On the
other hand, the reasons advanced by the Greek histo-
rian have appeared convincing to some eminent critics,
?
other hand, the reasons advanced by the Greek histo-
rian have appeared convincing to some eminent critics,
?
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
Hesione was taken to Greece by Tela-
mon, where she became the mother of Teucer. (Apol-
lod. , 2, 5, 9, seqq. --Id. , 2, fi, i. --Keightley's Mythol-
ogy, p. 359, 365. )
HkspekIa, a name applied by the poets to Italy, as
lying to the west of Greece. It is of Greek origin
('Eoirtpia), and is derived from iortipa, "eremite;,"
so that Hcsperia properly means "the evening-land,"
i. e. , the western region. (Virg. , Mn. , 1, 530. --Id.
ib. , 569. --Ovid, Met. , 2, 458. --Lucan, 1, 224. ) It
is also, though less frequently, applied to Spain, as ly-
ing west of Italy. (Horat. , Od. , 1, 36, 4. --Lucan,
4, 14. )
Hesperides, or " the Western Maidens," three cel-
eorated nymphs, whose genealogy is differently given
by various writers. According to Hesiod (Theog. ,
215), they were the daughters of Night, without a fa-
ther. Diodorus, on the other hand, makes them to
have had for their parents Atlas and Hesperis daugh-
ter of Hesperus (Diod. Sic, 4, 27), an account which
is followed by Milton in his Comus (v. 981). Others,
however, to assimilate them to their neighbours the
Grata; and Gorgons, call the Hcsperides the offspring
of Pborcys and Ceto. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rh, 4,1399. )
Apollonius gives their names as AZgie, Hespera, and
Erythe'is (4, 1427), while Apollodorus, who increases
the number to four, calls them -'Eglc, Ervthea, Hestia,
and Arethusa. (Apollod. , 2, 5, 11. ) Hesiod makes
them to have dwelt "beyond the bright ocean," op-
posite to where Atlas stood supporting the heavens
(Theog. , 518), and when Atlas had been fixed as a
mountain in the extremity of Libya, the dwelling of
the Hesperides was usually placed in his vicinity,
though some set it in the country of the Hyperboreans.
(Apollod. , 1. c. )--According to the legend, when the
bridal of Jupiter and Juno took place, the different dei-
ties came with nuptial presents for the latter, and
among them the goddess of Earth, with branches hav-
ing golden apples growing on them (" Terrain venisse
ferentem aurea mala cum ramis. " Hijgin. , Poet,
istron. , 2, 3. ) Juno, greatly admiring these, begged
of Earth to plant them in her gardens, which extended
as far as Mount Atlas (" qui cranl usque ad Allanlem
montem. " Hygin. , I. c. ) The Hesperides, or daugh-
ters of Atlas, were directed to watch these trees; but,
as they were somewhat remiss in discharging this duty,
and frequently plucked off the apples themselves, Ju-
no sent thither a large serpent to guard the precious
fruit. This monster was the offspring of Typhon and
Echidna, and had a hundred heads, so that it never
? ? slept. (Hygin. , 1. c. ) According to Pisander, the
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HES
HIS
lenl, enclosed withii. steep, and, for ihe most part, per-
pendicular, sides of aolid rock, rising sometimes to a
height of sixty or seventy feet, or more, before they
reach the level of the plain in which they arc situated.
The soil at the bottom of these chasms appears to
have been washed down from the plain above by the
heavy rains, and is frequently cultivated by the Arabs;
so that a person, in walking over the country where
they exist, comes suddenly upon a beautiful orchard
or garden, blooming in secret, and in the greatest lux-
uriance, at a considerable depth beneath his feet, and
defended on all sides by walls of solid rock, so as to
be at firs: sight apparently inaccessible. The effect
of these secluded little spots, protected, as it were, from
the intrusion of mankind, by the steepness and depth
of :he barriers which enclose them, is singular and
pleasing in the extreme; they reminded us of some
of those secluded retreats which we read of in fairy
legends or tales. It was impossible to walk along the
edge of these precipices, looking everywhere for some
part less abrupt than the rest, by which we might de-
scend into the gardens beneath, without calling to
mind the description given by Scylax of the far-famed
gardens of the Hesperides. "--It has been supposed by
many, and among the rest by Gossellin and Pacho,
that the Hesperian gardens of the ancients were no-
thing more than some of those verdant caves which
stud the Libyan desert, and which, from their con-
cealed and inaccessible position, their unknown origin,
and their striking contrast to the surrounding waste,
might well suggest the idea of a terrestrial paradise,
and become the types of the still fairer creations of
poetic fable. Possibly, therefore, supposing the fable
to rest on a real basis, the first of these Elysian groves
may have been at the extremity of Cyrena'ica mentioned
by Beechey, and the original idea of the legend may
have been taken from a subterranean garden of the
above description. --The garden of the Hesperides is
stated by Scylax (p. 46) to have been an enclosed spot
of ten stadia each way, filled with thickly-planted fruit-
trees of various kinds, and inaccessible on all sides.
It was situated at six hundred and twenty stadia (fifty
geographical miles) from the port of Barce; and this
agrees precisely with that of the place described by
Captain Beechey from Ptolcmata. The testimony of
Pliny (5, 5) is very decided in fixing the site of the
Hesperides in the neighbourhood of Berenice. "Not
far from the city" (Berenice), "is the river Lethon,
and the sacred grove where the gardens of the Hes-
perides are said to be situated. We do not mean,"
remarks Captain B. , "to point out any one of these
subterranean gardens as that which is described in the
passage above quoted from Scylax; for we know of
no one which will correspond, in point of extent, to
the garden which that author has mentioned. All
those which we saw were considerably less than the
fifth of a mile in diameter (the measurement given by
Scylax); and the places of this nature which would
best agree with the dimensions, are now filled with
water sufficiently fresh to be drinkable, and take the
form of romantic little lakes. Scarcely any two of the
gardens we met with were, however, of the same depth
or extent; end we have no reason to conclude that,
because we saw none which were large enough to be
fixed upon for the garden of the Hesperides, there is
therefore no place of the dimensions required; par-
ticularly as the singular formation alluded lo continues
? ? to the foot of the Cyrenaic chain, which is fourteen
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HESY CUIUS.
HT. l
wnetb. r the glossary which has reached us under the
name of this writer be really his, or whether it be not
merely an abridgment of his work. What has inclined
some to favour the latter opinion is the circumstance
of the citations being omitted. Others think, and with
tome, appearance of reason, that this lexicon was ori-
ginally a small volume, and that the numerous biblical
glosses which are at present found in it have been in-
tercalated by the copyists, who have taken the remarks
nade in the margin by the possessors of manuscripts
for portions of the text itself. However this may be,
the work of Hesychius is very important towards ac-
quiring a full knowledge of the Greek language. It
has preserved for us a large number of passages from
poets, orators, historians, and physicians, whose works
are lost. Hesychius explains, moreover, various words
that depart from the ordinary usage of the Greek
tongue, as well as terms used in sacrifices, gymnastic
encounters, &c. And yet it must be acknowledged
that his text is in a most corrupt state, and that when
he is a solitary witness his testimony ought to be re-
ceived with caution. (Mas. Crit. , vol. 1, p. 503. )
The work, in fact, has all the appearance of rough
notes, put down in the course of reading, rather than
of a finished production. It was not known until the
sixteenth century. Only one MS. , in the library of
St. Mark, at Venice, is said to be preserved, and that
is full of abbreviations, and has many erasures; which
accounts for the great corruption of the text, in spite
of the labours of many able editors. It appears, how-
ever, that in the seventeenth century there existed a
second manuscript in the Florence library. (EberCs
Bibliogr. Lexicon, vol. 1, p. 772. )--The best edition
of Hesychius is that of Alberti, completed by Kuhn-
ken, Lugd. Bat. , 1746-1776, 2 vols. fol. It is to be
regretted, however, that Alberti could not avail him-
self of the valuable MS. notes of Benlley on this lexi-
cographer. --The editio princepsof Hesychius was pub-
lished by the elder Aldus, Venice, 1514, fol. , under the
care of Marcus Musurus. The manuscript followed was
the Venice one. This, however, being, as we have al-
ready remarked, very difficult to decipher, and in other
respects extremely inaccurate, Musurus took great
pains to correct and restore it. This is often done
with intelligence and success; but often also he de-
ceives himself in his corrections, and in general treats
his original in too arbitrary a manner. Schow, of Co-
penhagen, being at Venice, collated the manuscript
with the edition of Alberti, and took note of all the
variations. He published this collation at Lcipsic,
1792, 8vo, under the title, "Hesychii Lexicon ex tod.
