No More Learning

In the Metamorphoses, Ovid showed Themis alluding to many
events of later Theban history. She mentioned the expedition of Poly-
nices, the death of the brothers in a duel, the blasting of Capaneus, the
descent of Amphiaraiis into Hades, and the murder of Eriphyle. She
noted also that Alcmaeon was victorious in the expedition of the Epi-
goni, and that Callirhoe asked him for the fatal necklace. In the story of
Alcmaeon, Ovid may have followed some epic or tragedy which now is
lost. He declared that Alcmaeon never recovered from his madness and
that Phegeus himself killed him. And, probably because Ovid could not
introduce the famous tale of Orestes, he made the story of Alcmaeon re-
semble it. He stressed the fact that by killing his mother Alcmaeon be
came at once pious and impious, and he declared that he was pursued
both by the Furies and by his mother's ghost. The transformation of
lolaiis had changed an old man into a young one. The transformation
of Callirhoe's sons afforded a contrast, for it changed boys into men.
Ovid then invented further circumstances. The idea that it was
possible to alter the age of human beings caused unrest among the
assembled gods. Each of them wanted to claim the benefit of Hebe for
some favorite of his own.
Aurora lamented that her husband Tithonus had become old. Here
Ovid recalled the story, told first in the Homeric Hymn to Venus, that
Tithonus was immortal but subject to the infirmities of age. It was
usual to speak of Aurora as daughter of the Titan Hyperion, but Ovid
referred to her both here and in the tale of Pythagoras (Bk. 15), as
daughter of his brother Titan Pallas. Ceres lamented the white locks of
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? IOLAUS
Iasion. The Odyssey had told of her meeting him on a plowed field of
Crete, the Theogony had called them parents of Plutus (Wealth), and
Ovid had recounted the story at some length in his Amores. While in-
troducing the complaint of Ceres, Ovid appears to have forgotten that,
according to the Odyssey, Iasion died prematurely by a thunderbolt.
Vulcan wanted life restored to his son Erichthonius (see Aglauros, Bk.
2). Venus realized that in time her loved Anchises would grow old. The
Iliad had spoken of her as visiting him on Mt. Ida and becoming the
mother of Aeneas, and the Homeric Hymn to Venus had told the story,
noting the future old age of Anchises.
In the Iliad the will of Jupiter seems to have been regarded as
identical with the course of Fate. But an early and widespread belief of
primitive men conceived of Fate as a power that was permanent and
superior to any reigning hierarchy of deities. The Icelandic Eddas pic-
tured it as controlling the future of Odin and the Aesir and bringing
them eventually to the Twilight of the Gods. And Aeschylus in Prome-
theus Bound indicated that Fate was more powerful than Jupiter and
was capable of punishing him for his torture of Prometheus.
This idea of dominating Fate, Ovid introduced into the tale of Iol-
aiis. Jupiter he said, pointed out to the other gods that Iolaiis and the
sons of Callirhoe could be transformed only because it was the will of
Fate. The same idea that Fate controlled even Jupiter, Ovid mentioned
afterwards in the story of Julius Caesar (Bk. 15), but there he per-
sonified Fate as the three sisters called the Parcae. Jupiter noted fur-
ther that he himself could not avert old age from his loved sons Aeacus,
Rhadamanthus, and Minos. These three, Ovid's contemporaries would
have recognized at once as famous for good character and for promi-
nence as judges in the world of the dead.
In the case of Minos, Ovid previously had recalled the story of his
fatal visit to Cocalus (Bk. 8), but had not explicitly mentioned his
death. He now invented the idea that Minos still was alive but had
become old and feeble and no longer was respected. This gave Ovid a
transition to the subsequent tale of Byblis.
In later times several authors recalled Ovid's tale of Iolaiis. Both
Hyginus and Clement of Alexandria remembered the circumstance that
three heroes, Tithonus, Iasion, and Anchises, were loved by goddesses.
