He still
dwells in this letter on the evils and wickedness of war.
dwells in this letter on the evils and wickedness of war.
Thomas Carlyle
271, 15th June 1198.
" Ea
semper Ecclesise Romanse regnum
Ungarise devotio counivit, ilia sem-
per dilectionis sinceritas Ecclesiam
eidem regno conjunxit, ut apostolica
sedes regno ipsi tam in spiritualibus
quam temporalibus paternse sollici-
tudinis affectum curaverit impertiri et
regnum ipsum a fide ac imitate sedis
apostolicse nulla recesserit tempestate,
. . . nobilitatem tuam rogamus, mone-
mus et exhortamur in Domino, ac per
apostolica tibi scripta mandamus qua-
tenus taliter de csetero in fidelitate
ipsius (i. e. , King of Hungary) ac devo-
tione persistas. . . . Ad luce, tibi dis-
trictius inhibemus ne in re gem vel
regnum arm a movere prsesumas vel
seditionem aliquam suscitare. . . . "
Should he disobey, the archbishops
? ? and bishops had orders to excommuni-
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? 164
[PAKT n.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
this order that the pontifical authority should so guard and
defend the kingdom that it could not be transferred to another. 1
A year later, at the king's request, he ordered the Archbishop
of Gram to crown his son, though a minor; the father giving,
on behalf of his son, the customary oath of obedience to the
Eoman Church, and an undertaking to maintain the liberty
of the Hungarian Church. 2 In April 1205, after the death of
Emerich, the Pope wrote, as vicar of Christ and bound by his
apostolic office to protect minors, directing Andrew not to
allow the regalia to be dispersed during the minority of his
nephew, Ladislaus. 3 At the same time he directed the Hun-
garian clergy to defend the king against attack. * In June
1206 he again addressed the Hungarian prelates and nobles
on behalf of Ladislaus, directing them on pain of ecclesiastical
penalties to take the oath of fidelity. 5
I Reg. VI. 4. 25th February 1203.
" Ut igitur in absentia tanti principie,
. . . ad regni tutelam et defensionem
taliter pontificalis accingatur aucto-
rital, quod regnum ejus transferri non
possit ad hostes . . . fraternitati vestra
per apostolica scripta mandamus et
districte prsecipimus, quatenus, ante-
quam rex ipse (i. e. , of Hungary) iter
peregrinationis arripiat, cum, juxta
doctrinam Apostoli, sit regi tanquam
pra>cellenti ab omnibus deferendum,
Ladislao, filio ejus, quem Dominus per
gratiam suam illi concessit hserodem,
debitum juramentum fidelitatis exhi-
bere curetis," the penalty for breaking
the oath to be excommunication, also
" illis etiam, quos idem rex, tam ad
filii sui curam, quem annuente Domino
exspectamus . . . hseredem et patri
successorem in regno, quam administra-
tionem regni commiserit, juxta ord-
inationem regis ipsius reverontiam
debitam exhibere curetis. "
II Reg. VH. 57, 25th April 1204.
Before crowning the archbishop " re-
cepturus ab ipso patre, filii sui vice,
corporaliter juramentum super aposto-
licse sedis obedientiam, quam super
Ecclesirc Ungaricse libertate, sicut pro-
genitores sui cum humilitate ac devo-
tione debita impenderunt. "
3 Reg. VIII. 39, 25th April 1205.
" Ut igitur eidem regi (i. e. , Ladislaus)
regni jura integra conserventur, nos,
qui apostolatus officio tenemur tueri
pupillum, cum illius, quamvis indigni,
vices geramus in terris cui dicitur per
Prophetam; Pupillo tu eris adjutor,
. . . auctoritate prasentium sub obtes-
tatione divini judicii districtius inhj-
bemus, ne, dum idem rex fuerit in
setate minori, alenentur regalia in
detrimentum ipsius. . . . "
4 Reg. VIII. 40, 25th April 1205.
" Ut igitur erga regem ipsum, qui post
patris decessum vobis dominus re-
mansit et hseres, fidelitatis constantiam
observeris, auctoritate vobis prsesen-
tium districtius inhibemus, ne cui
contra coronam ipsius consilium vel
? ? auxilium impendatis, sed resistatis
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? chap, l] innocent m. 165
We must turn to another important aspect of Innocent's
relations to the Temporal Power. We find him frequently
intervening in conflicts between rulers, endeavouring to
persuade or compel them to peace with each other. We
shall in later chapters have to consider the similar action
specially of Boniface VIII. , and in our next volume we shall
have to deal with some works which seem to indicate that
the conception of some international system or method of
setting forward peace was, for some time at least, of
importance.