Ms. b'Miotkeca S. Marci restilutum, el ah omnibus
Musuri correctionibus repurgalum. " By the help of
this volume, the possessor of any edition of Hesychius,
for they are all based upon this manuscript, can make
the necessary corrections. The glosses, taken from
the Scriptures, that are found in Hesychius, were col-
lected and published by J. C. G. Ernesti, Lips. , 1785,
8vo. We may regard as the second volume of this
production the work published by Ernesti in 1786,
8vo, under the title, "Simla el Phavorini Glossa sa-
cra," in which are found two hundred and twenty-nine
losses of Hesychius, forgotten in the first volume.
? "o this may be joined the work of Schleusner, Ob-
tervat. in Suid. el Hayek. , Wittemb. , 1810, 4to.
Among the subsidiary works that illustrate Hesychius,
may be mentioned Toup'a Emendations (Toupii Emcn-
? ? iaiioncs in Suidam el Hcsyckium, Oxon. , 1790, 4
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRURIA.
HETRURIA.
Kim wens called Tyrrhenians, occupied up to the limr
of Herodotus. If we divest the Lydian tradition of
? ante marvellous circumstances which are attached to
it, particularly those that relate to the famine, which
maybe fairly charged to Oriental hyperbole, there still
remains the record of an important event, which, con-
sidering the character of the historian who has handed
it down to us, and the geographica' information he
pMsessed, is certainly entitled to o,. r attention if it
d'>es not recommend itself to our belief. The great-
est argument, however, in favour of this tradition,
oust be allowed to consist in the weight of testimony
which can be collected in support of it from the wri-
ters of antiquity, especially those of Rome, who, with
few exceptions, seem to concur in admitting the fact
of the Lydian colony. (Consult Virg. , JEn. , 8, 479,
etpass. --Catull. , 31,13. --Horat. , Sat. , 1, 6. --Slat.
Silv. , 1, 2 -- Id. , 4,i. --Senec, ad Hell--Justin, 20,
l. -- Fal. Max. , 2,4--Plut. , Vit. Rom. --Pliny, 3, 5. )
--Strabo, who has entered more fully into the discus-
sion of the Tyrrhenian origin, does not seem to enter-
tain any doubt of the event which we are now con-
sidering, and he quotes Anticlidcs, an historian of
some authority, who reports that the first Pelasgi
settled in the islands of Imbros and I. emnos, and that
tome of them sailed with Tyrrhenus, the son of Alys,
to Italy. (Strabo, 219. ) In short, the presumption
would appear so strong in favour of this popular ac-
count of the origin of the Tyrrheni, that we might
consider the question to be decided, were not our at-
tention called to the opposite side by some weighty ob-
jections, advanced long since by Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus, and farther strongly urged by some modern
critics of great reputation and learning. Dionysius
seems to stand alone among the writers of antiquity
ts invalidating the facts recorded by Herodotus; and
though his own explanation of the origin of the Tyr-
rhenians is evidently inconsistent and unsatisfactory,
still it must be owned that his arguments tend greatly
to discredit the colony of the Lydian Tyrrhenus. , He
maintains, in the first plsce, that it is fabulous, from
the silence on so important an event of Xanthus the
historian of Lydia, a writer of great research and au-
thority, and more ancient than Herodotus. Xanthus
acknowledges no Lydian prince of the name of Tyr-
rhenus; the sons of Atys, according to him, were Ly-
dus and Torvbus, who both remained in Asia. Again,
Dionysius asserts that there was no resemblance to
be discovered either in the religion, customs, or lan-
guage of the Lydians and Tuscans; and, lastly, from
tne discrepance to be observed in the various state-
ments of the genealogy of Tyrrhenus and the period
of his migration, he feels justified in rejecting that
event as a mere fiction. (Ant. Rom. , 1, 30. ) The
advocates of Herodotus, however, have not been in-
timidated by these arguments, but have endeavoured
to prove their insufficiency. Among these may be
reckoned Ryckius (de primis Italia eolonis, c. fi);
Bishop Cumberland (Connexion of the Greek and Ro-
nton Antiquities. Trart. 7, c. 2); Dempster (Errur.
Regal, I, 4); Larcher (Hist, d'Herod. , vol. 1, p. );
? nd Lanzi (Saggio, &c, vol. 2, p. 102).
On the
other hand, the reasons advanced by the Greek histo-
rian have appeared convincing to some eminent critics,
? urn as CluveriuB (Ilal. Antiq. , vol. 1, lib. 1. c. 1);
Frerct (Mem. de VAead. , vol. 18, p. 97); and Heyne
(Comment, dje. , Nov. Soe. Gott. , vol. 3, p. 39); who
? ? save, besides, added other objections to those already
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRl-'RIA.
HEVRUKTA.
ancient author describes the Tyrrhenians of L) fia as
Pelasgians from Attica and the islands. The gene-
alogy of Herodotus from the Lydian authors makes
Tyrrhenus a son of Atys, king of Lydia; in that given
in Dionysius without the author's name, Lydus and
Tyrrhenus are brothers; in that of Xanthus the broth-
ira are called Lydus and Torybus or Torrhubus, i. e. ,
according to Muller, Tyrrhenus. Whichever of these
it s argue from, it appears very improbable that the
li'ieage of a band of Pclasgian pirates, who had settled
<n the coasts of Lydia, should have been carried up
to the ancient kings or gods of the country; and that,
ton, not by the Greeks, but by the Lydians themselves.
We cannot, therefore, avoid the conclusion, that the
Tyrrhenians were much more intimately connected
wi<\ the Lydian population than Muller's account of
lim\ supposes. Niebuhr makes the Mceonians (the
Jkut. eric name for the Lydians) to be Pelasgians, ar-
gute from tho name of their stronghold, Larissa,'
>>hi<<a is found in all countries occupied by Pelasgians;
VI (4- "i represents them as wholly different, alleging
thai to ancient author calls the Mceonians Pelasgians.
