention can for a moment have seen it. On the other hand, we have many
suppose that he ever conceived the project of draw- positive proofs of his negligence or indifference.
ing up a critical history of Rome. He desired When he hesitates between two different versions
indeed to extend the fame of the Roman people, of the Libri Lintei given by two different writers
and to establish his own reputation ; but he evi- (iv. 23), we might be inclined, with Dr. Arnold,
dently had neither the inclination nor the ability charitably to believe that they were no longer in
to enter upon laborious original investigations with existence, rather than to suppose that he was so
regard to the foreign and domestic relations of the indolent that he would not take the trouble of
republic in remote ages. His aim was to offer to walking from one quarter of the city to another for
his countrymen a clear and pleasing narrative, the sake of consulting them, had he not himself a
which, while it gratified their vanity, should con- few pages previously given us to understand that
tain no startling improbabilities nor gross amplifi- he had never inspected the writing on the breast-
cations, such as would have shocked his fastidious plate of Cossus (iv. 20), and had he not elsewhere
contemporaries. To effect this purpose he studied completely misrepresented the Icilian law (iii. 31),
with care some of the more celebrated historians although it was inscribed on a column of bronze in
who had already trodden the path upon which he the temple of Diana, where it was examined by
was about to enter, comparing and remodelling the Dionysius, to whom we are indebted for an accu-
materials which they afforded. He communicated rate account of its purport: nay, more, it is per-
warmth and ease to the cold constrained records of fectly clear that he had never read the Leges
the more ancient chronicles, he expunged most of Regiae, nor the Commentaries of Servius Tullius,
the monstrous and puerile fables with which the nor even the Licinian Rogations; and, stranger
pages of his predecessors were overloaded, retaining still, that he had never studied with care the laws
those fictions only which were clothed with a cer- of the twelve tables, not to mention the vast col-
tain poetical seemliness, or such as had obtained so lection of decrees of the senate, ordinances of the
firm a hold upon the public mind as to have become plebs, treaties and other state papers, extending
articles in the national faith; he rejected the back almost to the foundation of the city, which
clumsy exaggerations in which Valerius Antias had been engraven on tablets of brass, and were
and others of the same school had loved to revel, / consumed to the number of three thousind in tho


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79+
LIVIUS.
LIVIUS.
1
destruction of the capital by the Vitellians. (Sueton. | mitted in another, without sufficient attention being
V'esp. 8; Tacit. Hist. iii. 71. )
paid to the dependence and the connection of the
The inquiry with regard to the authorities whom events. Hence the numerous contradictions and
he actually did follow would be simple had these inconsistencies which have been detected by sharp-
authorities been preserved, or had they been regu- eyed critics like Perizonius and Glareanus ; and
Jarly referred to as the work advanced. But un- | although these seldom affect materially the leading
fortunately not one of the writers employed by incidents, yet by their frequent recurrence they
Livy in his first decade has descended to us entire shake our faith in the trustworthiness of the whole.
or nearly entire, and he seldom gives any indica-Other mistakes also are found in abundance, arising
tion of the sources from whence his statements are from his want of anything like practical knowledge
derived, except in those cases where he encoun- of the world, from his never having acquired even
tered inexplicable contradictions or palpable blun- the elements of the military art, of jurisprudence,
ders. The first five books contain very few allusions or of political economy, and above all, from his
to preceding historians, but a considerable number singular ignorance of geography. It is well known
of fragments relating to this period have been pre- that his account of the disaster at the Caudine
served by Dionysius, Plutarch, and the gramma- Forks, of the march of Hannibal into Etruria, of
rians. On the other hand, scarcely any fragments the engagement on the Thrasymene Lake, and of
have been preserved relating to the period enbriced the passage of the Alps by the Carthaginians, do
by the five last books of this decade; but here we not tally with the natural features of the regions
find frequent notices of preceding historians. We in question, and yet the whole of these were
are thus enabled to decide with considerable cer- within the limits or on the borders of Italy, and
tainty that he depended chiefly upon Ennius, the localities might all have been visited within
Fabius Pictor, Ciucius Alimentus, and Calpurnius the space of a few weeks.