In a previous volume1 we have dealt with Innocent's letter
to the French archbishops and bishops regarding his claim to
arbitrate between Philip, King of France, and John, King
of England, and requiring the cessation of hostilities.
There were many previous and subsequent cases in which
Innocent directed the contending parties to make peace or
a long truce, but this case is remarkable from the stress laid
by Innocent on the fact that he was taking action on a com-
plaint by John that Philip had sinned against him, and that
he was therefore bound as Pope to deal with the complaint
and to inquire into the charge. This was the letter finally
selected for the Decretals, no doubt because it appeared to
give the Pope all the power he required, while avoiding the
appearance of direct intervention in political controversies.
It would be difficult to conceive of a case in which one or
both the contending parties could not be accused of sin.
According to Wendover, a papal legate had endeavoured,
in 1189, to compel Philip of France and Eichard to come to
terms with Eichard's father, Henry II. , and had threatened
to put all Philip's lands under interdict. Philip refused to
submit to the legate's orders, and denied that the Eoman
Church had any right to sentence a King of France for pun-
ishing a rebellious vassal, the very point taken by Philip in
tolica vobis scripta prsecipiendo man-
dantes, quatenus soboli, quse regi
nascetur eidem, quod, auctore Domino,
futurum speratur in proximo, jura-
mentum fidelitatis ad mandatum patris
ipsius sine difficultate prastetis. " If
they do not obey, the Archbishop of
Gram and the Bishop of Varadin have
instructions to compel them to carry
out these orders " distriotione qua
convenit, appellatione remota. "
1 Vol. ii. pp. 219-222.
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? 166 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAKT II.
1203. 1 In 1198, the first year of Innocent's pontificate, Richard
appears to have complained to the Pope of injuries he had
received during his absence on crusade. One of the persons
he accused was Philip. The Pope replied that Philip had
brought counter charges, and that he hoped to be able to come
himself and inquire into the matter. Should he be unable
to come, he would have the matter settled by a legate. He
concluded his letter by a peremptory order to Eichard to
make peace and to keep it; otherwise, trusting in the power
of the Almighty, whose vicar he was, he would by ecclesiastical
pressure (districtione) compel him and the King of France
to keep the peace. 2 He also wrote a similar letter to Philip,
dwelling on the obligation that lay on himself as Pope to
restore peace among those at variance with one another. 3
While Philip and John were at war in 1203 the Pope issued
peremptory orders to Philip to make peace, or a truce with
a view to a lasting peace.
He threatened Philip in case of disobedience with ecclesi-
astical penalties, and wrote a similar letter to John. In his
letter to Philip he based his action on the duty laid on him
to seek peace and ensue it. He dwelt on the horrors of war,
1 Mathew Paris. Vol. ii. p. 339.
> Reg. I. 230, 31st May 1198.
Should he be unable to come (col.
199 A) " per legatos nostras quod
justum fuerit, sine personarum accep-
tione, favente Domino, statuemus.
Illud autem serenitatem regiam no-
lumus ignorare, quod quantumcunque
nobis molestum existeret prsefatum
re gem Franoise ac te ipsum in aliquo
molestare, non poterimus aliquatenus
sustinere quin voe ad pacem ineundam
pariter et servandam per districtionem
ecclesiasticam ratione pravia com-
pellamus ; non de nostris viribus con-
fidentes, sed de illius omnipotentia
cujus vices, licet immeriti, exercemus
in terris. "
* Reg. I. 355. Date not given, but
probably in the summer of 1198, some
months after the letter to Richard
referred to above. '*. . . Unde nos,
qui vices Christi, licet insufficientes,
exercemus in terris, ejus sequentes ex-
emplum et prsedecessorum nostrorum
consuetudinem imitantes, ad reforman-
dam inter discordantes, verse pacis con-
cordiam intendere volumus et tenemur ;
prsesertim cum ex discordantium ipso-
rum dissidio magnum tam ipsis quam
Ecclesiis et pauperibus terrse suse imo
et toti Christiano populo provenerit
detrimentum. " See also Reg. VI. 163,
31st October 1203, to the King of
France. According to this letter (col.
177 A) Richard complied very un-
willingly while Philip accepted at once.
This was no doubt the case, as Richard
was at the time pressing Philip hard,
and intervention was as unwelcome
to Richard as it was well-timed for
Philip.