Thii >> true; but they make the Tyrrhenians Mceoni-
ans i tx* also Pelasgians, and therefore imply, though
they iV not assert, the identity of the people who bore
these i\ re names. The whole coast of Asia Minor
appeals to have been occupied by the Pelasgi, or na-
tions di taring from them only in name. Menecrates
(ap. Strai. , 571) related, that the Pelasgi had occu-
pied the whole of Ionia, from Mycale northward, and
the adjacent islands; the Carians, the Lclcges, and
ti* Caucones, the Trojans, and Mysians, were of the
name race, and also allied to the Lydians, as appears
from the genealogy given by Herodotus (1,171). Tho
Greeks themselves attribute the Pelasgic population
of Asia Minor to colonies sent from Greece or from
the islands; but their accounts of colonies before the
Homeric age, being founded on no contemporary au-
thority, must generally be regarded as historical hy-
potheses, chiefly grounded upon similarity of names,
which may often be more rationally explained from
Bther causes. It is, however, by no means probable
that the Lydians were wholly a Pelasgic people. The
phenomena of the history of Asia Minor are most
easily solved by the supposition that a nation of Syr-
ian origin was mingled in its two principal districts,
Lydia and Phrygia, with another nearly allied to the
Greeks. The Mosaic genealogy of nations (Gen. , 10,
22) assigns a Semitic origin to the Lydians; while it
refers most of the tribes of Asia Minor, along with the
Greeks, to the stock of Japheth. The mythology of
Lydia, the basis, as usual, of its dynasties of kings,
betrays its Syrian as well as Grecian affinities. Their
doitics "Arrr/f or "Attc (the same as noTaf, Hes. ),
and Ma, father and mother, have probably given their
name to the Atyadcs and the Maeonians; and their
worship is clearly the same with that of the Syrian
foddess, who was variously denominated Atargatis,
(erceto, Semiramis, Rhea, Juno, and Venus. The
chief seat of her worship at Hierapolis, was the resort
of the people of Asia Minor; and Ascalon, in Phoe-
nicia, appears to have been considered as a colony of
the Lydians (Steph. Byz. , >>. v) for no other reason
than that the traditions of the great goddess were in
a peculiar manner connected with this place. In the
list of the kings of Troy, whose names are generally
of Grecian etymology, the Oriental name of Assara-
? ? cus points to a mixture of Oriental mythology; and
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRCRIA
HETRURIA.
ut. on to ili<< maritime town Tarquinii, and the hero
Tarchon, both probably only variations of the name
Tyrrheni. Here it was that the much-dreaded Pelas-
gians of Lydia landed and settled, bringing with them
the arts they had acquired at home or on their way.
For the first time the barbarous land saw men covered
with brass array themselves for battle to the sound of
the trumpet; here first tl. ey heard the loud sound of
the Lydt -Phrygian flute accompaiying the sacrifice,
and perhaps witnessed for the first time the rapid
course of the fifty-oared ship. As the legend, in its
propagation from mouth to mouth, swells beyond all
bounds, the whole glory of the Tuscan name, even
that which did not properly belong to the colonists,
attached itself to the name of Tarchon, the disciple
of Tages, as the author of a new and better era in the
history of Etruria. The neighbouring Urabrians and
Latins named the nation, which from this time began
to increase and diffuse itself, not from the primitive
inhabitants, but from these new settlers. For since,
in the Eugubine tables, Trusce occurs along with
Tuseom and Tuseer, it is impossible not to conclude,
that from the root TUR have been formed Trusicus,
Truscus, Tuscan; as from the root OP, Opscus and
Onus; so that Tvfifmvoi or Tvponvoi, and Tusci,
are only the Asiatic and Italic forms of one and tbo
same name. " (Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 100. ) The time
of such a colonization can, of course, only be fixed by
approximation. Miiller supposes it to have coincided
with the Ionic migration, and to have been occasioned
by it. The Umbrians were powerful in the land of
which the new colonists took possession, and long
wars must have been carried on with them before
they were dispossessed of the three hundred towns
which Pliny (3, 19) says they once held in the coun-
try afterward called Etruria. To the south the Etru-
rians extended themselves to the banks of the Tiber,
and even beyond it into Lalium, as the name of Tus-
colum proves. According to their own traditions, the
Bine Tarchon who founded the twelve cities of Etru-
ria led a colony across the Apennines and founded
twelve other cities. Of such a tradition, the historian
cat receive no more than the fact, that Etruria, in the
valley of the Po, was colonized from the southern
Etruria. Bologna, anciently Felsina, which stands
where the Apennines descend into the fertile plains
which border the Po, was probably the first of these
colonies, as it is called by Pliny (3, 20), "princeps
quondam Etruria -? " the names of most of the others
are uncertain. A stone, with an Etruscan inscription,
baa been found (Lanzi, vol. 2, p. 649) as far to the
westward as Alessandria. Atria and Spina, near the
mouth of the Po, were certainly Tuscan cities, and
very important from their commerce with the Adriatic;
but the foundation of both was claimed for the Pclas-
gians of Thessaly or the followers of Diomede. The
same story of twelve colonies is repeated in reference
to the settlement of the Etruscans in Campania. Miil-
ler supposes these to be really colonies from Etruria,
in opposition to the opinion of Niebuhr, who thinks
they were founded by Pelasgian Tyrrhenians, con-
founded with the Etruscans from identity of name.
At all events, the amount of Etruscan population in
Campania cannot have been great, sinco the Oscan
language, not the Etruscan, prevailed there; and not
a single Etruscan inscription has been found in this
whole district. This land of luxurious indulgence
? ? appears to have exerted its usual influence on the
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETKURIA.
HETRURIA.
nature has not been counteracted by misgovernment
and absurd legislation. But Etruria was not, like
Campania, a land of spontaneous fertility; the industry
snd ingenuity of man were required to adapt cultivation
to the various qualities of the land, and to curb the in-
undations of the Po in the provinces on the Adriatic.
Their primitive manners were simple; the distaff of
Tanaquil was long preserved in the temple of Sancus
at Rome; and a passage of Juvenal (6, 288) seems to
'mpty, that in domestic industry and virtue there was
a close resemblance between the Tuscan and the Ro-
man nations in early times. Their extensive con-
quests, and bold and skilful navigation, arc a sufficient
proof of the energy of their national character. But
when commerce and conquests in Southern Italy had
placed in their reach the means of indulgence, they
seized upon them with the avidity of a half-barbarous
people: and luxury, instead of being the handmaid of
refinement and elegance, ministered -to vain splendour
and sensual voluptuousness. Diodorus (5, 40) de-
scribes, from Posidonius, their tables loaded twice a
day (which, to abstemious Greeks, seemed the excess
of gluttony), their embroidered draperies, their drink-
ing-vessels of gold and silver, and their hosts of slaves.
A tinjio. mis gives much darker shades to his picture of
the corruption of manners produced by wealth expend-
ed wholly in the gratification of the senses. That the
epithets of pinguis and obctut, which the Romans ap-
plied to the Etruscans, were not wholly suggested by
national malice, is evident from the recumbent figures
on the covers of the sarcophagi. From the Etruscans
the Romans borrowed their combats of gladiators. It
/hould seem, however, that the horrible practice of in-
troducing them at banquets belonged chiefly to the
Etrurians of Campania, and especially to Capua; the
focus of all the vices which spring from luxury, neither
softened by humanity nor refined by taste. Of the
Etrurian music we have spoken in mentioning the
proolV of their Lydian origin, it was almost the only
branch of art in which invention is attributed to them
oy the ancients; and even here the invention related
only to the instrument; we read of no mood ascribed
to them. Their celebrity, both in this and the plastic
art was owing, in a great measure, to their being the
neighbours of a people whose genius was so decidedly
averse from both as that of the Romans; who, till they
became acquainted with the Greeks, derived all the
decorative part of their system of public and private
life from the Etrurians. We have no historical means
of determining whether the Etrurians borrowed from
the Greeks their successive improvements in sculpture
and statuary, or proceeded in an independent track:
the fact which we shall have to produce respecting
their alphabet, renders the former supposition more
'probable. If this communication existed, it was only
'to a certain point: the Tuscan style in art always bore
a resemblance to that of Egypt, and their most perfect
works had that rigidity, and want of varied and living
expression, which characterized Grecian sculpture be-
fore Phidias had fired his imagination with Homer's de-
scription of Jupiter and Minerva, or Praxiteles had
imbodied in marble his vision of the Queen of Beauty.