Dante in his Paradiso repeated Ovid's idea that Alcmaeon was pious in
one sense and impious in another.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
Byblis
In the previous tale Ovid had referred to Minos as still ruling in
Crete. He now associated him with a Cretan hero named Miletus. Ac-
cording to the Manual and Nicander, this hero was a son of Apollo. He
left Crete and founded the city of Miletus in Caria, a little south of the
estuary of the Maeander River. Ovid agreed in all these particulars, but
he differed in others. He was alone in calling the hero's mother Deione,
and he gave a different account of the circumstances under which the
hero departed for Caria.
According to the Manual and Nicander, Miletus left Crete because
he feared violence from Minos. The Manual added that in a contro-
versy between Minos and Sarpedon, Miletus preferred the latter, and
that Minos defeated them in battle. This account suggested a time
when Minos was comparatively young, much earlier than the rejuvena-
tion of Iolaiis. Ovid felt obliged to reject the greater part of it. He
referred to hostility of some kind between Minos and Miletus and then
declared that Miletus departed of his own accord. Nicander stated that
afterwards Miletus took as his wife a Carian princess named Idothea
and became the father of twins, a son named Caunus and a daughter
named Byblis. Ovid spoke of the mother as Cyanee, daughter of the
river god Maeander.
After this introduction, Ovid proceeded to tell the story of Byblis
and Caunus. While narrating the course of Byblis's incestuous passion
for her brother, Ovid associated it in his thought with the similar
passion of Myrrha for her father (Bk. 10). He planned to make the
two stories alike in their outline, but as different as possible in their
circumstances. They were to present two aspects of the same repulsive
theme, and together they would go far towards presenting the subject
in full. It is natural to consider the stories of Byblis and Myrrha to-
gether. They are by no means isolated examples of their theme, for it
has appeared often both in tradition and in literature and has had a
long and surprising history.
Strong public opinion, present in all ages and countries, has for-
bidden marriage between parent and child or between brother and sister
(cf. Io, Bk. 1). The same public opinion has regarded illicit relations
between such persons as different from ordinary profligacy and far more
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? BTBLIS
culpable. Prohibition of such conduct was maintained even when other
rules of similar nature were waived. African tribes, which made it
customary for the oldest son to inherit wives and concubines of his
father, always excepted his own mother. Australian tribes, which held
festivals where other forms of license were encouraged, still maintained
their restriction in regard to parent and child or brother and sister. In
communities where law took cognizance of such matters, an offense
committed by persons of such near kinship was treated with special
severity. This widespread public opinion seems to have been a matter of
instinct and not the result of experience, for violations of the rule ap-
pear always to have been the rare exception. But it was fortunate.
Such inbreeding, when it has been tried with animals, tends to promote
mental and physical degeneracy -- slowly where other conditions are
favorable, rapidly where they are not.
In primitive communities there appear to have been times when
public opinion allowed an exception, even for parent and child or full
brother and sister. If very unusual circumstances threatened a family
with extinction, disregard of the rule seems to have been considered as
not only permissible but commendable. An example was recorded in the
Old Testament story of Lot and his two daughters, who became ances-
tors of the Moabites and Ammonites. Another example seems to occur
in the Germanic myth of Siegmund and his sister Sieglinde, who became
parents of the hero Siegfried, -- a tradition that Wagner afterwards
retold in his opera The Valkyrie. If a brother and sister had different
mothers, a number of early peoples considered them eligible to marry.
But in medieval and modern Europe their status was regarded as the
same as that of full brother and sister.
Among primitive peoples of Europe and Asia it sometimes was
customary to decry a hostile tribe by alleging either that the tribe in
question allowed marriage of parent and child or that its members often
were guilty of illicit relations of this kind. Eusebius repeated a Greek
tradition that Persians allowed such marriages. Other Greek traditions
told of similar conduct among the Phoenicians and may have suggested
the story of Myrrha.
Such calumny often took the following form. A certain man and
his wife learned that their newborn son was destined to kill his father
and marry his mother. To prevent this catastrophe, they inflicted a
severe wound on him and then put him in a box and cast him into the sea.