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? CHAP. I. ]
167
INNOCENT HI.
and on the encouragement given to the Saracens by this
conflict between Christians. He was bound to interfere
lest the blood of the multitudes slain be required at his hand,
and he therefore sent his envoys to secure peace, or a truce
leading to peace, between the two kings. 1 Philip, before
answering, called a meeting of his magnates, ecclesiastical
and lay. After he was assured of their support, he replied,
according to a papal letter, that he was not bound to submit to
the papal decision in feudal matters (de jure feodi et hominii),
and that the Pope had no say in controversies between kings
(nihil ad nos (i. e. , the Pope) pertinet de negotio quod vertitur
inter reges). Innocent, in his reply, expressed his astonish-
ment that the king should appear to wish to limit the Pope's
jurisdiction in matters. He expressly disclaimed any intention
of dealing with a feudal matter, but with the question of sin,
raised by John's complaints against Philip. This is the first
1 Reg. VI. 68, 26th May 1203.
" Cum regia serenitas non ignoret quod
apud nos esse non debeat acceptio
personarum, inde credimus eam non
graviter sustinere, si circa ipsam pas-
toralis officii debitum exsequamur.
. . . Siquidem esse non debet in ore
nostra verbum Domini alligatum, sed
liberum potius, ut corripiamus libere
inquietos. . . . Oportet ut nos, qui
vicem ejus [i. e. , Jesus) licet indigni
exercemus in terris, ambulemus que-
madmodum ambulavit, . . . Novit
autem regia oolsitudo, quod inter ipsas
Dominicss Nativitatis primitias, pa-
cem angelus bonc voluntatis hominibus
nuntiavit, et in articulo passionis
pacem Dominus in discipulos, quasi
hsereditario jure transfudit, dum, quasi
ultimum testamentum conficiens, in-
quit eis; Pacem meam do vobis . . .
et . . . post resurectionem suam hac
primum voce ad discipulos fuit usus ;
Pax vobis, et iterum dico pax vobis,
Ne igitur nos, qui sumus secundum
Apostolum hseredes Dei, cohseredes
autem Christi, relicts e nobis hseredatis
exhibeamus indignos et gratia, . . .
ostendamus ingratos, pacem evange-
lizare tenemur filiis pacis praeser-
tim, . . . " Innocent speaks of the
evils which have been caused by the
dissension between him and John, not
only to their respective kingdoms, but
to the whole Christian people. He
dwells on the horrors of war, the en-
couragement given to the Saracens
and the ruin of souls. " Ne igitur
sanguis tot populorum de nostris
manibus requiratur, ne rei tot mor-
tium, ut . . . videamur, si quod absit !
tanquam canes mutt non valentes
lairare tacuerimus in tanta necessitate. "
He is sending the Abbot of Casemari
and others to exhort him to make
peace or a truce to enable a peace to
be settled with John. " Alioquin,
quantumcunque tam te quam ipsum
in Domino diligamus, dissimulare
Uimon nulla ratione poterimus, quia
? ? ea, quse dictus nuntius noster, juxta
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? 168 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [past II.
letter in which the Pope refers to these complaints.
He still
dwells in this letter on the evils and wickedness of war. 1
This was on the 31st October 1203. A few months later,
probably in April 1204, Innocent wrote the French ecclesi-
astics a letter, portions of which were incorporated in the
Decretals, and to which we have previously referred. 2 In
this letter the Pope lays mnch more stress than in his letter
to Philip, on the fact that he does not desire to diminish or
to interfere with Philip's powers, and he emphasises the fact
1 Reg. VI. 163, 31st October 1203
(col. 177 D). " Nec hoc dicimus, tan-
quam nobis potestatem velimus inde-
bitam usurpare, vel quidquam injun-
gere quod ad officii nostri non per-
tineat potestatem, Quid enim monui-
mus, quid suggessimus ? . . . Certe si
bene recolimus, ut faceretis pacem vel
trengas, salva justitia utriusque . . .
(col. 178 A). Quod enim evangelizare
pacem ex injuncto nobis officio tenea-
mur Psalmista nos do cot. " Innocent
quotes other passages from the Scrip-
tures on the necessity of preaching
peace and on the penalties for disre-
gard of the commands (col. 178 C, D).
" Preterea, nullus dubitat sanac mentis,
quin nostrum sit de iis quse ad salutem
vel damnationem animffl pertinent
judicare. " He then dwells on the
horrors of war, and urges his own re-
sponsibility should he not oppose such
proceedings. He proceeds to touch on
John's complaints (col. 179 C). " Ecce,
conqueritur rex Anglise, frater tuus ;
. . . quod pecess in eum, . . . Corripuit
te inter te aliquando et se solum, . . .
frequenter commonuit, ut ab ejus
desisteres lsesione. Adhibuit quoque
non solum duos vel tres testes, sed
multoe magnates induxit, ut inter te
ac ipsum rupta* pacis fcedera reforma-
rent, . . . Verum quia per hoc apud
celsitudinem tuam penitus nil profecit,
quod in eum peccaveras, Ecclesise,
juxta verbum evangelicum, nuntiavit.