In all that department of art, or the contrary, in which
mechanism without mind may attain perfection, the
Etrurians were little inferior to the Greeks themselves.
An Athenian poet (ap. Alhen. , 1, 28) celebrated their
works in metal as the best of their kind; alluding
? ? probably to their drinking-vessels and lamps, candelabra
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRL'RIA.
HETRL'RIA.
wrtico v. as the ancient food of the inhabitants of all
ibis part of Italy; and agriculture formed the most
honourable occupation. The iron-mines of Ilva, now
Elba, and others on the mainland of Etruria connected
? with them, furnished a richer supply, and of a purer
quality than any other in the ancient world; the same
island produced the copper for their coinage, and for
their works in brass.
Work* of Art, Antiquities, <fc, of the Etrurians.
Enough remains of Etruscan art to justify what an-
cient authors have aaid of the population, wealth, and
luxury of this people. The walls of their cities rarely
exhibit that gigantic species of dike-building which has
been called the Cyclopean architecture, and which is
found in Asia Miner, in the Peloponnesus, and the re-
mains ol the ancient towns of Latium and Samnium.
Micali considers the walls of Cosa as the only specimen
in Etruria of the Cyclopsan manner; but if the cri-
terion be the use of polygonal masses of stone without
cement, instead of parallclnpipedal, the plate (pi. 12)
which he has given of the. gate and wall of Signium
(Scgni) shows that it partakes of the character of this
tlass. But, in general, they built their walls, as may
Be seen at Volterra, Populoaia, and Ruscllre, of vast
blocks of parallelopipedai form, which their own weight
? etained in their places, without the use of mortar.
The gate of Segni, before mentioned, shows something
cf the earliest attempt at constructing an arch, by
the gradual approximation of the stor. c. i which form
the sides. Etruria does not exhibit any specimens
y( the mode of building practised in the treasuries of
Atreus and Minyas, in which the walls of a circular
building converge so as to meet at the top in the firm
of a beehive. A recent traveller, Delia Marmora, has
discovered several of this kind in the island of Sar-
dinia. We are indebted for by far the most numerous
jf our Etruscan antiquities to the care with which thij
pcoplf provided themselves with durable placis cf
sepulture, and their custom of interring with the body
*sriouo articles of metal and of clay. To the opening
of the hypogea of Volterra, we owe the revival of this
branch of antiquarian lore. Some of these repositories
belonged to ancient towns, whose existence might have
been unknown but for the necropolis which marks
tbeir vicinity. Inghirami has given an interesting ac-
count (Ser. 4) of two of these; one at Castcllaccio,
uot far from Viterbo, the other at Orchia, about four-
teen miles to the southwest of that city. Castcllaccio
was the Castellum Axium mentioned by Cicero in his
oration for Cacina (c. 7), the site of which Cluverius
declared to be unknown. The traces of the walls
themselves are very visible in the large oblong blocks
of peperino joined without cement, and convex out-
ward, in the usual style of the old Etruscan fortifica-
tions. The steep banks of the stream, being composed
of a tnfo easily wrought, have been hewn out for
nearly a mile into grotto-sepulchres, the face of the
rock being cut into the representation of a doorway,
while the real entrance to the hypogeum is below, and
closed with large stones. Examples of this kind of
sepulchre are found in Persia, in Palestine, and in
Asia Minor (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 231;
vol. J, p. 206, 524); but in these the entrance is by
the sculptured portal, which in the Etrurian sepul-
chres served only as an ornament. The architecture
of these tombs is evidently of an age when the Greek
embellishments had become known in Etruria; but
? ? the shortness of the pillars, the length of the inter-
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETEURIA.
nt. Tnat thoy were reilly mirrors we have little
doc'-'t; Inghirami easily finds a mystical meaning for
everything belonging to them. The metal of which
they iro invariably composed, brass, alludes to the fir-
mament, conceived by the Bncients to be a ^a/Uofiarij-
dii, ? ' spread out like a molten mirror" (,/oA,. xxvii. , 18);
thoir circular form to the perlection of which this fig-
ure is an emblem. If they had happened to be oval,
is would still have been at no loss, for he explains the
usually elliptical forms of the fictile vases as alluding
r that deterioration of its nature which the soul un-
dergoes when it enters into union with the body. As
many articles of female ornament have been found in
sepulchres--fibulae, bair-bodkins, collars, bracelets--
it is an obvious conjecture, that the mirrors were a
real part of the toilet of the deceased, consigned to the
same grave with her; on the principle that what was
most used and valued in life should be the companion
in death. Yet to this supposition it is an objection,
that the slight convexity which some of them have is
on the polished side, a circumstance which, as it would
interfere with their use as real mirrors, suggests that
they may have been emblematical of the sacerdotal of-
fice borne by'the female with whom they were interred.
Etrurian Language, and Literature.
The literature of the Etrurians presents the singu-
lar phenomenon of an alphabet perfectly deciphered,
along with a language completely unintelligible. Such
a combination is so strange, that we find more than
one writer alleging that the language is Greek, and ap-
pealing in proof to the alphabet, without suspecting
the want of connexion between premises and conclu-
sions. When the Eugubine tables were discovered in
1441, thoy were supposed to be in the Egyptian char-
acter; Reinesius suspected them to be Punic; and,
though they gradually acquired the name of Etruscan,
the real force of the letters was not discovered till
1732, when Bourguet ascertained it by comparing the
two tables which are in the Latin character with one
In the Etruscan, which he had happily* divined to be
nearly equivalent in sense. Gori, a few years later,
published his alphabet, which, in all important points,
has been confirmed by aubsequent inquiries: the great
improvement made in it by Lanzi was, that he detect-
ed a 2 in the letter M, which till then had been taken
for an m. The principles of Greek paleography have
been lately established, on a more solid basis than be-
fore, by Bockh; and by the help of these and the la-
bours of his predecessors, Miiller has arrived at the
conclusion, that the Etruscan alphabet has not been
derived immediately from the Phoenicians, but from
the Greeks. Very few forms occur in it which are
not found in the early Greek inscriptions: while, on
the other hand, it does not contain some of those which
the Greeks retained a considerable time after they re-
ceived them from the Phoenicians; and, again, the
Etruscans have some letters which the Greeks added
to their Phoenician alphabet. Other Etruscan letters
have never yet been found in any Greek inscription,
so that it is impossible to point out any specific age or
form of the Greek alphabet which the Etruscans may
be supposed to have adopted once for all. The Phry-
gian inscription from the tomb of Midas (Walpole, vol.
i, p. 207) bears no closer resemblance to the Etruscan
than other very old Greek inscriptions: in the Carian
inscription (lb , p. 530) there are many letters which
differ from the Etruscan. The letters B, 1', A do not
appear to have had any corresponding sounds in the
? ? Etruscan language, and the first and last never occur.
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HIE
HI E
m, tnal aril (" cecum") signifies, not tixit, but cttalis.