Drifting to a far-off shore, the child was found by some of the inhabi-
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
?
tants and was reared in ignorance of his true parentage. When he be-
came a man, he departed from his foster parents and after a while ar-
rived in his native country. There in a chance quarrel he killed his
father, and not long afterwards he married his mother. After some time
had passed, the scar left by his former wound attracted attention and
led to the discovery of the facts. From this abhorrent marriage there
originated the tribe in question.
In the East Indies one savage people rather often has told a story
of this kind about another savage people. And, lest it should be deficient
in abuse, the accusers have added that the father frequently assumed
the shape of a dog and the mother was the offspring of a pig. The
natives of Bantam also told a story of this kind to explain the origin of
the Dutch.
Similar tales appeared in the lore of European peoples. In the
medieval Golden Legend the story was employed to discredit an ob-
noxious individual, the traitor Judas Iscariot. Here there was one
important difference. According to the East Indian tales, mother and
son regarded their conduct with complacency and even made it a prece-
dent for other marriages of the same kind. But Judas was horrified at
his guilt and sought expiation by confessing it to the Master and be-
coming one of the twelve disciples. Among European peoples the idea of
discrediting an enemy seems usually to have been absent. The story
became merely a tale of strange, sensational adventure. In this form it
was told by the people of Finland and Ukraine. Their versions elabo-
rated the idea of the guilty man's endeavoring to atone for his offense
and noted that at last he was forgiven. *
Similar in nature to the stories told in Finland and Ukraine was
the ancient Greek tradition of Oedipus. This tale was unusual chiefly
in having the child cast away on a neighboring mountain and in having
a plague as the occasion for revealing his identity. In some versions the
offense committed by Oedipus and his mother appears to have been
condoned because it was unintentional. According to the Oedipodea and
*In Finland and Ukraine the story recorded atonement by the aid of an under-
standing priest of the Greek Catholic Church. It may have been intended to show that
with true repentance and reliance on the Christian faith any sin may be forgiven. The
idea appeared explicitly in the following medieval tale. Under the influence of Satan,
a young woman first seduced her father and murdered their three illegitimate chil-
dren. Next, to prevent discovery of her guilt, she murdered both her mother and her
father. Then, to escape punishment, she departed to a distant country and led a
profligate life. But at last a wise and good bishop enabled her to repel the fiend. She
repented, confessed her crimes, and after death was received into heaven. Therefore
let no one despair.
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? BY BUS
Pisander, Oedipus afterwards married another wife and became the
father of four legitimate children.
The Thebaid seems to have recorded a somewhat less favorable
result, for it did not mention a second marriage and it observed that
Oedipus had to give up the throne. But it indicated that the mother
continued to live at court and to exert herself in behalf of the children
until the civil war between Eteocles and Polynices (cf. Iolaiis). This
idea reappeared in the Phoenissae of Euripides and afterwards was
repeated both in Phoenissae of Seneca and by Statius. Aeschylus com-
posed two dramas about the story of Oedipus, but his account is lost.
In the earliest extant version of the tale, the outcome was disas-
trous. According to the Odyssey, the mother hanged herself and Oedi-
pus was pursued by Furies. The Iliad noted that he died a violent death.
Still another early version seems to have taken a middle ground. The
mother hanged herself, and Oedipus put out his own eyes and went into
exile, but after many sufferings he was forgiven by the gods and died
peacefully at Colonus. Sophocles followed this account in his Oedipus
the King and Oedipus at Colonus. The first of these dramas is the great-
est presentation ever given such a theme and the only one that justly
can be called noble. To write nobly of such matters required a soul as
high as Sophocles. The tragedy Oedipus the King inspired both sys-
pathy for the unwitting offenders and deep, genuine horror at the
offense. In later times the story was retold first by Seneca in his Oedipus
and then by Corneille, Dryden, and Voltaire.
