No More Learning

-A
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? 62 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1588.
the Morosini, and happy was it for Fra Paolo that he had such a resort
where he could enjoy social intercourse and friendship, which was one
of the great charms of his existence. He had the true Socratic art of
drawing forth others in conversation, and thus discovering the depths of
their minds, which was perhaps to be attributed to his faculty of being
able to discourse on every subject that might arise. If he met with any one
preeminent in any art or science, he questioned him with peculiar suavity,
till he had gained all the information he could, and this he did without
either importunity or troublesome curiosity. His greatest pleasure was
to listen to travellers, who could describe other lands, their inhabitants,
religion and manners; and this information he could acquire at the Nave
d'Oro, the house of the Signor Sechini, who had studied at the university
of Lonvain/ and was very superior to his position in life. For one and
twenty years he welcomed Fra Paolo to his home, especially when there
were foreigners present whom Paolo loved to question, and when in later
years the family was calumniated because the elder and younger Se-
chini were his friends, and Paolo would therefore have withdrawn from
their society, the Sechini, with the true nobility of disinterested friendship,
would not consent to his absence, preferring his company to any pecu-
niary loss.
At the Nave d'Oro Fra Paolo met M. Perrot, who on his return from
Constantinople with the Ambassador Aramont remained in Italy, where
his amiable manners and great candor gained him general esteem. Although
he was of the Reformed Church and wrote on the Bull of Sixtus against
the King of Navarre, these were no obstacles to his acquaintance with Fra
Paolo, and the author of " L'aviso piacevole dato alla bclla Italia,"
had such regard for Paolo that their friendship continued through
life,Il_1us the genial presence of Fra Paolo- was not only agreeable to
those Venetians he met at the Nave d'Oro, but to those foreigners who
formed part of the company; and boasted/that they "had seen the greatest
genius of his time. " He was well known to Europe before the year
1606; if he was too modest to proclaim his abilities they had not
escaped observation, and the Friar who was honored by " Popes, Princes
and their Nobility, Cardinals, Archbishops and Bishops, and by the
universities of Italy, " could not be unknown.
Little has been said as to Fra Paolo's health; he had throughout life
grave disorders; about this period he suffered from derangement of the
whole system, and violent pains in the head.
As in childhood he was small in body, and his stature short, thus he
had little strength to combat with infirmity. Notwithstanding, he bore
pain with serenity, nay even hilarity, and never intruded his sufferings in
time of illness upon others. "He looked on it as a mark of divine favor
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? arr. 36. ] - FRA PAOLO SARPI 63
giving warning of death, and was impressed with the idea that he would
not live. His weakness did not however interfere with his division of the
day into three parts, the service of God, study and conversation. He was
always present at the church services. The furniture of his room was very
simple; its only ornament was a picture which pourtrayed Christ in the
- garden of Gethsemane, a crucifix with a human skull beneath it, as
his peculiar mirror, and three hour glasses to measure the time. He had
no wish, therefore he felt no want, he was rich in his poverty, although
without income or possessed of any source whence he could obtain
money, of Which he had only sufficient for the day, and that but little.
He had no books but what were given or lent to him by his friends,
but as he remembered all he read, no Prince ever had a greater library. " 1
" Fra Paolo was a man of the most lively sensibility, discerning objects
of which others were quite insensible. It was wonderful how quickly he
perceived of what meats were composed, whether compounded or mixed,
good or injurious, and as at certain times and for certain reasons he had
great cause to guard against poison that faculty was not superfluous. Not
that he was fastidious in his food, but because he knew that what God
keeps is well kept, he felt sure that by his exquisite taste He would
warn him whenever there was danger, and as the peril was greatest in
what he drank, he was then still more upon his guard. His passibility was
ve_ry great, every thing made a lasting impression upon him, and it was
wonderful how long these impressions remained in his mind. The form of
every place which he had seen was graven on his memory, and his friends
would question him thousands of times how it was possible to remember
such minutia. If he read a book (and he read every book of any note
which issued from the press), he knew the whole work, even the place in
a page where he had read, and as he was so easily impressed, it was more
surprising that it was as difficult to efface the impression; and such was
his deep humility that if one praised him for this, he would say they only
praised a great imperfection and a great weakness which was injurious to
him; that his great passibility was the cause of it, that it gave him no
trouble, and that his memory being so retentive, so far from being a
perfect virtue or quality, only showed that his affections were moved, which
evinced passion, and therefore every little idea or relic of the object continued
it. His constant study of the canon law and decrees, prior and subsequent
to the time when he relinquished his office as provincial, was such
that he not only knew their date, but the cause for which they had been
enacted, the source from whence they were taken, and every particular
connected with their observance and nonobservance, as well as with the
1 MS.
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? 64 THE LIFE OF [. a. n. 1588.