Muller's observations on'this subject are particularly
deserving of attention at the present moment, when
extravagant expectations appear to be entertained of
the enlargement of our historical knowledge by the
comparison of languages. "We might give much
ampler information, if, after Lanzi's method, we sought
in the monuments of the Etruscan language for single
rounds resembling the Greek and Latin; and, per-
? uaded that similar sounds must have a similar mean-
ing, endeavoured to explain all that could not be
brought to agree by an arbitrary prosthesis, epcnlhc-
lis, paragogc, and similar cheap expedients. With-
tut blaming the learned Italian, in whose time the
"lost eminent literati had very confused ideas of the
formation of language, we may maintain that his lead-
ing principle, that analogy is the character only of
cultivated languages, and that the ruder any lan-
guage is, the greater liberty might be taken in the
use of it, is entirely false. This may justify us for
having paid so little regard to etymologies, which, as
they are arbitrary in themselves, suppose an arbitrary
character in the language to which they are applied.
mon, where she became the mother of Teucer. (Apol-
lod. , 2, 5, 9, seqq. --Id. , 2, fi, i. --Keightley's Mythol-
ogy, p. 359, 365. )
HkspekIa, a name applied by the poets to Italy, as
lying to the west of Greece. It is of Greek origin
('Eoirtpia), and is derived from iortipa, "eremite;,"
so that Hcsperia properly means "the evening-land,"
i. e. , the western region. (Virg. , Mn. , 1, 530. --Id.
ib. , 569. --Ovid, Met. , 2, 458. --Lucan, 1, 224. ) It
is also, though less frequently, applied to Spain, as ly-
ing west of Italy. (Horat. , Od. , 1, 36, 4. --Lucan,
4, 14. )
Hesperides, or " the Western Maidens," three cel-
eorated nymphs, whose genealogy is differently given
by various writers. According to Hesiod (Theog. ,
215), they were the daughters of Night, without a fa-
ther. Diodorus, on the other hand, makes them to
have had for their parents Atlas and Hesperis daugh-
ter of Hesperus (Diod. Sic, 4, 27), an account which
is followed by Milton in his Comus (v. 981). Others,
however, to assimilate them to their neighbours the
Grata; and Gorgons, call the Hcsperides the offspring
of Pborcys and Ceto. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rh, 4,1399. )
Apollonius gives their names as AZgie, Hespera, and
Erythe'is (4, 1427), while Apollodorus, who increases
the number to four, calls them -'Eglc, Ervthea, Hestia,
and Arethusa. (Apollod. , 2, 5, 11. ) Hesiod makes
them to have dwelt "beyond the bright ocean," op-
posite to where Atlas stood supporting the heavens
(Theog. , 518), and when Atlas had been fixed as a
mountain in the extremity of Libya, the dwelling of
the Hesperides was usually placed in his vicinity,
though some set it in the country of the Hyperboreans.
(Apollod. , 1. c. )--According to the legend, when the
bridal of Jupiter and Juno took place, the different dei-
ties came with nuptial presents for the latter, and
among them the goddess of Earth, with branches hav-
ing golden apples growing on them (" Terrain venisse
ferentem aurea mala cum ramis. " Hijgin. , Poet,
istron. , 2, 3. ) Juno, greatly admiring these, begged
of Earth to plant them in her gardens, which extended
as far as Mount Atlas (" qui cranl usque ad Allanlem
montem. " Hygin. , I. c. ) The Hesperides, or daugh-
ters of Atlas, were directed to watch these trees; but,
as they were somewhat remiss in discharging this duty,
and frequently plucked off the apples themselves, Ju-
no sent thither a large serpent to guard the precious
fruit. This monster was the offspring of Typhon and
Echidna, and had a hundred heads, so that it never
? ? slept. (Hygin. , 1. c. ) According to Pisander, the
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HES
HIS
lenl, enclosed withii. steep, and, for ihe most part, per-
pendicular, sides of aolid rock, rising sometimes to a
height of sixty or seventy feet, or more, before they
reach the level of the plain in which they arc situated.
The soil at the bottom of these chasms appears to
have been washed down from the plain above by the
heavy rains, and is frequently cultivated by the Arabs;
so that a person, in walking over the country where
they exist, comes suddenly upon a beautiful orchard
or garden, blooming in secret, and in the greatest lux-
uriance, at a considerable depth beneath his feet, and
defended on all sides by walls of solid rock, so as to
be at firs: sight apparently inaccessible. The effect
of these secluded little spots, protected, as it were, from
the intrusion of mankind, by the steepness and depth
of :he barriers which enclose them, is singular and
pleasing in the extreme; they reminded us of some
of those secluded retreats which we read of in fairy
legends or tales. It was impossible to walk along the
edge of these precipices, looking everywhere for some
part less abrupt than the rest, by which we might de-
scend into the gardens beneath, without calling to
mind the description given by Scylax of the far-famed
gardens of the Hesperides. "--It has been supposed by
many, and among the rest by Gossellin and Pacho,
that the Hesperian gardens of the ancients were no-
thing more than some of those verdant caves which
stud the Libyan desert, and which, from their con-
cealed and inaccessible position, their unknown origin,
and their striking contrast to the surrounding waste,
might well suggest the idea of a terrestrial paradise,
and become the types of the still fairer creations of
poetic fable. Possibly, therefore, supposing the fable
to rest on a real basis, the first of these Elysian groves
may have been at the extremity of Cyrena'ica mentioned
by Beechey, and the original idea of the legend may
have been taken from a subterranean garden of the
above description. --The garden of the Hesperides is
stated by Scylax (p. 46) to have been an enclosed spot
of ten stadia each way, filled with thickly-planted fruit-
trees of various kinds, and inaccessible on all sides.
It was situated at six hundred and twenty stadia (fifty
geographical miles) from the port of Barce; and this
agrees precisely with that of the place described by
Captain Beechey from Ptolcmata. The testimony of
Pliny (5, 5) is very decided in fixing the site of the
Hesperides in the neighbourhood of Berenice. "Not
far from the city" (Berenice), "is the river Lethon,
and the sacred grove where the gardens of the Hes-
perides are said to be situated. We do not mean,"
remarks Captain B. , "to point out any one of these
subterranean gardens as that which is described in the
passage above quoted from Scylax; for we know of
no one which will correspond, in point of extent, to
the garden which that author has mentioned. All
those which we saw were considerably less than the
fifth of a mile in diameter (the measurement given by
Scylax); and the places of this nature which would
best agree with the dimensions, are now filled with
water sufficiently fresh to be drinkable, and take the
form of romantic little lakes. Scarcely any two of the
gardens we met with were, however, of the same depth
or extent; end we have no reason to conclude that,
because we saw none which were large enough to be
fixed upon for the garden of the Hesperides, there is
therefore no place of the dimensions required; par-
ticularly as the singular formation alluded lo continues
? ? to the foot of the Cyrenaic chain, which is fourteen
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HESY CUIUS.
HT. l
wnetb. r the glossary which has reached us under the
name of this writer be really his, or whether it be not
merely an abridgment of his work. What has inclined
some to favour the latter opinion is the circumstance
of the citations being omitted. Others think, and with
tome, appearance of reason, that this lexicon was ori-
ginally a small volume, and that the numerous biblical
glosses which are at present found in it have been in-
tercalated by the copyists, who have taken the remarks
nade in the margin by the possessors of manuscripts
for portions of the text itself. However this may be,
the work of Hesychius is very important towards ac-
quiring a full knowledge of the Greek language. It
has preserved for us a large number of passages from
poets, orators, historians, and physicians, whose works
are lost. Hesychius explains, moreover, various words
that depart from the ordinary usage of the Greek
tongue, as well as terms used in sacrifices, gymnastic
encounters, &c. And yet it must be acknowledged
that his text is in a most corrupt state, and that when
he is a solitary witness his testimony ought to be re-
ceived with caution. (Mas. Crit. , vol. 1, p. 503. )
The work, in fact, has all the appearance of rough
notes, put down in the course of reading, rather than
of a finished production. It was not known until the
sixteenth century. Only one MS. , in the library of
St. Mark, at Venice, is said to be preserved, and that
is full of abbreviations, and has many erasures; which
accounts for the great corruption of the text, in spite
of the labours of many able editors. It appears, how-
ever, that in the seventeenth century there existed a
second manuscript in the Florence library. (EberCs
Bibliogr. Lexicon, vol. 1, p. 772. )--The best edition
of Hesychius is that of Alberti, completed by Kuhn-
ken, Lugd. Bat. , 1746-1776, 2 vols. fol. It is to be
regretted, however, that Alberti could not avail him-
self of the valuable MS. notes of Benlley on this lexi-
cographer. --The editio princepsof Hesychius was pub-
lished by the elder Aldus, Venice, 1514, fol. , under the
care of Marcus Musurus. The manuscript followed was
the Venice one. This, however, being, as we have al-
ready remarked, very difficult to decipher, and in other
respects extremely inaccurate, Musurus took great
pains to correct and restore it. This is often done
with intelligence and success; but often also he de-
ceives himself in his corrections, and in general treats
his original in too arbitrary a manner. Schow, of Co-
penhagen, being at Venice, collated the manuscript
with the edition of Alberti, and took note of all the
variations. He published this collation at Lcipsic,
1792, 8vo, under the title, "Hesychii Lexicon ex tod.