A . somewhat different tale of illicit relations between parent and
child appeared in the Greek tradition of Thyestes. In this tale the child
was a daughter named Pelopia. The prediction concerning her became
known only after her mother had died and she herself was full grown. It
referred entirely to illicit relations with her father, Thyestes; and it
seemed only to offer a strong temptation. Thyestes, the oracle declared,
must give up hope of avenging the murder of his two sons, unless he
should have another son by his own daughter. To prevent such guilt,
the father made his daughter a virgin priestess of Athena. Afterwards
he met with her at night, and, not realizing who she was, he ravished her.
In this tale the means of discovery was a sword, which Pelopia took
from the ravisher. Learning of the unintentional offense, she killed her-
self and exposed her infant son, Aegistheus. Both Sophocles and Eu-
ripides treated the subject in plays which now are lost.
A still different myth appeared in the earliest account of Niobe
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
(cf. Bk. 6). In this tale the idea of evil fate took an unusual form. The
goddess Latona punished Niobe by causing her father, Assaon, to court
her. There was no warning prediction. The father knew that Niobe was
his daughter. He made no attempt to avoid the offense. Niobe repulsed
him but could not escape destruction.
The theme of illicit relations between parent and child occurred
rather often in lore of primitive peoples. The idea of such relations
between brother and sister appears to have been almost unknown.
Al-
though public opinion against this offense was strong, there was a ten-
dency to believe that unusual circumstances could make brother and
sister eligible to marry. When the Odyssey declared that far away, long
ago, and under circumstances widely different from ordinary life the
wind god Aeolus married his six sons to his six daughters, early Greek
audiences appear to have accepted the tale without misgiving. An
offense committed by parent and child always was abhorrent. An
offense committed by brother and sister was in some degree a matter of
circumstances. It was less effective either for calumny against a hostile
tribe or for a sensational tale. This theme was apt to appear at a later
stage of culture.
The earliest Greek example was the Aeolus of Euripides, a tragedy
which now is lost. Retelling in a different form the tradition noted by
the Odyssey, Euripides made it more realistic and more nearly in accord
with Athenian standards of his own day. Euripides presented only two
children of Aeolus, the oldest son named Macareiis and a daughter
named Canace. Their relations, he declared, were illicit, and both
Macareiis and Canace were aware of the fact. Aeolus, discovering their
guilt, had a sword delivered to Canace. Macareiis then pleaded with
his father that love ought to have precedence over convention. But
meanwhile Canace had taken her own life with the sword. Macareiis fol-
lowed her example.
Euripides appears to have disapproved vigorously of the offense
committed by his hero and heroine, for afterwards Plato in his Laws
mentioned the tragedies of Oedipus and Aeolus as illustrating normal
Athenian opinion. But Euripides tended to awaken sympathy for the
guilty pair and offended the more conservative men of his time. Aris-
tophanes referred to his work indignantly in the Clouds and the Frogs
and parodied it in a comedy named Aeolosion, which now is lost. Ovid
retold the story of the two children of Aeolus in his celebrated Epistle of
Canace. In actual life guilt of the kind imagined by Euripides and Ovid
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? BYBLIS
is characteristic only of persons who are degenerate and degraded. But
both poets presented Macareiis and Canace as intelligent and externally
attractive. Misrepresentation of this kind afterwards occurred often in
the work of authors who treated such themes.
The Alexandrians in their quest for material that was new and
sensational introduced many tales about illicit relations between parent
and child or brother and sister. Occasionally they explained such con-
duct as punishment for offending Venus. They habitually presented at
least one party as acting with full knowledge of his guilt, and they
tended to present the woman as the aggressor. Such themes appeared
in the writings of almost every important Alexandrian author but were
especially common in the work of Parthenius.
Of the many stories introduced, the best known is that of Myrrha.
Not long before Ovid's time it was retold at great length by the Roman
poet Cinna, and it was mentioned prominently in Vergil's narrative
called the Ciris. Two other stories were those of Nyctimene and Mene-
phron, to which Ovid had alluded in his Metamorphoses (Bks. 2 and 7).
Most Roman authors found such themes uncongenial, and after Ovid's
time they took little notice of any except the tale of Oedipus.