intricate history of all beneficiary matters and the controversies concerning
them. To theory he now added the practice of the Congregations of the
tribunals at Rome, their formula and method of procedure. "
But what was most wonderful was that he retained the remembrance
of every place, site, figure, or statue that he had seen. From this passi-
bility, according to Fra Paolo from this impressible temperament, but ac-
cording to others from his great intellectual powers, and not so far as we
know from any study of physiognomy, " he had greater knowledge, of cha-
racter, " Fra Fulgenzio proceeds to say, " than any one I ever saw, and I
could relate how only from one conversation with certain persons he formed
an opinion of them as correct as if that little window, so coveted by
Momus, was actually in their hearts. If I told of his penetration into their
nature, habits, inclinations and deportment, I fear that my statement of
the truth would bring my writing into discredit. The necessity of minute
though unwilling observation so refined his judgment, that in his latter
years especially some of the friars thought he had a familiar spirit, an idea
which needs no refutation, he was but like a skilful performer, who judges
of an instrument by one touch. I remember several virtuosi coming to see
him in his cell, when one who had made a very accurate study of the
properties of the magnet, believing with good reason that he knew as
much on this subject as any one, was introduced to the Padre and entered
into conversation with him; but on finding that there was. no sp-eculation
or experiment which the Friar was unacquainted with or could not prove,
he was overcome by surprise. Remarkable inventions of instruments, en-
gines for measurement of weight or time, or for mathematical or military
purposes, all these were brought for his inspection. He immediately perceiv-
ed the design, and gave his opinion as to any one of these articles being
likely to serve the intended purpose or not. Many men of great genius
(still alive) communicated their inventions of any new instrument to him,
and if it was of value, he would show in what manner it could be im-
proved. " 1 .
Fra Paolo continued to make Padua a favorite resort; besides meeting
with Acquapendente and Santorio, he had long enjoyed the society of
Pinelli, whose house was the assembly of many savans. He was there intro-
duced to Ghetaldo the mathematician, who espressed much surprise at
the acqnirements of Fra Paolo in mathematics, and subsequently became
his friend. Pinelli was rich, and distributed his Wealth with a liberal,
hand, ' and many a student was cheered by his generosity when need would
have driven him from the University. This learned Genoese had a keen
3 Life of Pinelli, Guaido (Latin).
1 MS.
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? E1'. 36. ]
FRA PAOLO SARPI 65
love of study, and versed in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues, as well
as Spanish, French, and Italian, he was no less master of mathematics,
philosophy, jurisprudence, and medicine; music was one of his recreations
as also was botany, his knowledge of which would recommend him to
Fra Paolo who laid out the first botanic garden at Padua.
From the time Pinelli fixed his abode there (1558), he began to collect
books, and his library was one of the finest in Europe. His cabinet of
antiquities, maps, medals, minerals, mathematical and astronomical instru-
ments were at the service of all; and although of weakly constitution and
unable to leave his home except to attend church, he made all welcome
to his hospitality. His mien was graceful and modest, and his eye, despite
its weakness, was indicative of a mind of no common calibre. In letters he
found a kindred spirit in Fra Paolo, but there was yet a deeper union not
only with Pinelli, Donato, De Thou, Molino, Du Plessis Mornay, and
De Ferrier, in religion which diffused its harmony through this circle of
learned men on earth , binding them together in the harmony of
heaven.
When Fra Paolo returned from Padua, he found to his grief that one
of the first objects of 'San Severina's ill treatment was Fra Giulio, an aged
man of irreprehensible life. When Paolo entered the Order of the Servi,
Fra Giulio had supplied him with clothes, travelling expenses and books,
" as to clothes, he only had one suit, if he had fallen into the water, he
must have remained in bed till his habit was dried. " 1 This appears but
a slender stock of clothing, but small as it was if it had not been that
Fra Paolo had supplies from the Convent, it would have been still more
limited, since from great age and loss of memory Fra Giulio forgot what
he had undertaken to supply. Fra Paolo was little disturbed by this, he
contented himself with what the Convent gave him, " one might as well
think of altering a square as of disturbing Paolo. " He heard that poor as
his allowance was, both he and Fra Giulio were to be deprived of that,
and Giulio was banished from Venice under pretext of his having excited
the nobles against the Patriarch. Hitherto Fra Paolo had submitted, but
this last act of injustice roused him; he went to Rome, pleaded for the
aged friar's return to Venice, and won his cause. The slanders of the foes
of Fra Paolo and Giulio sank as sinks the darkness of night before the
sun of morn.