Ms. b'Miotkeca S. Marci restilutum, el ah omnibus
Musuri correctionibus repurgalum. " By the help of
this volume, the possessor of any edition of Hesychius,
for they are all based upon this manuscript, can make
the necessary corrections. The glosses, taken from
the Scriptures, that are found in Hesychius, were col-
lected and published by J. C. G. Ernesti, Lips. , 1785,
8vo. We may regard as the second volume of this
production the work published by Ernesti in 1786,
8vo, under the title, "Simla el Phavorini Glossa sa-
cra," in which are found two hundred and twenty-nine
losses of Hesychius, forgotten in the first volume.
? "o this may be joined the work of Schleusner, Ob-
tervat. in Suid. el Hayek. , Wittemb. , 1810, 4to.
Among the subsidiary works that illustrate Hesychius,
may be mentioned Toup'a Emendations (Toupii Emcn-
? ? iaiioncs in Suidam el Hcsyckium, Oxon. , 1790, 4
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRURIA.
HETRURIA.
Kim wens called Tyrrhenians, occupied up to the limr
of Herodotus. If we divest the Lydian tradition of
? ante marvellous circumstances which are attached to
it, particularly those that relate to the famine, which
maybe fairly charged to Oriental hyperbole, there still
remains the record of an important event, which, con-
sidering the character of the historian who has handed
it down to us, and the geographica' information he
pMsessed, is certainly entitled to o,. r attention if it
d'>es not recommend itself to our belief. The great-
est argument, however, in favour of this tradition,
oust be allowed to consist in the weight of testimony
which can be collected in support of it from the wri-
ters of antiquity, especially those of Rome, who, with
few exceptions, seem to concur in admitting the fact
of the Lydian colony. (Consult Virg. , JEn. , 8, 479,
etpass. --Catull. , 31,13. --Horat. , Sat. , 1, 6. --Slat.
Silv. , 1, 2 -- Id. , 4,i. --Senec, ad Hell--Justin, 20,
l. -- Fal. Max. , 2,4--Plut. , Vit. Rom. --Pliny, 3, 5. )
--Strabo, who has entered more fully into the discus-
sion of the Tyrrhenian origin, does not seem to enter-
tain any doubt of the event which we are now con-
sidering, and he quotes Anticlidcs, an historian of
some authority, who reports that the first Pelasgi
settled in the islands of Imbros and I. emnos, and that
tome of them sailed with Tyrrhenus, the son of Alys,
to Italy. (Strabo, 219. ) In short, the presumption
would appear so strong in favour of this popular ac-
count of the origin of the Tyrrheni, that we might
consider the question to be decided, were not our at-
tention called to the opposite side by some weighty ob-
jections, advanced long since by Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus, and farther strongly urged by some modern
critics of great reputation and learning. Dionysius
seems to stand alone among the writers of antiquity
ts invalidating the facts recorded by Herodotus; and
though his own explanation of the origin of the Tyr-
rhenians is evidently inconsistent and unsatisfactory,
still it must be owned that his arguments tend greatly
to discredit the colony of the Lydian Tyrrhenus. , He
maintains, in the first plsce, that it is fabulous, from
the silence on so important an event of Xanthus the
historian of Lydia, a writer of great research and au-
thority, and more ancient than Herodotus. Xanthus
acknowledges no Lydian prince of the name of Tyr-
rhenus; the sons of Atys, according to him, were Ly-
dus and Torvbus, who both remained in Asia. Again,
Dionysius asserts that there was no resemblance to
be discovered either in the religion, customs, or lan-
guage of the Lydians and Tuscans; and, lastly, from
tne discrepance to be observed in the various state-
ments of the genealogy of Tyrrhenus and the period
of his migration, he feels justified in rejecting that
event as a mere fiction. (Ant. Rom. , 1, 30. ) The
advocates of Herodotus, however, have not been in-
timidated by these arguments, but have endeavoured
to prove their insufficiency. Among these may be
reckoned Ryckius (de primis Italia eolonis, c. fi);
Bishop Cumberland (Connexion of the Greek and Ro-
nton Antiquities. Trart. 7, c. 2); Dempster (Errur.
Regal, I, 4); Larcher (Hist, d'Herod. , vol. 1, p. );
? nd Lanzi (Saggio, &c, vol. 2, p. 102).
On the
other hand, the reasons advanced by the Greek histo-
rian have appeared convincing to some eminent critics,
? urn as CluveriuB (Ilal. Antiq. , vol. 1, lib. 1. c. 1);
Frerct (Mem. de VAead. , vol. 18, p. 97); and Heyne
(Comment, dje. , Nov. Soe. Gott. , vol. 3, p. 39); who
? ? save, besides, added other objections to those already
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRl-'RIA.
HEVRUKTA.
ancient author describes the Tyrrhenians of L) fia as
Pelasgians from Attica and the islands. The gene-
alogy of Herodotus from the Lydian authors makes
Tyrrhenus a son of Atys, king of Lydia; in that given
in Dionysius without the author's name, Lydus and
Tyrrhenus are brothers; in that of Xanthus the broth-
ira are called Lydus and Torybus or Torrhubus, i. e. ,
according to Muller, Tyrrhenus. Whichever of these
it s argue from, it appears very improbable that the
li'ieage of a band of Pclasgian pirates, who had settled
<n the coasts of Lydia, should have been carried up
to the ancient kings or gods of the country; and that,
ton, not by the Greeks, but by the Lydians themselves.
We cannot, therefore, avoid the conclusion, that the
Tyrrhenians were much more intimately connected
wi<\ the Lydian population than Muller's account of
lim\ supposes. Niebuhr makes the Mceonians (the
Jkut. eric name for the Lydians) to be Pelasgians, ar-
gute from tho name of their stronghold, Larissa,'
>>hi<<a is found in all countries occupied by Pelasgians;
VI (4- "i represents them as wholly different, alleging
thai to ancient author calls the Mceonians Pelasgians.