Piso ; and to these must be added, after the com- While we fully acknowledge the justice of the
mencement of the Gallic war, Claudius Quadrigarius; censures directed against Livy on the score of these
while he occasionally, but with less confidence, and other deficiencies, we cannot admit that his
made use of Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer, and general good faith has ever been impugned with
Aelius Tubero. We can discern no traces of Sul- any show of justice. We are assured (Tacit. Ann.
picius Galba, nor of Scribonius Libo, nor of Cassius iv. 34) that he was fair and liberal upon matters of
Hemina, nor of Sempronius Tuditanus, who were contemporary history, where, from his position
not altogether destitute of weight: we need not about court, he had the greatest temptation to flatter
lament that he passed over Postumius Albinus and those in power by depreciating their former adver-
Cn. Gellius, to the latter of whom especially Dio- saries; we know that he did not scruple to pay a
nysius was indebted for a load of trash ; but it high tribute to the talents and patriotism of such
must ever be a source of regret that he should have men as Cassius and Brutus, that his character of
neglected the Annals and Antiquities of Varro, as Cicero is a high eulogium, and that he spoke so
well as the Origines of Cato, works from which he warmly of the unsuccessful leader in the great civil
might have obtained stores of knowledge upon war, that he was sportively styled a Pompeian by
those departments of constitutional history in which Augustus, who to his honour did not look coldly on
he is conspicuously defective. From the con- the historian in consequence of his boldness and
mencement of the third decade he reposes upon a candour. It is true that in recounting the domestic
much more firm support. Polybius now becomes strife which agitated the republic for nearly two cen-
the guide whom, for the most part, he follows turies, he represents the plebeians and their leaders
closely and almost exclusively. Occasionally indeed in the most unfavourable light ; and whilst he at
he quits him for a time, in order to make room for times almost allows that they were struggling for
those representations of particular occurrences by their just rights against the oppression of the pa-
the Latin annalists which he deemed likely to be tricians, he contrives to render their proceedings
more palatable to his readers ; but he quickly re- odious. This arose, not from any wish to pervert
turns to the beaten path, and treads steadily in the the truth, but from ignorance of the exact relation
footsteps of the Greek.
of the contending parties, combined with a lively
It will be seen from these remarks that when remembrance of the convulsions which he witnessed
Livy professes to give the testimony of all pre- in his youth, or had heard of from those who were
ceding authors (omnes auctores), these words must still alive when he had grown up to manhood. It
be intended to denote those only which happened is manifest that throughout he never can separate
to be before him at the moment, and must not by in his own mind the spirited plebeians of the infant
any means be understood to imply that he had con- commonwealth, composed of the noblest and best
sulted every author accessible, nor even such as blood of the various neighbouring states subjugated
were most deserving of credit. And not only does by Rome, from the base and venal rabble which
he fail to consult all the authors to whom he might thronged the forum in the days of Marius and Cicero;
hare resorted with advantage, but he does not while in like manner he confounds those bold and
avail himself in the most judicious manner of the honest tribunes, who were the champions of liberty,
aid of those in whom he reposed trust. He does with such men as Saturninus or Sulpicius, Clodius or
not seem at any time to have taken a broad and Vatinius. There is also perceptible a strong but
comprehensive view of his subject, but to have not unnatural disposition to elevate the justice, mo-
performed his task piecemeal. A small section was deration, and valour of his own countrymen in al
taken in hand, different accounts were compared, their dealings with foreign powers, and on the
and the most plausible was adopted ; the same same principle to gloss over their deeds of oppression
system was adhered to in the succeeding portions, and treachery, and to explain away their defeats-
so that each considered by itself, without reference But although he unquestionably attempts to put a
to the rest, was executed with care ; but the wit- favourable construction upon adverse faets, he does
Desses who were rejected in one place were ad- not warp or distort the facts theniselves as he found
ܪ


## p. 795 (#811) ############################################

LIVIUS.
795
LIVIUS.