1 MS.
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? 66
CHAPTER V.
A. D. 1588 -- A. n. 1604.
Dooas or Vnmon. Pasquale Cicogna.
1595. Marino Grimani.
Sovaanrous or GERMANY. Rodolph II.
ENGLAND. Elizabeth.
GREAT BRITAIN. 1603. James I.
FRANCE. Henry III. l5$9( Henry IV. . /57$? -
SPAIN. Philip II. 1598. Philip III.
Tuaxmr. 1595. Mahomet III. Achmet I.
Poras. Sixtus V. 1590, Urban VII. Gregory XIV.
1591. Innocent IX. 1592. Clement VIII.
ANVVJJW/? N
Historical notice. - Urban VII. - Innocent IX. - Clement VIII consults Fra
Paolo. - Dispensation. - Fra Paolo's remarks on the origin of opinions. -
F. Gio. Battista. - Cardinals. - Paolo denied preferment. - Sir H. Wotton. -
M. de Thou.
It is now necessary to glance at the politics of Europe, and principally
at those of England, in which Fra Paolo took a lively interest; he has
pronounced "Queen Elizabeth to be wise in all her government. " Li-
berty of conscience and rest had succeeded the misrule of her predecessor,
but Philip of Spain designed to win back England to the Pope, and
primarily to himself ; this, however, was frustrated by the loss of the Spa-
nish Armada, which was a source of joy to Venetia, as what curbed the
power of Philip was gain to the Republic. Sixtus, however, although writh-
ing under the loss of England, believed that he would conquer elsewhere,
and in Germany through the influence of strong Papists and Jesuits many
_ had lapsed to Rome.
Compared with the former corruption of manners, there was at this
time a change for the better amongst the clergy and religious Orders, but
the grant of free education by the Jesuits Wherever they had a College
almost obliged the people to take them for instructors. There were thus
Jesuits employed in education throughout the length and breadth of the
land, and this applies to every country Where they had established them-
selves. The learning of the Jesuits was by some overrated, and few were
yet Well informed as to the pernicious tendency of their system of moral.
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? Er. 87. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 67
Fra Paolo accounted " their learning to be only built on the ignorance of
the people, " but they were still winning their way to be Confessors of
Kings, and masters of all the state secrets of the Courts of Europe, while
they chased the other Orders from their presence, with words but not by
actions of peace. All save Russia felt their influence, or sway: England,
France, Germany, Switzerland and the far East and West, as well as the
North and South.
While such was the state of affairs in the north of Europe, Pope Sixtus
summoned Henry III to Rome, to answer for the murder of the Cardinal
de Guise; but France was spared the humbling sight of her King a sup-
pliant for mercy at the feet of the Pope in a way she little expected.
Henry III was stabbed to the heart by Jacques Clement, a ' half witted
man who triumphed in the regicide. ' The Republic of Venice immedia-
'tely desired her Ambassador ' to congratulate King Henry IV, as sove-
reign of France. This gave umbrage to Spain, but the Republic knew
that Spain was held at bay when she was in amity with France. Fra
Paolo beheld the Pope about to interfere with Venetian rights and dictate
to her because of her acknowledgment of Henry IV, who was of the
reformed religion, but he likewise 'lived to see him conceal his wrath.