Authors of the medieval period added at least one well-known
story of this kind, for in some accounts of King Arthur, the king and his
sister were parents of the traitor Modred. A number of medieval authors
showed interest in Ovid's treatment of such themes. Jean de Meun trans-
lated his tale of Byblis, a number of poets alluded briefly to the story
of Byblis or to that of Myrrha, and Dante presented Myrrha as one of
the deceivers punished in his Inferno. But on the whole, medieval au-
thors avoided such themes, and Chaucer in the Man of Law's Tale dis-
claimed any wish to treat them, mentioning as one example the tale of
Canace.
Authors of the Renaissance now and then introduced a brief tale
of this kind as an example of extraordinary wickedness. Spenser told of
a shameless giantess who seduced her brother. Shakespeare presented
at the beginning of his Pericles a king who seduced his daughter, and
Milton recorded briefly the complicated immorality of the characters
Satan, Sin, and Death. Different treatment of such material appeared
in the work of the Caroline dramatist, Ford. He made courtship of
brother and sister the theme of an entire tragedy and was anxious to
awaken sympathy for the guilty pair.
Authors of the Pseudo-classic period manifested extraordinary in-
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
terest in such themes. They revived the myth of Oedipus and introduced
many stories of their own. Usually they treated illicit relations between
brother and sister. Almost always they regarded an affair of this kind
with strong disapproval and used it as an element of horror. As they
usually presented the tale, the brother and sister had been separated in
their infancy and afterwards met when full grown.
Sometimes the author imagined that both were unaware of their
kinship. In Dryden's Don Sebastian the result was tragedy, in Less-
ing's Nathan the Wise disaster was averted by the vigilance of Nathan.
At other times the author imagined that one party was aware of their
kinship. In Moliere's Don Garde Alphonse knew that Elvire was his
sister, but, in order to escape a tyrant, he pretended to court her as a
stranger. Moliere supposed that Elvire was restrained by instinctive
reluctance, an idea which Noel Coward repeated long afterwards in his
comedy The Marchioness.
Although such themes occurred in important dramas of the Pseudo-
classic era, they appear to have been exceptional on the stage. But they
occurred often in novels. Among authors of prose fiction who treated
the theme of brother and sister, was the earliest American novelist,
William Hill Brown. He presented the story with a tragic ending in his
first work, The Power of Sympathy, and with a happy ending in his Ira
and Isabella. Sir Walter Scott afterwards introduced the idea, with re-
markable lightness and delicacy, in his novel Redgauntlet.
Some authors reversed the familiar situation. They showed their
characters believing themselves related when actually they were not.
Goethe in his play called Die Geschwister showed the heroine believing
the hero was her brother and discovering with relief that she was mis-
taken. Fielding used the idea of mistaken belief to create a short sus-
pense. In his Joseph Andrews the hero and heroine were dismayed by a
false report that they were brother and sister; in Tom Jones the hero
was appalled by mistaken information that Mrs. Waters was his mother.
Walpole in a tragedy called The Mysterious Mother presented
guilt both intentional and unintentional, both of parents and children
and of brother and sister. He attained the doubtful distinction of com-
bining almost every form in a single tale of horror.
Authors of the Romantic period treated such themes in a still dif-
ferent manner. Even when they followed the usual eighteenth century
pattern, they were less willing to make the ending happy. Schiller in
The Bride of Messina and Shelley in Rosalind presented the familiar
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? BYBLIS
situation of a brother unwittingly courting a sister; but, although their
characters escaped guilt, the ending was tragic. There was a stronger
tendency also to show awareness of kinship. Shelley in the Cenci treated
the theme of a father deliberately ravishing his daughter; Byron in
Manfred and Keats in Otho the Great showed the consequences of in-
tentional guilt by a brother and sister.
In all these examples Romantic authors treated the theme with dis-
approval, as an element of horror. But in others they were inclined to
arouse sympathy with the conduct of their characters and to express
revolt against convention. Goethe showed this attitude with regard to
his Augustin and Sperata in Wilhelm Meister, and Grillparzer showed
it in presenting the hero and heroine of his Ancestress. In both cases
the brother was for a long time unaware of any kinship, but, after learn-
ing it, displayed a desire to persist.