3
1
them recorded, and this enables the reader who perceive that they are bllsceptible of one interpre-
is biassed by no national prepossessions to draw a tation only, and that if there is any truth in the
correct inference for himself. Occasionally, espe- story, which Niebuhr altogether disbelieves, Pollio
cially in the darker periods, we can scarcely doubt must have intended to censure some provincial
that he indulged in a little wilful blindness, and peculiaritics of expression, which we at all events
that when two conflicting traditions were current are in no position to detect, as might have been
he did not very scrupulously weigh the evidence, anticipated, the conjectures collected and examined
but, adopting that which was most gratifying to in the elaborate dissertation of Morhof being alike
his countrymen, passed over the other in silence. frivolous.
He certainly could scarcely have been altogether From what has now been said it will be evident
ignorant that his story with regard to the con- that if our estimate is accurate, Livy must have
clusion of the war with Porsena was not the only been destitute of many qualifications essential in
one entitled to consideration, although he was pro- an historian of the highest class. lle was, we
bably unacquainted with the treaty from which fully believe, amiable, honest, and single-minded,
Pliny (11. N. xxxiv. 39 ; comp. Tacit. Ilist. iii. sound in head and warm in heart, but not endowed
72) 'extracted the humiliating conditions of the with remarkable acuteness of intellect, nor with
peace, and he must have been aware that there were indefatigable industry. Ile was as incapable of
good reasons for believing that the evacuation of taking broad, clear, and philosophic views of the
Rome by the Gauls took place under circumstances progress and connection of events, as he was indis-
very different from those celebrated in the songs and posed to prosecute laborious and profound inquiries
funeral orations of the Furian and other patrician at the expense of great personal toil.
Although a
clans.
mere man of letters, knowing little of the world
The reproaches lavished on the alleged credulity except from books, he was not a man of deep learn-
of Livy in the matter of omens and prodigiesing, and indeed was but indifferently versed in
scarcely deserve eren a passing comment. No one many ordinary branches of a liberal education.
can regret that he should have registered these Not only was he content to derive all he knew
curious memorials of superstition, which occupied from secondary streams, but he usually repaired for
60 prominent a place in the popular faith, and formed his supplies to those which were nearest and most
an engine of such power in the hands of an un- convenient, without being solicitous to ascertain
scrupulous priesthood ; nor can any one who has that they were the most pure. The unbounded
read the simple and eloquent observation on this popularity which he has enjoyed must be ascribed
very topic, in the thirteenth chapter of the forty- partly to the fascinations of his subject, partly to his
third book, consider that either the sentiments or winning candour, but chiefly to the extraordinary
the conduct of the historian stand in need of further command which be wielded over the resources of
apology or explanation. (Comp. xxi. 62, xxiv. 10, his native tongue.
44, xxvii. 23. )
No manuscript of Liry has yet been discovered
We must not omit to notice a question which containing all the books now extant. Those which
has been debated with great eagerness, whether comprise the first and third decades do not extend
Livy had read Dionysius or Dionysius had made further. Of the first and third decades we have
use of Livy. Niebuhr unhesitatingly maintains MSS. as old as the tenth century ; those of the fourth
that the Archaeologia of Dionysius was published do not ascend higher than the fifteenth century.
before Livy began to compose his Annals, and that The text of the first decade depends entirely on
the latter received considerable assistance from the one original copy, revised in the fourth century by
former. We must hesitate, however, to acknow. Flavianus Nicomachus Dexter and Victorianus,
ledge the certainty of this conclusion, unless there from which all the known MSS. of this portion of
are some arguments in reserve more cogent than the work have flowed. Of these the two best are
those brought forward in the Lectures on Roman the Codex Mediceus or Florentinus of the eleventh
History. For there two reasons only are advanced, century, and the Codex Parisinus, collated by
the one founded upon the opinion which we have Alchefski, of the tenth century, while perhaps
already endeavoured to prove was scarcely tenable, superior to either was the codex made use of by
—that Livy did not commence his task until he Rhenanus, which has now disappeared. The text
bad attained the age of fifty ; the other founded of the third decade rests upon the Codex Puteanus
upon the fact that Dionysius nowhere mentions employed by Gronovius, and which has been pro-
Livy, which, it must be reinembered, is counter- nounced less corrupt than any MS. of the first
balanced by another fact, namely, that Livy no- decade. The fourth decade is derived chiefly from
where mentions Dionysius, and that all attempts to the Codex Bambergensis and the Codex Moguntinus,
prove plagiarisms or trace aliusions have failed. while the five books of the fifth decade are taken
İn reality it is most probable that while both were entirely from the MS. found at Lorsch, hence
ngaged in the same pursuit at the same time, each called Codex Laurishamensis, now preserved at
followed his own course independently, and both Vienna
gave the result of their labours to the world with- The Editio Princeps of Livy was printed at
out either having been previously acquainted with Rome, in folio by Sweynheym and Pannartz, about
the researches of the other.