" By me kings reign, " were words Sixtus did not well comprehend, and
when the Ambassador Leonardo Donato returned to Venice, although he
could tell Fra Paolo of the good will of Sixtus towards himself, still he
was afraid that beneath the kiss of friendship lay the smothered fire of
anger against Venetia. The Spanish Ambassador had dared the Pope
to acknowledge King Henry IV. But Venice had acted wisely, and
can now look back with pride on the time when she gave strong aid
to France, when she commanded her Ambassador to destroy the bonds
she held of Henry of Navarre for large loans, and when she was foremost
in the cause of tolerance and of liberty amongst the nations which still
adhered to Rome. In acknowledgment of this act of generosity, in
the chivalrous spirit of the times, the King sent to the Republic of
Venice the sword which he had worn at the battle of Ivry, where the injur-
ed Monarch met his subjects, rebels by command of the Pope, and it was
there that Du Plessis Mornay proved himself worthy of the friendship of
Fra Paolo by his fidelity to his Sovereign. De Mornay knew that the
highest interests of his country consisted in the advocacy of a reformation
in religion, the riddance of the papal power; and the prevention of the
return of the Jesuits to France, he therefore rejected with disdain an offer
Which was made to him of an allowance for life from the Grand Duke of -
1 From a fine copy of Davila's, Guerre Civili di Francia.
3 M'ocenigo.
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? 68 THE LIFE OF [A. D 1590.
Tuscanyl if he would prevail upon King Henry IV to join the commu-
nion of the Church of Rome; neither Fra Paolo nor Du Plessis Mornay was
to be bought by gold.
Early in the year the Pope appeared to be softened
towards the King, but as the King of Spain still persisted in treating
this monarch as a heretic, and in refusing to recognize him as King of
France, Sixtus actually dismissed the French Ambassador from his Court.
Italy, however, showed strong symptoms of resistance to the Pope, but
his eventful career was near its close. He died on the 27th of August and
Was succeeded by the Cardinal Castagna, from whose lowly and gentle
character great expectations were raised; and during his short government
of thirteen days, as Urban VII, he employed himself in the reform of
the Dataria, not in bestowing favors. This estimable man had corresponded
with Fra Paolo since their acquaintance at Rome, and having a high
opinion of his piety and talents, would probably have given him prefer-
ment, if his life had been prolonged, but Fra Paolo expressed no selfish
regret on learning the premature death of Urban. One who Was present
told Fra Fulgenzio that he exclaimed: " Ideo raptus est ne malitia mu-
taret intellectum ejus, " almost an echo of the words of Urban himself,
who died, thanking God " for taking him from earth ere he had been
guilty of faults into which his high position might have led him. " The
Spanish faction prevailed in the next Conclave, and news arrived at Ve-
nice that the Cardinal Sfrondato was elected Pope, by the name of Gre-
gory XIV. He was friendly to the League and to Spain, but after having
excited the people of France still further against King Henry IV, he died
and was succeeded by Innocent IX whose misrule only lasted two
months.
Amongst the Cardinals who had long aspired to the Popedom was the
Cardinal San Severina, with whom Fra Paolo had so long been asso-
ciated, and who now felt certain that he would obtain the triple crown;
but such was the severity of his temper that many of the Conclave so
dreaded his exaltation, that he lost his election. His disappointment
was so excessive, as he himself relates, that " his grief wrung blood from
his agonized frame. " Sarpi was thus once more bereft of hope of advance-
ment, bnt the Romans had reason to rejoice that the stern spirit of San
Severina did not rule them.
The Cardinal Aldobrandino was chosen in his stead, and as Cle-
ment VIII, exercised strong control over all the kingdoms of Europe
which had not the courage to rid themselves of usurpation. The Venetians
now mediated for Henry IV, but although there was a _strong party for
the King in France, the Pope would not abate one iota of his pretensions,
and insisted that the King must renounce the form of worship in which
he had been educated. But were the lessons of Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of
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? E1'. 38. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 69
Navarre to be forgotten? And was Clement VIII to be victorious, and
link France to Rome even to this day?
Although it will be seenin the sequel that Clement gave no reward to
Fra Paolo for his services, yet he consulted him on many occasions. His
opinion was asked as to a dispensation which was demanded by the Duke
de J oyeuse, who at the age of twenty had become a Capuchin, on the
death of his wife to whom he was tenderly attached; but his brother
dying five years after, and the recluse remaining the only heir of his
house, he wished to renounce his monastic vows. On a meeting of a Con-
gregation of Cardinals and Theologians to discuss the matter, such were
the exorbitant claims of the Pontiff, that of them the Cardinal Bellarminc
is reported to have whispered to Fra Paolo, " These are what lost Ger--
many to Rome, and what will cause her the loss of France and other
kingdoms. " However, the dispensation was granted.