Ecclesia vero uti circa te maluit affec-
tione paterna, quam judiciaria potas-
tate. Ideoque serenitatem tuam per
pnedictum abbatem (t. e. , his envoy)
non potestative corripuit, sed benigne
commonuit, ut a fratris cessares injuria,
et cum eo, vel in vera pacis fcedera,
vel congruentes treugarum inducias
convenires. Quid igitur reetat de
esetero, nisi quod si Ecclesiam non
audieris, sicut hactenus non audisti,
te sicut ethnicum et publicanum, quod
dolentes redicimus, habeat, et post
primam et secundam correctionem
evitot ? . . . Sed dices forsitan, quod
non peccas in eum; sed et ille repli-
cabit in contrarium, quia peccas. Quid
ergo in hujusmodi contradictionis arti-
culo faciemus ? Nunquid, inquisita
plenius et cognita veritate, procedere
juxta mandatum Domini omittemus ?
(col. 180 B). Si forsitan asseras quod
non pecces in regem pradictum, sed in
? ? eum uteris potius jure tuo, cum ille que-
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? CHAP. I. ] INNOCENT iH. 169
I
that he is dealing with a question of sin in which the Pope's
jurisdiction could not be questioned. He makes a very
brief reference to the horrors of war (religiosorum locorum
excidium, et stragem . . . populi christiani), but the special
feature of the letter, included in the Decretals, is the stress
laid on John's complaint that he had been sinned against.
Innocent asserted his right to intervene in quarrels between
secular rulers before and after his contest with Philip, but
he did not endeavour to justify his action as based on a
complaint by one of the parties. We shall cite a few cases.
In 1199 there was a dispute regarding Borgo San Donino
between Piacenza and Parma. Innocent wrote that " inas-
much as according to the apostle love is the fulness of law,
dissension makes men transgressors of the divine law," and
he directed his representative to require Piacenza and Parma
to come to terms, and if they failed to do so of their own
accord, to compel them, if necessary by excommunication,
to submit to the Pope's judgments. 1 Here it will be observed
that the mere fact of dissension is treated as a sin, and as
giving the Pope ground for compelling submission to his
judgment. In 1207 Innocent wrote the Florentines requiring
them to make peace on reasonable terms with the Siennese,
as the quarrel was the cause of " grave rerum dispendium,"
grave injury to men's bodies, and "immane " danger to their
souls, while it belonged specially to the Pope, as vicar of
Christ, to restore peace. He had accordingly instructed one
of his cardinals to take the necessary action, and should
1 Reg. H. 39, 27th April 1195. To
the Abbot of Lodi. " Cum plenitudo
legis, secundum Apostolum, sit dilectio,
profecto disscnsio divinse legis hominem
constituit transgressorem. " Innocent
goes on to deal with the dispute be-
tween Picenza and Parma regarding
Borgo San Donino and directs the
abbot (col. 681 C and D) "per te
et alios quos ad hunc necessarios
cognoveria esse tractatum, ad eorum
concordiam et pacem intendas, . . .
Si vero desuper datum non fuerit ut,
per admonitionem et exhortationem
ipsorum et tuam, impleri valeat quod
mandamus, tu per excom. po tes-
tatum, consiiium et conciliariorum et
principalium fautorum tam Placent
quam Parmeno, ipsos Placen. et Parm.
ad subeundum judicium nostrum suffi-
cientissima in mam bus tuis hino inde
prastita cautione . . . (col. 682 A)
et eis insuper commineris quod, nisi
mandatis paruerint apostolicse sedis,
manna nostras super eis curabimus
aggravare. "
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? 170
[PART II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
either party prove contumacious, he was to deal with it by
ecclesiastical censure. 1
In 1209, in a letter to the consuls and citizens of Genoa,
Innocent dwells on the danger to souls, the injury to pro-
perty, and the " personarum dispendium " caused by the
quarrel between Genoa and Pisa, and on his duty to deal with
those disregarding his orders. He refers also in his letter
to the way in which the quarrel hindered relief being given
to the Holy Land. 2
The last letter we shall refer to, in this connection, is one
addressed by Innocent to John in April 1214, a few months
before the battle of Bouvines. In it Innocent directed John, on
pain of ecclesiastical censure, to make a truce with Philip to
last at least till after the General Council, summoned for 1215,
was over, and it appears from the letter that he also wrote
to Philip in similar terms. He gave these orders as the war
between John and Philip prevented help being sent to the
Holy Land and was causing other dangers, and he was there-
fore bound in virtue of his office to intervene. Besides ordering
an immediate truce, Innocent directed that two arbitrators
(mediatores pacis) be appointed to treat for a permanent
peace. Should they fail, the two kings were to submit to
Innocent's decision, and give guarantees that they would
obey. 3 There is no reference to any complaint by either
1 Reg. X. 86. 11th July 1208. " Cum
ergo discord-ise tanteo causa in grando
rerum dispendium, grave damnum
corporum, et immane periculum anima-
rum redundare noscatur, et ad nos
tan to pertineat specialius revocare
discordantes ad pacem quanto diffe-
rentius prse crcteris hnrcditnmus eam-
dem, qui bus eam mediator Dei et
hominum Jesus Christus, cujus nos,
licet indigni, vicem exercemus in terris,
non solum nascendo per angelum nun-
tiavit, "Gloria in excelcis Deo et in
terra pax hominihus bonce voluntatis
? . . " dioentem, verum etiam moriendo
quasi testamento legavit, cum dixit;
" Pacem meam do vobis, pacem re-
linquo vobis . . . " . . . ad ipsam, si
desuper datum fuerit, paterna sollici-
tudine vos duximus reducendoe . , .