Sympathy and revolt appeared more clearly in Chateaubriand's
Rene, where the heroine felt obliged to sacrifice herself to convention,
first by departing secretly from her brother and then by entering a
convent. * But rebellion against convention was even stronger in the
original plan of Shelley's Revolt of Islam and in Chateaubriand's Atala.
Both authors presented courtship of brother and sister as defensible
and worthy of admiration. And in the work of Chateaubriand the fact
was the more remarkable because it seemed gratuitous. His characters
Chactas and Atala were in fact unrelated. The author took advantage
as much as possible of the circumstance that Chactas had been adopted
by the father of Atala, and he showed the reverend priest Father Aubry
uttering a eulogy of the patriarchal age, with its illustrious examples of
brother married to sister.
The Romantic period with its emphasis on tragedy and revolt,
seems to have caused a reaction against such themes. A few isolated
examples appeared later, but with the second quarter of the nineteenth
century, leading authors turned their attention elsewhere.
Influenced probably by the Hippolytus of Euripides, most Alex-
andrian tales of illicit relations between parent and child or brother
'Probably by coincidence, Chateaubriand made his story RerU an interesting
contrast with Ovid's tale of Byblis. The two stories were alike in their chief circum-
stances. In both a young woman experienced illicit passion for her brother, and the
brother continued for a time unaware of the fact and then departed to another
country. The contrast appeared in the behavior of the heroine and the attitude of the
author. Ovid's heroine disclosed her passion to her brother and endeavored to seduce
him; Chateaubriand's heroine concealed her passion and carefully prevented the pos-
sibility of guilt. Ovid expressed disapproval of the heroine, Chateaubriand expressed
sympathy for her.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
and sister described a nurse or some other woman as promoting the
guilty affair. An example was the story of Myrrha, which Ovid planned
to recount later. In the tale of Byblis this element was absent. As an
unusual example of the familiar story and as a contrast with the tale of
Myrrha, Ovid probably thought it appropriate for treating at some
length. He also associated in his mind the stories of Byblis and Canace,
as he noted later in his Ibis, and saw a chance for another contrast. In
the Epistle of Canace, Ovid had shown the consequences of guilt. In the
story of Byblis he intended to study the growth of lawless passion.
The tradition of Byblis and Caunus entered literature early in the
Alexandrian period and took several different forms. According to the
version of Nicenaetus, which now is lost, Caunus was the one who expe-
rienced guilty passion. Fearing to reveal it, he left his native Miletus
and journeyed southeastwards over a range of mountains to a distance
of a hundred miles. There he founded the Carian city of Caunus. Byblis
lamented his absence until she became an owl, which continued wailing
before the gates of Miletus.
According to Nicander, it was Byblis who experienced guilty pas-
sion, and, to make the idea even more sensational, Nicander added that
she had abundant opportunity to love more wisely. Many suitors from
Miletus and other places offered themselves to her, but she rejected them
all and desired only her brother. Fearing that her passion might be
discovered, she hid from her parents in the day time, and at night visited
a cliff near Miletus, with the idea of leaping from the summit. The
nymphs, pitying her, lulled her into unconsciousness, and transformed
her into a hamadryad. A stream, which falls over the cliff, still is called
the Tears of Byblis. Nicander observed that the town of Caunus took
its name from her brother, but he did not associate the town with Byblis.
Both Nicenaetus and Nicander described a lover who was merely
passive and imagined only that Byblis was transformed. Other Alex-
andrian authors told of active courtship and of the sister's violent death.
Apollonius in his Founding of Caunus appears to have elaborated the
story at several points. Euripides in the Hippolytus had shown a nurse
defending the illicit passion of Phaedra by the example of Jupiter and
Semele. Apollonius showed Caunus defending his own passion in a
similar manner by the more relevant example of Jupiter and Juno. This
detail Ovid afterwards imitated in his Epistle of Phaedra. According
to Apollonius, the youth proceeded to court Byblis and was repulsed.