The correspondence of Fra Paolo was now much extended, because he
had undertaken the study of that branch of jurisprudence which deter'
mines the boundaries of ecclesiastical and priestly law; and the rule of
Primes. He wished to understand " fully the great difference of opinion
of the Gallican Church with respect to beneficiary matters, as well as to
other particulars belonging to the royal jurisdiction which were raised by
the assembly of the States at Blois. " 1
He also continued his study of mathematics, and his progress in this
science might be deemed by some to be exaggerated, had not proof remain-
ed in the corrections which he made on the work of Vietq in the Library
of the Servi. It is however just to VietQ to add, that probably some of
these were typographical errors, as in the work published by Vietfi_1579,
he states that it is inaccurately executed. Fra Fulgenzio names Vieta
with great respect, and Dr. Hutton pronounces him not only to have
been one of the most respectable mathematicians of the sixteenth century,
or indeed of any age, but to have excelled in other branches of learning.
He adds, " His writings abound with marks of great originality and the
finest genius, as well as intense application. But the theorem, known as
Vieta's property of chords, is the only one. which connects his name with
the ordinary mathematics of the present day. The property connects the
chord of a circle drawn from a point. with the sums of the power of the
roots of a quadratic equation. " ' From mathematics, Paolo Sarpi passed to _
a minute study of the phenomena of the mind. Foscarini saw his MS. on
" The origin and decline of the opinions of men, " ' and thus writes of it.
1. MS.
2 For this I am indebted to the distinguished Professor of Mathematics in
the University of Edinburgh, (1863).
B Della Letteratura Veneziana, Foscarini, lib. 3. p. 310, n. 254. -
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? 70 ' THE LIFE OF [A-D. 1592.
" The system of the author -generally is as follows, he shows how external
objects act upon our senses, distinguishing the objects which cause sen-
sation from sensation itself, and he maintains that odours, tastes, and
sounds are affections of the mind, not properties of the body. Thus he
makes a distinction between sensation and the sensitive quality; with these
primary elements derived from the sensitive quality which is in the
nervous body and retained in the memory, the discursive or distinctive
faculty or the intellectual agent which forms the sequence of all other
ideas abstracting, composing, comparing, et cetera, and hence specie? s,
genera, axioms or general maxims, and argument. He proceeds to say,
that the sense is never at fault, as it conveys simply the sensation it has
received from a sensible object, but errors arise from relying on one
sense only, or from not rectifying by the other senses any idea falsely
produced by the first impression. As the senses, therefore, do not inform
the intellect as to what really exists in the sensible object, but only as to
that which is apparent, therefore we cannot always reach truth by these
means. If from the general idea of such a system, we go on to consider it
in its parts, we. meet with much that is worthy of admiration in his
argumentative and geometrical method of reasoning, his procession from
one subject to another, and many of his discoveries, which were called new
after his time. The observation, for example, that sensations do not exist in
objects but in our intellect, although Plato pointed it out and it appears new
in modern philosophy, Sarpi demonstrates in a series of arguments which
fully convince without other proofs; holding with Aristotle, that all we
have in the intellect comes from or through the senses, in fact, he brings
into the field the principle of reflection which has done so much honor to
Locke and which frees this system of many difficulties hitherto insurmoun-
table. Thus from the primary ideas proceeding from the senses by means
of the intellectual or distinctive, Sarpi forms all the 'others which are
employed by the English author and divides into simple and compound.
Our philosopher does not omit one, and anticipates him also in his defini-
tion of substance, inasmuch as 'he makes it to result from the mul-
tiplicity of ideas which are shown without our being able to know the
foundation which sustains them. This occult foundation he says is pro-
perly whatwe call substance. He also shows the mode in which genera
and species are formed in the mind, on which Locke enlarges so much,
'particularly in the first chapters of his work on the Human Unders-
tanding.
" What he says of axioms, called by him Ipolipsi (one cannot say why,
if there be not an error in the MS. ) he says also of first truths and of
syllogisms, and this appears to be the source from whence Locke has
copied or amplified his ideas. He examines the various causes of error
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? E1'. 40. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 71
which either arise from refering the object to a sensation not its own, or
from some particular defect in the sensorium, or from the discursive or
other faculties , and he moreover teaches how to shun errors as far
as human nature can do so. One remedy is, the repeated use of the
discursive faculty, or of the senses, and here h'e notes, men should be
careful how they associate ideas, because it often happens that an idea
called forth is accompanied by others, for the simple reason that we have
been accustomed to their union, not on account of any such relation sub-
sisting between them. The other method to correct error, Sarpi says, is
the information of others, he touches on the two modes of argumentation,
demonstration and probability, on the various degrees of which belief de-
pends. These two remedies are followed by the means by which those
errors may be avoided which he considers to arise from preconceived opi-
nions, from bad disposition of the will, a point which has been more largely
treated by others.