1469, under the inspection of Andrew, bishop of
There is yet one topic to which we must advert. Aleria ; the second edition also was printed at
We are told by Quintilian twice (i. 5. $ 56, viii. 1. | Rome in folio, by Udalricus Gallus, towards the
§ 3) that Asinius Pollio had remarked a certain close of the same year or the beginning of 1+70;
Patavinity in Livy. Scholars have given them- the third was from the press of Vindelin de Spira,
selves a vast deal of trouble to discover what this ful. Venet. 1470, being the first which bears a
term may indicate, and various hypotheses have date. Of those which followed, the most notable
been propounded ; but any one who will read the arr, that of Bernard. Herasmius, fol. Venet. 1491,
words of Quintilian with attention cannot fail to with the commentaries of M. Antonius Sabellicus,
1


## p. 796 (#812) ############################################

796
LOCHEIA.
LOLLIA.
which were very often reprinted ; that of Ascensius, in childbed, occurs as a surname of Artemis. (Plut.
fol. Par. 1510, 1513, 1516, 1530, 1533 ; that of Sympos. ii. 10 ; Orph. Ilymn. 35. 3. ) (L. S. )
Aldus, Venet. 5 tom. 8vo. , 1518—1533, including LOCRUS (Aokpós). 1. A son of Physcius and
Florus, and a Latin translation of Polybius by grandson of Amphictyon, became by Cabya the
Perotto ; that of Frobenius, fol. Basel, 153), con- father of Locrus, the mythical ancestor of the
taining for the first time the five books discovered Ozolian Locrians (Plut. Quaest. Graec. 15). Ac-
by Grynaeus and the chronology of Glareanus, recording to some the wife of the former Locrus was
printed in 1535, with the addition of the notes of called Cambyse or Protogeneia (Pind. Ol. ix. 86 ;
Rhenanus and Gelenius ; that of Gryphius, Lugd. Eustath. ad Hom. p. 277).
4 vol. 8vo. , 1542, with the notes of Vallam Rhe- 2. A son of Zeus and Macra, the daughter of
nanus, Gelenius, and Glareanus, reprinted at Paris, the Argive king Proetus and Antaia. He is said to
1543, with the addition of the notes of Antonius have assisted Zethus and Amphion in the building
Sabellicus
; that of Manutius, fol. Venet. 1555, of Thebes (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1688). [L. S. ]
1566, 1572, 1592, with the epitomes and scholia LOCRUS (Morpós), a Parian statuary, of un-
of Sigonius ; and that of Gruterus, fol. Francf. known date, whose statue of Athena, in the temple
1608, 8vo. 1619, fol. 1628, 8vo. 1659. A new of Ares, at Athens, is mentioned by Pausanias (i.
era commences with researches of Gronovius, who 8. $ 5).