Thii >> true; but they make the Tyrrhenians Mceoni-
ans i tx* also Pelasgians, and therefore imply, though
they iV not assert, the identity of the people who bore
these i\ re names. The whole coast of Asia Minor
appeals to have been occupied by the Pelasgi, or na-
tions di taring from them only in name. Menecrates
(ap. Strai. , 571) related, that the Pelasgi had occu-
pied the whole of Ionia, from Mycale northward, and
the adjacent islands; the Carians, the Lclcges, and
ti* Caucones, the Trojans, and Mysians, were of the
name race, and also allied to the Lydians, as appears
from the genealogy given by Herodotus (1,171). Tho
Greeks themselves attribute the Pelasgic population
of Asia Minor to colonies sent from Greece or from
the islands; but their accounts of colonies before the
Homeric age, being founded on no contemporary au-
thority, must generally be regarded as historical hy-
potheses, chiefly grounded upon similarity of names,
which may often be more rationally explained from
Bther causes. It is, however, by no means probable
that the Lydians were wholly a Pelasgic people. The
phenomena of the history of Asia Minor are most
easily solved by the supposition that a nation of Syr-
ian origin was mingled in its two principal districts,
Lydia and Phrygia, with another nearly allied to the
Greeks. The Mosaic genealogy of nations (Gen. , 10,
22) assigns a Semitic origin to the Lydians; while it
refers most of the tribes of Asia Minor, along with the
Greeks, to the stock of Japheth. The mythology of
Lydia, the basis, as usual, of its dynasties of kings,
betrays its Syrian as well as Grecian affinities. Their
doitics "Arrr/f or "Attc (the same as noTaf, Hes. ),
and Ma, father and mother, have probably given their
name to the Atyadcs and the Maeonians; and their
worship is clearly the same with that of the Syrian
foddess, who was variously denominated Atargatis,
(erceto, Semiramis, Rhea, Juno, and Venus. The
chief seat of her worship at Hierapolis, was the resort
of the people of Asia Minor; and Ascalon, in Phoe-
nicia, appears to have been considered as a colony of
the Lydians (Steph. Byz. , >>. v) for no other reason
than that the traditions of the great goddess were in
a peculiar manner connected with this place. In the
list of the kings of Troy, whose names are generally
of Grecian etymology, the Oriental name of Assara-
? ? cus points to a mixture of Oriental mythology; and
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRCRIA
HETRURIA.
ut. on to ili<< maritime town Tarquinii, and the hero
Tarchon, both probably only variations of the name
Tyrrheni. Here it was that the much-dreaded Pelas-
gians of Lydia landed and settled, bringing with them
the arts they had acquired at home or on their way.
For the first time the barbarous land saw men covered
with brass array themselves for battle to the sound of
the trumpet; here first tl. ey heard the loud sound of
the Lydt -Phrygian flute accompaiying the sacrifice,
and perhaps witnessed for the first time the rapid
course of the fifty-oared ship. As the legend, in its
propagation from mouth to mouth, swells beyond all
bounds, the whole glory of the Tuscan name, even
that which did not properly belong to the colonists,
attached itself to the name of Tarchon, the disciple
of Tages, as the author of a new and better era in the
history of Etruria. The neighbouring Urabrians and
Latins named the nation, which from this time began
to increase and diffuse itself, not from the primitive
inhabitants, but from these new settlers. For since,
in the Eugubine tables, Trusce occurs along with
Tuseom and Tuseer, it is impossible not to conclude,
that from the root TUR have been formed Trusicus,
Truscus, Tuscan; as from the root OP, Opscus and
Onus; so that Tvfifmvoi or Tvponvoi, and Tusci,
are only the Asiatic and Italic forms of one and tbo
same name. " (Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 100. ) The time
of such a colonization can, of course, only be fixed by
approximation. Miiller supposes it to have coincided
with the Ionic migration, and to have been occasioned
by it. The Umbrians were powerful in the land of
which the new colonists took possession, and long
wars must have been carried on with them before
they were dispossessed of the three hundred towns
which Pliny (3, 19) says they once held in the coun-
try afterward called Etruria. To the south the Etru-
rians extended themselves to the banks of the Tiber,
and even beyond it into Lalium, as the name of Tus-
colum proves. According to their own traditions, the
Bine Tarchon who founded the twelve cities of Etru-
ria led a colony across the Apennines and founded
twelve other cities. Of such a tradition, the historian
cat receive no more than the fact, that Etruria, in the
valley of the Po, was colonized from the southern
Etruria. Bologna, anciently Felsina, which stands
where the Apennines descend into the fertile plains
which border the Po, was probably the first of these
colonies, as it is called by Pliny (3, 20), "princeps
quondam Etruria -? " the names of most of the others
are uncertain. A stone, with an Etruscan inscription,
baa been found (Lanzi, vol. 2, p. 649) as far to the
westward as Alessandria. Atria and Spina, near the
mouth of the Po, were certainly Tuscan cities, and
very important from their commerce with the Adriatic;
but the foundation of both was claimed for the Pclas-
gians of Thessaly or the followers of Diomede. The
same story of twelve colonies is repeated in reference
to the settlement of the Etruscans in Campania. Miil-
ler supposes these to be really colonies from Etruria,
in opposition to the opinion of Niebuhr, who thinks
they were founded by Pelasgian Tyrrhenians, con-
founded with the Etruscans from identity of name.
At all events, the amount of Etruscan population in
Campania cannot have been great, sinco the Oscan
language, not the Etruscan, prevailed there; and not
a single Etruscan inscription has been found in this
whole district. This land of luxurious indulgence
? ? appears to have exerted its usual influence on the
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETKURIA.
HETRURIA.
nature has not been counteracted by misgovernment
and absurd legislation. But Etruria was not, like
Campania, a land of spontaneous fertility; the industry
snd ingenuity of man were required to adapt cultivation
to the various qualities of the land, and to curb the in-
undations of the Po in the provinces on the Adriatic.
Their primitive manners were simple; the distaff of
Tanaquil was long preserved in the temple of Sancus
at Rome; and a passage of Juvenal (6, 288) seems to
'mpty, that in domestic industry and virtue there was
a close resemblance between the Tuscan and the Ro-
man nations in early times. Their extensive con-
quests, and bold and skilful navigation, arc a sufficient
proof of the energy of their national character. But
when commerce and conquests in Southern Italy had
placed in their reach the means of indulgence, they
seized upon them with the avidity of a half-barbarous
people: and luxury, instead of being the handmaid of
refinement and elegance, ministered -to vain splendour
and sensual voluptuousness. Diodorus (5, 40) de-
scribes, from Posidonius, their tables loaded twice a
day (which, to abstemious Greeks, seemed the excess
of gluttony), their embroidered draperies, their drink-
ing-vessels of gold and silver, and their hosts of slaves.
A tinjio. mis gives much darker shades to his picture of
the corruption of manners produced by wealth expend-
ed wholly in the gratification of the senses. That the
epithets of pinguis and obctut, which the Romans ap-
plied to the Etruscans, were not wholly suggested by
national malice, is evident from the recumbent figures
on the covers of the sarcophagi. From the Etruscans
the Romans borrowed their combats of gladiators. It
/hould seem, however, that the horrible practice of in-
troducing them at banquets belonged chiefly to the
Etrurians of Campania, and especially to Capua; the
focus of all the vices which spring from luxury, neither
softened by humanity nor refined by taste. Of the
Etrurian music we have spoken in mentioning the
proolV of their Lydian origin, it was almost the only
branch of art in which invention is attributed to them
oy the ancients; and even here the invention related
only to the instrument; we read of no mood ascribed
to them. Their celebrity, both in this and the plastic
art was owing, in a great measure, to their being the
neighbours of a people whose genius was so decidedly
averse from both as that of the Romans; who, till they
became acquainted with the Greeks, derived all the
decorative part of their system of public and private
life from the Etrurians. We have no historical means
of determining whether the Etrurians borrowed from
the Greeks their successive improvements in sculpture
and statuary, or proceeded in an independent track:
the fact which we shall have to produce respecting
their alphabet, renders the former supposition more
'probable. If this communication existed, it was only
'to a certain point: the Tuscan style in art always bore
a resemblance to that of Egypt, and their most perfect
works had that rigidity, and want of varied and living
expression, which characterized Grecian sculpture be-
fore Phidias had fired his imagination with Homer's de-
scription of Jupiter and Minerva, or Praxiteles had
imbodied in marble his vision of the Queen of Beauty.
In all that department of art, or the contrary, in which
mechanism without mind may attain perfection, the
Etrurians were little inferior to the Greeks themselves.