"In fine, our author does not take for granted, but deduces from true
principles the Aristotelian system, and anticipates Locke by many years,
by a method which even in the present day would have its admirers, and
that with a brevity Which detracts nothing from its lucidity. He concludes
with a few apposite remarks on words, and this is one of the most
essential parts of the work of Locke, that they do not signify things but
only the ideas of the speaker, regarding which we are unable to furnish
proof as this part of the work is not forth coming. "
This passage, having been deemed striking by several learned phi-
losophers, has been given entire, it is however beyond our limits to enter
upon a retrospective view of the philosophy of the sixteenth century in
Italy, but any one conversant with the subject must know the enormous
difficulties with which Sarpi had to contend. The freer political state of
Italy, and genius which would not be daunted were but clearing the way
to investigation over which the sable curtain of the dark ages had cast
its ample folds. But it was no easy task for Sarpi and Galileo to be the
pioneers on a road so rugged, and no traveller on a benighted way could
have been more gladdened by the light of the rising sun, than was Sarpi
when a sounder system of philosophy than had hitherto prevailed was
restored, and in some points introduced by himself and Galileo. They
facilitated inquiry to their successors as well as to their contempora-
ries, of whom the illustrious Lord Bacon was one of the most distinguished,
and with whom Sarpi held correspondence. There were two sections of
philosophers at the University of Padua, so Well known as scarcely to need
mention, Acquapendeute, Mercuriale, Prospero Alpino, and Santorio. The
opposing party was Piccolomoni, Bartolozzi,'Prevocio and Cremonino.
These last taught or believed the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, but
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? 72 THE LIFE OF [A D. 1593.
mingled with " the dark riddles " of their Arabic Commentators, and the
singular hypothesis of Pietro d'AJbano called the " Conciliatore, " and those
of Campanella, Pomponacius, an others who had-introduced Cabalisticism
and Rabbinicalism. It is sufficient to state here, that the opinions of the anta-
gonistic party were strongly opposed to the philosophy of Sarpi and Galileo.
It must not be omitted that during this year, Cardinal San Severina
honored Sarpi with an autograph letter, in which he told him that he had
recommended him to the Pope for the Bishopric of Melopotamo. This is
honorable to that prelate, and it is a curious fact that the stern head of
the Inquisition at Rome was earnest to promote the good and tolerant
Fra Paolo; but Clement VIII had no intention to bestow preferment upon
him. He was much occupied with the Jesuits, who ever since 1581 had
under Aquaviva embarked on the rough sea of politics. Gifted with
great talents and keen knowledge of human nature, Aquaviva formed
high notions for the aggrandizement of his Order. " That society was.
saints before, compared with what they were in the time of Aquaviva, "
writes Sarpi, and their own historians have failed to show that the Ge-
neral and his Order did not meddle with state affairs, or that they did
not foment rebellion and sedition.
Lainez had greatly advanced their power, but it was little compared
with what they acquired under Aquaviva. Some of the members remon-
strated, and at the instance of Father Tayre a learned Scot, Aquaviva cal-
led a General Convocation of the Jesuits, and a decree was passed at Rome
to interdict their interference in state affairs, on the fourth of November:
" To the end that we may abstain from all that may appear evil, and
that we may obviate as much as possible all complaints or false suspicions
that may rise against us, we command to all our society, by virtue of
their holy obedience, and under the penalty of their being declared in-
capable of all offices, dignities, superiorities, or of losing their votes or
suffrages , either active or passive, that- none presume in any matter
whatsoever, or at the desire or request of others, to meddle with the
public negotiations of secular princes, and we strictly enjoin and recom-
mend to all Superiors that they permit none of the society to involve
themselves in any manner in such affairs, and if they find any of them
inclined that way, that they immediately transport them to some other
country, if they see that there is reason or danger of being entangled in
such ditiiculties. " ' But little attention was paid to this injunction, the
Jesuits pursued their political schemes, and what was worse, leant to the
heretical opinions of Molina. '
1 Ribaden. Cat. scrip. Sos. Jes.
_3 Published 1588.