prafato cardinali dedimus in mandatis
ut ad ea quse prsemisimus . . . insistat
. . . in partem, si quam repererit con-
tumace m, sublata appellatione, dis-
trictionis ecclesiasticse promulgando
censuram. "
? Reg. XII. 55, 20th June 1209.
? S. 186, 22nd April 1214. "Cum
ex guerra qua* vertitur inter te et . . .
Philippum . . . impediatur Terra
Sanetse sucoursus, . . . aliaque in-
numera timeantur ex ea pericula pro-
ventnra, nos apostolicse sedis servitii
debito provocati, ad reformationem pa-
cis intendimus interponere, . . . tibi
ac prsefato Francorum regi firmiter
injungamus per censuram ecclesias-
ticam, vos, si necesse fuerit, compel-
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? CHAP. I. ]
171
INNOCENT iH.
party, and it is singular Innocent should have ventured to
give peremptory orders after his previous rebuff by Philip.
Possibly he counted on the political situation to compel the
parties to yield.
The cases we have cited appear to show that Innocent
held that as vicar of Christ he could require the rulers of
States or cities at war with one another to cease hostilities
and to submit to his judgment, even though neither party
had appealed to him.
There was another class of cases in which Innocent fre-
quently intervened--namely, where the interests of widows
and minors were concerned. He describes himself as " debtor
to widows and orphans " ; and one of those whose wrongs
he endeavoured to right was Berengaria, the widow of Eichard
I. In this capacity in 1204 he wrote John that he had given
orders that unless he voluntarily did justice to Berengaria,
he would be compelled to do so by ecclesiastical pressure. 1
Next year he wrote again on the same subject, as the rep-
resentative of Christ, who is no acceptor of persons and who
does justice to all, and accordingly directed John to carry
out his agreement regarding Berengaria's dowry. Should
John fail to do so, an inquiry was to be made and the pro-
ceedings referred to the Pope for orders. 2 In 1208 the dowry
lendo ut pro tot et tantis periculis
evitandis, treugss ineatis et obeervetis
ad invicem saltem usque post generale
concilium celebrandum; rebus in eo
statu manentibus in quo erunt cum
ipsse treugss a parti bus flrmabuntur.
Et duo mediatores pacis absque
malitia eligantur, qui fideliter interim
tractent de concordia reformanda,
quse, si forte pro venire non possunt,
nostro vos arbitrio committatis, prav
stitis super his cautionibus. "
1 Reg. VI. 194, 4th January 1204.
" serenitatem tuam rogamus attente
et monemus, . . . quatenus, divinse
pietatis intuitu, et nostrarum precum
obtentu, saipedictro roginso (i. e. , Beren-
garia) oblata restituas universa, eidem
super his taliter satisfaciens, quod
majestatem divinam, quam per hseo
graviter offendisti, valeas complacare,
ac laudem et gloriam in conspectu
hominum promereri. Alioquin, quia
viduis et orphanis specialiter sumus
in sua justitia debitores, tuse saluti
potius oonsuientes, . . . abbatibus,
dedimus in mandatis, ut ipsi te ad
restitutionem . . . et ad justitiam . . .
coram eis plenariam exhibendam, moni-
tione prsemissa, per distrietionem eccle-
siasticam, appellatione remota, com-
pellant. "
* Reg. VII. 168, 16th December
1204. " Si judex, qui nec Deum
timebat, nec hominem, verebatur,
commotus ad instantiam viduse con-
querentis, de adversario suo vindictam
fecit eidem, quanto magis nos a clamo-
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? 172 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAST II.