The story then followed the popular Alexandrian conception of
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? BYBLIS
the person who cruelly repels a lover and afterwards becomes inconsol-
able and perishes. After the departure of Caunus, Byblis felt a corre-
sponding passion and endeavored to overtake him. According to Apol-
lonius, the brother was traveling without any particular destination.
Unable to find him, Byblis continued southeastwards through the whole
district of Caria and on into Lycia -- an improbable distance. At a
place named Caryae, fatigue and despair overwhelmed her. She hanged
herself, and her flowing tears became a spring, which the natives call by
her name. Caunus, traveling at a slower rate, arrived in the same region,
and there a naiad, Pronoe, told him of the death and transformation of
Byblis. It was his son who founded Caunus. Conon repeated this tale,
and Nonnus afterwards made a long allusion to it.
The historian Aristocritus imagined that Byblis was the aggressor.
She loved Caunus, made overtures, and was repulsed. Caunus fled in
horror, and Byblis hanged herself on an oak tree. There was no trans-
formation. Parthenius retold this version of the tale, first in a poem
which now is lost and then in his book called Loves. Ovid, mentioning
the tale in his Art of Love, appeared to sympathize with Byblis, for he
said that she bravely ended her life by hanging.
In the Metamorphoses, Ovid combined ideas from several versions
of the story and added much material of his own. With Nicander and
Parthenius he agreed that Byblis was the one who experienced the law-
less passion. The idea that the guilty woman had other suitors he re-
jected, because he was reserving it for more effective use in the tale of
Myrrha. But it may have suggested to him that Byblis and Caunus
lived in a social atmosphere, and that Byblis envied other women who
seemed more beautiful. Perhaps for contrast with the tale of Canace
and her harsh father, Ovid rejected the idea that Byblis needed to fear
discovery by her parents. He seemed to imply that both Miletus and
Cyanee were dead.
With Nicander, Ovid agreed that Byblis was unable to subdue her
passion, and with Parthenius he agreed that she took the aggressive.
He desired chiefly to reveal the state of mind of a woman who could act
with such extraordinary audacity. In developing this part of the story,
Ovid may have taken details from an elegy of Hermesianax, which de-
scribed the passion of Leucippus for his sister, but undoubtedly he in-
vented much himself. Although Ovid's presentation of thoughts and
feelings gave the story animation and power, it tended to aggravate
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK NINE
whatever was undesirable in the theme. Ovid could have elaborated the
subject further, but he withheld some details which he thought more ser-
viceable for the stories of Myrrha and Ianthe, among them a supposed
precedent from the conduct of animals.
Ovid began with pointing a moral. Byblis is an instance that girls
ought not to love unlawfully. He then indicated the development of her
passion. At first, he said, she did not realize that it differed from sis-
terly affection. Presently she began to speak of Caunus not as her
brother but as her lord, and she preferred to have him call her not sister
but Byblis. While awake, she still restrained her desire. But in sleep she
experienced wanton dreams. Ovid spoke at first as if this occurred in
several nights. Later he seemed to think of only one. The issue now was
clearly before her.
Remembering his practice in other tales, such as that of Medea,
Ovid showed Byblis debating the question in a soliloquy, and he made it
clear that she understood the better course but followed the worse. It
will suffice to mention only a few circumstances in this portrayal of a
degenerate woman.
Recalling Apollonius, Ovid showed Byblis encouraging herself with
the precedent of Jupiter and Juno; and, recalling the Theogony, he
showed her adding for good measure the examples of Saturn and Ops
(Rhea) and of Oceanus and Tethys. But she answered this argument
with the idea that gods belonged to a different order from human beings
and were subject to different laws. Later Ovid showed her considering
the tradition about the children of Aeolus. With the earlier version she
noted that brothers had married their sisters, but with recollection of
the later version she recoiled from the tale as the worst possible prece-
dent. Byblis thought it preferable to die rather than to be guilty.