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? . -Er. 41. ] FRA PAOLO SARPI 73
In 1584 Aquaviva published his rule of studies, and from that may be
dated their further recedence from the doctrines of Saint Thomas and the
Dominicans; although Aquaviva leant more to the opinions of Molina
than any other of the Jesuits, still the charge of " novelty " in doctrine
imputed to them by Sarpi is fully borne out by their disputations with
the Dominicans at Valladolid, which were but the commencement of
the celebrated controversy on free will held before Clement VIII. '
It is now time to turn to the fact announced by M. Montmorency
to the Pope, that Henry IV, King of France had entered the com-
munion of the Church of Rome, ' and in " the hope of reforming
it, 3' had unwittingly and unwillingly succumbed to a foreign power.
But the Pope still refused to grant him absolution; the King had trium-
phed over his enemies in the field, but he had hidden foes; Sarpi did not
misjudge the Jesuits. All Europe was startled by the tidings of an attempt
on the life of the King by Jean Chastel, who had imbibed the doctrines
held by some of that society, that it was lawful to assassinate a monarch
who was not of the dominant Church. That the King knew from whence
this blow proceeded is evidenced by the following letter copied from the
original in his own hand writing. 3
LETTBE llll lllll A ll. llll PLESSIS.
De Janvier 5. 1595.
Je suis du tout fii de ma blessure, ce sont la des fruits des J e? suites,
mais ils vlrideront mon roiaume.
5 Paris.
4, / ? '/awekr /97! ' Henry
(escrite de la main de sa maleste? ).
The King of France recovered from his wound, but the Jesuits were
banished from the kingdom, a precedent Which the Venetians assisted
by the counsels of Sarpi were not slow in aftertimes to imitate.
After much delay, and having been warned that he might lose the
allegiance of France altogether if he persevered in his conduct to her
monarch, Clement granted absolution to Henry IV, and the ceremony of
his reception by proxy into the communion of the Church at Rome pre-
sented a humiliating sight to Europe, as it showed to what height the
d
1 1598. '
1 MS. Binda Papers. 1593, and MSS. Bib. Imp.
3 MS. Bib. Imperial, Paris.
Jwf
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-06-11 22:53 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1. 31158010289923 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? 74 THE LIFE OF [A. D. 1595.
#0'
fl
power of the Pope had risen. But unfortunately for herself France did
not then, as she will not now, believe that the Pope is only Bishop of
Rome. 1
There were hours of sadness at Venice, Zthe Doge Cicogna, whose
probity had made him universally respected, died and was buried with
the accustomed ceremonial which it may not be uninteresting to describe.
The body was embalmed, and clothed in the gorgeous state robes of
crimson and gold, the ducal crown encircled the head, the baton of office
was placed in the hand, and golden spurs on the feet of the dead. The
body lay in state, and guards from the arsenal stood around.
On the evening of the day on which the Doge died, the corpse was
borne to the Salle Pioogo, and placed on a sumptuous catafalque, around
Which large lighted torches blazed, and there it remained for three days.
Some of the senators attended, attired in their robes of state; and on the
fourth day the funeral of the Doge took place. The procession which ac-
companied the body to the tomb was then formed.
The regular and secular clergy, six bodies of the scuole grandi, S.
Marco, S. Rocco, S. Teodoro, della Passione, each carrying a lighted
torch; the heads of the navy and arsenal; the grand standard of the Doge,
with his armorial bearings; the bier on which lay the body of the Doge
covered with a pall, the cordons borne by men of high degree; servants
clothed in black; the commandori of the palace; the secretary of the
chancellor; the chancellor; the counsellors of the signory; the ambassadors;
to the left, the senators in their senatorial robes of crimson; on the
right, the relations of the Doge habited 'in black mantles.
Of this vast assemblage one half preceded the bier,. the other half
followed, and the procession closed by young girls and children from the
divers hospitals, each bearing a lighted torch.
This procession went by S. Marco. The bearers raised the coffin nine
times into the air as high as they possibly could before the great door of
the ducal chapel of S. Marco, that the body might render a sort of homage
to this church. Then the remains of the Doge (licogna were borne to the
church of S. Giuseppe, where the body was again placed on a very high
catafalque, covered with a pall, and surrounded by an immense number
of lights. A fine tomb was afterwards placed over the grave.
The Doge Cicogna was succeeded by Marino Grimani, and joy and
festivity were again visible throughout Venice.
It was customary on state occasions to bear eight embroidered stand-
ards before the Doge, two white, two red, two blue, and two green. If at
peace/ the standard bearers. walked first and bore white, if at war/ red, if
1 Appendix
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