semper Ecclesise Romanse regnum
Ungarise devotio counivit, ilia sem-
per dilectionis sinceritas Ecclesiam
eidem regno conjunxit, ut apostolica
sedes regno ipsi tam in spiritualibus
quam temporalibus paternse sollici-
tudinis affectum curaverit impertiri et
regnum ipsum a fide ac imitate sedis
apostolicse nulla recesserit tempestate,
. . . nobilitatem tuam rogamus, mone-
mus et exhortamur in Domino, ac per
apostolica tibi scripta mandamus qua-
tenus taliter de csetero in fidelitate
ipsius (i. e. , King of Hungary) ac devo-
tione persistas. . . . Ad luce, tibi dis-
trictius inhibemus ne in re gem vel
regnum arm a movere prsesumas vel
seditionem aliquam suscitare. . . . "
Should he disobey, the archbishops
? ? and bishops had orders to excommuni-
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? 164
[PAKT n.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
this order that the pontifical authority should so guard and
defend the kingdom that it could not be transferred to another. 1
A year later, at the king's request, he ordered the Archbishop
of Gram to crown his son, though a minor; the father giving,
on behalf of his son, the customary oath of obedience to the
Eoman Church, and an undertaking to maintain the liberty
of the Hungarian Church. 2 In April 1205, after the death of
Emerich, the Pope wrote, as vicar of Christ and bound by his
apostolic office to protect minors, directing Andrew not to
allow the regalia to be dispersed during the minority of his
nephew, Ladislaus. 3 At the same time he directed the Hun-
garian clergy to defend the king against attack. * In June
1206 he again addressed the Hungarian prelates and nobles
on behalf of Ladislaus, directing them on pain of ecclesiastical
penalties to take the oath of fidelity. 5
I Reg. VI. 4. 25th February 1203.
" Ut igitur in absentia tanti principie,
. . . ad regni tutelam et defensionem
taliter pontificalis accingatur aucto-
rital, quod regnum ejus transferri non
possit ad hostes . . . fraternitati vestra
per apostolica scripta mandamus et
districte prsecipimus, quatenus, ante-
quam rex ipse (i. e. , of Hungary) iter
peregrinationis arripiat, cum, juxta
doctrinam Apostoli, sit regi tanquam
pra>cellenti ab omnibus deferendum,
Ladislao, filio ejus, quem Dominus per
gratiam suam illi concessit hserodem,
debitum juramentum fidelitatis exhi-
bere curetis," the penalty for breaking
the oath to be excommunication, also
" illis etiam, quos idem rex, tam ad
filii sui curam, quem annuente Domino
exspectamus . . . hseredem et patri
successorem in regno, quam administra-
tionem regni commiserit, juxta ord-
inationem regis ipsius reverontiam
debitam exhibere curetis. "
II Reg. VH. 57, 25th April 1204.
Before crowning the archbishop " re-
cepturus ab ipso patre, filii sui vice,
corporaliter juramentum super aposto-
licse sedis obedientiam, quam super
Ecclesirc Ungaricse libertate, sicut pro-
genitores sui cum humilitate ac devo-
tione debita impenderunt. "
3 Reg. VIII. 39, 25th April 1205.
" Ut igitur eidem regi (i. e. , Ladislaus)
regni jura integra conserventur, nos,
qui apostolatus officio tenemur tueri
pupillum, cum illius, quamvis indigni,
vices geramus in terris cui dicitur per
Prophetam; Pupillo tu eris adjutor,
. . . auctoritate prasentium sub obtes-
tatione divini judicii districtius inhj-
bemus, ne, dum idem rex fuerit in
setate minori, alenentur regalia in
detrimentum ipsius. . . . "
4 Reg. VIII. 40, 25th April 1205.
" Ut igitur erga regem ipsum, qui post
patris decessum vobis dominus re-
mansit et hseres, fidelitatis constantiam
observeris, auctoritate vobis prsesen-
tium districtius inhibemus, ne cui
contra coronam ipsius consilium vel
? ? auxilium impendatis, sed resistatis
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? chap, l] innocent m. 165
We must turn to another important aspect of Innocent's
relations to the Temporal Power. We find him frequently
intervening in conflicts between rulers, endeavouring to
persuade or compel them to peace with each other. We
shall in later chapters have to consider the similar action
specially of Boniface VIII. , and in our next volume we shall
have to deal with some works which seem to indicate that
the conception of some international system or method of
setting forward peace was, for some time at least, of
importance.
In a previous volume1 we have dealt with Innocent's letter
to the French archbishops and bishops regarding his claim to
arbitrate between Philip, King of France, and John, King
of England, and requiring the cessation of hostilities.