[P. S. )
first placed the text upon a satisfactory basis by LOCUSTA, or, more correctly, Lucusta (see
the collation of a vast number of MSS. His Heinrich, ad Juv. vol. ii. p. 62), a woman cele-
labours appear under their best forin in the editions | brated for her skill in concocting poisons. She
printed by Daniel Elzevir, 3 vols. 1665, 1679, was employed by Agrippina in poisoning the em-
forming part of the Variorum Classics in 8vo. The peror Claudius, and by Nero for despatching Bri-
edition of Jo. Clericus, 10 vols. 8vo. Amst. 1710, tannicus. (Tac. Ann. xii. 66, xiii. 15; Suet. Ner.
containing the supplements of Freinsheimius entire, | 33 ; Dion Cass. lx. 34 ; Juv. i. 71, with Schol. )
and of Crevier, 6 vols. 4to. , Paris, 1735—41, are Suetonius says (Nero, 33) that the poison which
by no means destitute of value : the latter especially she administered being too slow, Nero impatiently
has always been very popular; the notes have been struck her with his own hand, and forced her to
frequently reprinted. It was reserved, however, prepare a stronger draught in his presence, which
for Drakenborch to follow out what Gronovius had killed Britannicus instantaneously. She was re-
80 well begun, and his most elaborate edition, pub- warded by Nero with ample estates ; but under
lished at Leyden, in 7 vols. 4to. 1738—46, is still the emperor Galba she was executed with other
considered the standard. This admirable per- malefactors of Nero's reign. (Dion Cass. lxiv.
formance, in addition to a text revised with uncom- 3. )
(W. I. ]
mon care and judgment, comprehends everything LOEMIUS (Aoiuios), the deliverer from plague
valuable contributed by previous scholars, and (novuos), was a surname of Apollo at Lindus in
forms a most ample storehouse of learning. Since Rhodes. (Macrob. Sat. i. 17. ) (L. S. )
that period little has been done for Livy ; for the LOʻGBASIS (Abybadis), a citizen of Selga in
editions of Stroth and Döring, Goth. 1796-1819, of Pamphylia. When Selga was attacked by Gar-
Ruperti, Götting. 1807-1809, and of Bekker and syeris, the general of Achaeus, in B. c. 218, Log-
Raschig, Lips. 1829, cannot be regarded as possess- basis, as having been guardian to Achaeus's wife
ing any particular weight. A new recension, re- Laodice, was deputed by his countrymen to treat
cently commenced by Alchefski, Berol. 8vo. 1841 with the enemy, and used the opportunity to make
--1813, and carried as far as the end of the first a treacherous agreement for the surrender of the
decade, promises to be very valuable. The edition of city. His design, however, was detected on the
Drakenborch, together with the excellent Commenta- very eve of its completion, and his fellow-citizens
tiones de Fontibus Historiarum T. Livii of Lachmann, burst into his house, and slew him, together with
4to. Götting. 1822-1828, will supply everything his sons and the enemy's soldiers who were secreted
that can be desired for general illustration. To there. (Pol. v. 74–76. )
[E. E. )
these we may perhaps add the commentary of LO'LLIA. ]. The wife of A. Gabinius, de
Ruperti, which, although frequently verbose upon bauched by Caesar (Suet. Cues. 50), was probably a
what is easy and altogether silent upon what is daughter of M. Lollius Palicanus, tribune of the
difficult, contains much matter useful to a student. plebs B. c. 71. She may be the same as the Lollia
A long list of dissertations on various isolated topics whom Cicero (ad Fam. ix. 22. § 4) speaks of as a
connected with Livy, will be found in Schweiger's woman of bad character.
Handbuch der Classichen Bibliogruphic, 8vo. Leip- 2. Lollia Paullina, the granddaughter of
zig, 1832, and in the Grundriss der Classichen M. Lollius [LOLLIUS No. 5), and heiress of his
Bibliographie of Wagner, Breslau, 1840.
immense wealth, the spoil of the provinces. (Plin.
The quaint old translation of Philemon Holland, H. N. ix. 35. s. 58. ) Pliny describes the jewels
fol. Lond. 1600, 1659, is far superior to the loose which she wore in her hair, round her neck, arms
weak paraphrase of Baker. The version published and fingers, as worth forty millions of sesterces.
by John Hayes (Lond. 1744—1745, 6 vols. 8vo), She was married to C. Memmius Regulus ; but on
professing to be executed by several hands, and the report of her grandmother's beauty, the em-
another which appeared anonymously (fol. Lond. peror Caligula sent for her, divorced her from her
1686), embrace the supplements of Freinsheim as husband, and married her, but soon divorced her
wells the text of Livy.
[W. R.