An Athenian poet (ap. Alhen. , 1, 28) celebrated their
works in metal as the best of their kind; alluding
? ? probably to their drinking-vessels and lamps, candelabra
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETRL'RIA.
HETRL'RIA.
wrtico v. as the ancient food of the inhabitants of all
ibis part of Italy; and agriculture formed the most
honourable occupation. The iron-mines of Ilva, now
Elba, and others on the mainland of Etruria connected
? with them, furnished a richer supply, and of a purer
quality than any other in the ancient world; the same
island produced the copper for their coinage, and for
their works in brass.
Work* of Art, Antiquities, <fc, of the Etrurians.
Enough remains of Etruscan art to justify what an-
cient authors have aaid of the population, wealth, and
luxury of this people. The walls of their cities rarely
exhibit that gigantic species of dike-building which has
been called the Cyclopean architecture, and which is
found in Asia Miner, in the Peloponnesus, and the re-
mains ol the ancient towns of Latium and Samnium.
Micali considers the walls of Cosa as the only specimen
in Etruria of the Cyclopsan manner; but if the cri-
terion be the use of polygonal masses of stone without
cement, instead of parallclnpipedal, the plate (pi. 12)
which he has given of the. gate and wall of Signium
(Scgni) shows that it partakes of the character of this
tlass. But, in general, they built their walls, as may
Be seen at Volterra, Populoaia, and Ruscllre, of vast
blocks of parallelopipedai form, which their own weight
? etained in their places, without the use of mortar.
The gate of Segni, before mentioned, shows something
cf the earliest attempt at constructing an arch, by
the gradual approximation of the stor. c. i which form
the sides. Etruria does not exhibit any specimens
y( the mode of building practised in the treasuries of
Atreus and Minyas, in which the walls of a circular
building converge so as to meet at the top in the firm
of a beehive. A recent traveller, Delia Marmora, has
discovered several of this kind in the island of Sar-
dinia. We are indebted for by far the most numerous
jf our Etruscan antiquities to the care with which thij
pcoplf provided themselves with durable placis cf
sepulture, and their custom of interring with the body
*sriouo articles of metal and of clay. To the opening
of the hypogea of Volterra, we owe the revival of this
branch of antiquarian lore. Some of these repositories
belonged to ancient towns, whose existence might have
been unknown but for the necropolis which marks
tbeir vicinity. Inghirami has given an interesting ac-
count (Ser. 4) of two of these; one at Castcllaccio,
uot far from Viterbo, the other at Orchia, about four-
teen miles to the southwest of that city. Castcllaccio
was the Castellum Axium mentioned by Cicero in his
oration for Cacina (c. 7), the site of which Cluverius
declared to be unknown. The traces of the walls
themselves are very visible in the large oblong blocks
of peperino joined without cement, and convex out-
ward, in the usual style of the old Etruscan fortifica-
tions. The steep banks of the stream, being composed
of a tnfo easily wrought, have been hewn out for
nearly a mile into grotto-sepulchres, the face of the
rock being cut into the representation of a doorway,
while the real entrance to the hypogeum is below, and
closed with large stones. Examples of this kind of
sepulchre are found in Persia, in Palestine, and in
Asia Minor (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 231;
vol. J, p. 206, 524); but in these the entrance is by
the sculptured portal, which in the Etrurian sepul-
chres served only as an ornament. The architecture
of these tombs is evidently of an age when the Greek
embellishments had become known in Etruria; but
? ? the shortness of the pillars, the length of the inter-
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HETEURIA.
nt. Tnat thoy were reilly mirrors we have little
doc'-'t; Inghirami easily finds a mystical meaning for
everything belonging to them. The metal of which
they iro invariably composed, brass, alludes to the fir-
mament, conceived by the Bncients to be a ^a/Uofiarij-
dii, ? ' spread out like a molten mirror" (,/oA,. xxvii. , 18);
thoir circular form to the perlection of which this fig-
ure is an emblem. If they had happened to be oval,
is would still have been at no loss, for he explains the
usually elliptical forms of the fictile vases as alluding
r that deterioration of its nature which the soul un-
dergoes when it enters into union with the body. As
many articles of female ornament have been found in
sepulchres--fibulae, bair-bodkins, collars, bracelets--
it is an obvious conjecture, that the mirrors were a
real part of the toilet of the deceased, consigned to the
same grave with her; on the principle that what was
most used and valued in life should be the companion
in death. Yet to this supposition it is an objection,
that the slight convexity which some of them have is
on the polished side, a circumstance which, as it would
interfere with their use as real mirrors, suggests that
they may have been emblematical of the sacerdotal of-
fice borne by'the female with whom they were interred.
Etrurian Language, and Literature.
The literature of the Etrurians presents the singu-
lar phenomenon of an alphabet perfectly deciphered,
along with a language completely unintelligible. Such
a combination is so strange, that we find more than
one writer alleging that the language is Greek, and ap-
pealing in proof to the alphabet, without suspecting
the want of connexion between premises and conclu-
sions. When the Eugubine tables were discovered in
1441, thoy were supposed to be in the Egyptian char-
acter; Reinesius suspected them to be Punic; and,
though they gradually acquired the name of Etruscan,
the real force of the letters was not discovered till
1732, when Bourguet ascertained it by comparing the
two tables which are in the Latin character with one
In the Etruscan, which he had happily* divined to be
nearly equivalent in sense. Gori, a few years later,
published his alphabet, which, in all important points,
has been confirmed by aubsequent inquiries: the great
improvement made in it by Lanzi was, that he detect-
ed a 2 in the letter M, which till then had been taken
for an m. The principles of Greek paleography have
been lately established, on a more solid basis than be-
fore, by Bockh; and by the help of these and the la-
bours of his predecessors, Miiller has arrived at the
conclusion, that the Etruscan alphabet has not been
derived immediately from the Phoenicians, but from
the Greeks. Very few forms occur in it which are
not found in the early Greek inscriptions: while, on
the other hand, it does not contain some of those which
the Greeks retained a considerable time after they re-
ceived them from the Phoenicians; and, again, the
Etruscans have some letters which the Greeks added
to their Phoenician alphabet. Other Etruscan letters
have never yet been found in any Greek inscription,
so that it is impossible to point out any specific age or
form of the Greek alphabet which the Etruscans may
be supposed to have adopted once for all. The Phry-
gian inscription from the tomb of Midas (Walpole, vol.
i, p. 207) bears no closer resemblance to the Etruscan
than other very old Greek inscriptions: in the Carian
inscription (lb , p. 530) there are many letters which
differ from the Etruscan. The letters B, 1', A do not
appear to have had any corresponding sounds in the
? ? Etruscan language, and the first and last never occur.
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-26 09:10 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva. x001045523 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-google
? HIE
HI E
m, tnal aril (" cecum") signifies, not tixit, but cttalis.
Muller's observations on'this subject are particularly
deserving of attention at the present moment, when
extravagant expectations appear to be entertained of
the enlargement of our historical knowledge by the
comparison of languages. "We might give much
ampler information, if, after Lanzi's method, we sought
in the monuments of the Etruscan language for single
rounds resembling the Greek and Latin; and, per-
? uaded that similar sounds must have a similar mean-
ing, endeavoured to explain all that could not be
brought to agree by an arbitrary prosthesis, epcnlhc-
lis, paragogc, and similar cheap expedients. With-
tut blaming the learned Italian, in whose time the
"lost eminent literati had very confused ideas of the
formation of language, we may maintain that his lead-
ing principle, that analogy is the character only of
cultivated languages, and that the ruder any lan-
guage is, the greater liberty might be taken in the
use of it, is entirely false. This may justify us for
having paid so little regard to etymologies, which, as
they are arbitrary in themselves, suppose an arbitrary
character in the language to which they are applied.