There were many previous and subsequent cases in which
Innocent directed the contending parties to make peace or
a long truce, but this case is remarkable from the stress laid
by Innocent on the fact that he was taking action on a com-
plaint by John that Philip had sinned against him, and that
he was therefore bound as Pope to deal with the complaint
and to inquire into the charge. This was the letter finally
selected for the Decretals, no doubt because it appeared to
give the Pope all the power he required, while avoiding the
appearance of direct intervention in political controversies.
It would be difficult to conceive of a case in which one or
both the contending parties could not be accused of sin.
According to Wendover, a papal legate had endeavoured,
in 1189, to compel Philip of France and Eichard to come to
terms with Eichard's father, Henry II. , and had threatened
to put all Philip's lands under interdict. Philip refused to
submit to the legate's orders, and denied that the Eoman
Church had any right to sentence a King of France for pun-
ishing a rebellious vassal, the very point taken by Philip in
tolica vobis scripta prsecipiendo man-
dantes, quatenus soboli, quse regi
nascetur eidem, quod, auctore Domino,
futurum speratur in proximo, jura-
mentum fidelitatis ad mandatum patris
ipsius sine difficultate prastetis. " If
they do not obey, the Archbishop of
Gram and the Bishop of Varadin have
instructions to compel them to carry
out these orders " distriotione qua
convenit, appellatione remota. "
1 Vol. ii. pp. 219-222.
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? 166 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAKT II.
1203. 1 In 1198, the first year of Innocent's pontificate, Richard
appears to have complained to the Pope of injuries he had
received during his absence on crusade. One of the persons
he accused was Philip. The Pope replied that Philip had
brought counter charges, and that he hoped to be able to come
himself and inquire into the matter. Should he be unable
to come, he would have the matter settled by a legate. He
concluded his letter by a peremptory order to Eichard to
make peace and to keep it; otherwise, trusting in the power
of the Almighty, whose vicar he was, he would by ecclesiastical
pressure (districtione) compel him and the King of France
to keep the peace. 2 He also wrote a similar letter to Philip,
dwelling on the obligation that lay on himself as Pope to
restore peace among those at variance with one another. 3
While Philip and John were at war in 1203 the Pope issued
peremptory orders to Philip to make peace, or a truce with
a view to a lasting peace.
He threatened Philip in case of disobedience with ecclesi-
astical penalties, and wrote a similar letter to John. In his
letter to Philip he based his action on the duty laid on him
to seek peace and ensue it. He dwelt on the horrors of war,
1 Mathew Paris. Vol. ii. p. 339.
> Reg. I. 230, 31st May 1198.
Should he be unable to come (col.
199 A) " per legatos nostras quod
justum fuerit, sine personarum accep-
tione, favente Domino, statuemus.
Illud autem serenitatem regiam no-
lumus ignorare, quod quantumcunque
nobis molestum existeret prsefatum
re gem Franoise ac te ipsum in aliquo
molestare, non poterimus aliquatenus
sustinere quin voe ad pacem ineundam
pariter et servandam per districtionem
ecclesiasticam ratione pravia com-
pellamus ; non de nostris viribus con-
fidentes, sed de illius omnipotentia
cujus vices, licet immeriti, exercemus
in terris. "
* Reg. I. 355. Date not given, but
probably in the summer of 1198, some
months after the letter to Richard
referred to above. '*. . . Unde nos,
qui vices Christi, licet insufficientes,
exercemus in terris, ejus sequentes ex-
emplum et prsedecessorum nostrorum
consuetudinem imitantes, ad reforman-
dam inter discordantes, verse pacis con-
cordiam intendere volumus et tenemur ;
prsesertim cum ex discordantium ipso-
rum dissidio magnum tam ipsis quam
Ecclesiis et pauperibus terrse suse imo
et toti Christiano populo provenerit
detrimentum. " See also Reg. VI. 163,
31st October 1203, to the King of
France. According to this letter (col.
177 A) Richard complied very un-
willingly while Philip accepted at once.
This was no doubt the case, as Richard
was at the time pressing Philip hard,
and intervention was as unwelcome
to Richard as it was well-timed for
Philip.
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? CHAP. I. ]
167
INNOCENT HI.
and on the encouragement given to the Saracens by this
conflict between Christians. He was bound to interfere
lest the blood of the multitudes slain be required at his hand,
and he therefore sent his envoys to secure peace, or a truce
leading to peace, between the two kings. 1 Philip, before
answering, called a meeting of his magnates, ecclesiastical
and lay. After he was assured of their support, he replied,
according to a papal letter, that he was not bound to submit to
the papal decision in feudal matters (de jure feodi et hominii),
and that the Pope had no say in controversies between kings
(nihil ad nos (i. e. , the Pope) pertinet de negotio quod vertitur
inter reges). Innocent, in his reply, expressed his astonish-
ment that the king should appear to wish to limit the Pope's
jurisdiction in matters. He expressly disclaimed any intention
of dealing with a feudal matter, but with the question of sin,
raised by John's complaints against Philip. This is the first
1 Reg. VI. 68, 26th May 1203.
" Cum regia serenitas non ignoret quod
apud nos esse non debeat acceptio
personarum, inde credimus eam non
graviter sustinere, si circa ipsam pas-
toralis officii debitum exsequamur.
. . . Siquidem esse non debet in ore
nostra verbum Domini alligatum, sed
liberum potius, ut corripiamus libere
inquietos. . . . Oportet ut nos, qui
vicem ejus [i. e. , Jesus) licet indigni
exercemus in terris, ambulemus que-
madmodum ambulavit, . . . Novit
autem regia oolsitudo, quod inter ipsas
Dominicss Nativitatis primitias, pa-
cem angelus bonc voluntatis hominibus
nuntiavit, et in articulo passionis
pacem Dominus in discipulos, quasi
hsereditario jure transfudit, dum, quasi
ultimum testamentum conficiens, in-
quit eis; Pacem meam do vobis . . .
et . . . post resurectionem suam hac
primum voce ad discipulos fuit usus ;
Pax vobis, et iterum dico pax vobis,
Ne igitur nos, qui sumus secundum
Apostolum hseredes Dei, cohseredes
autem Christi, relicts e nobis hseredatis
exhibeamus indignos et gratia, . . .
ostendamus ingratos, pacem evange-
lizare tenemur filiis pacis praeser-
tim, . . . " Innocent speaks of the
evils which have been caused by the
dissension between him and John, not
only to their respective kingdoms, but
to the whole Christian people. He
dwells on the horrors of war, the en-
couragement given to the Saracens
and the ruin of souls. " Ne igitur
sanguis tot populorum de nostris
manibus requiratur, ne rei tot mor-
tium, ut . . . videamur, si quod absit !
tanquam canes mutt non valentes
lairare tacuerimus in tanta necessitate. "
He is sending the Abbot of Casemari
and others to exhort him to make
peace or a truce to enable a peace to
be settled with John. " Alioquin,
quantumcunque tam te quam ipsum
in Domino diligamus, dissimulare
Uimon nulla ratione poterimus, quia
? ? ea, quse dictus nuntius noster, juxta
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? 168 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [past II.
letter in which the Pope refers to these complaints.
He still
dwells in this letter on the evils and wickedness of war. 1
This was on the 31st October 1203. A few months later,
probably in April 1204, Innocent wrote the French ecclesi-
astics a letter, portions of which were incorporated in the
Decretals, and to which we have previously referred. 2 In
this letter the Pope lays mnch more stress than in his letter
to Philip, on the fact that he does not desire to diminish or
to interfere with Philip's powers, and he emphasises the fact
1 Reg. VI. 163, 31st October 1203
(col. 177 D). " Nec hoc dicimus, tan-
quam nobis potestatem velimus inde-
bitam usurpare, vel quidquam injun-
gere quod ad officii nostri non per-
tineat potestatem, Quid enim monui-
mus, quid suggessimus ? . . . Certe si
bene recolimus, ut faceretis pacem vel
trengas, salva justitia utriusque . . .
(col. 178 A). Quod enim evangelizare
pacem ex injuncto nobis officio tenea-
mur Psalmista nos do cot. " Innocent
quotes other passages from the Scrip-
tures on the necessity of preaching
peace and on the penalties for disre-
gard of the commands (col. 178 C, D).
" Preterea, nullus dubitat sanac mentis,
quin nostrum sit de iis quse ad salutem
vel damnationem animffl pertinent
judicare. " He then dwells on the
horrors of war, and urges his own re-
sponsibility should he not oppose such
proceedings. He proceeds to touch on
John's complaints (col. 179 C). " Ecce,
conqueritur rex Anglise, frater tuus ;
. . . quod pecess in eum, . . . Corripuit
te inter te aliquando et se solum, . . .
frequenter commonuit, ut ab ejus
desisteres lsesione. Adhibuit quoque
non solum duos vel tres testes, sed
multoe magnates induxit, ut inter te
ac ipsum rupta* pacis fcedera reforma-
rent, . . . Verum quia per hoc apud
celsitudinem tuam penitus nil profecit,
quod in eum peccaveras, Ecclesise,
juxta verbum evangelicum, nuntiavit.
Ecclesia vero uti circa te maluit affec-
tione paterna, quam judiciaria potas-
tate. Ideoque serenitatem tuam per
pnedictum abbatem (t. e. , his envoy)
non potestative corripuit, sed benigne
commonuit, ut a fratris cessares injuria,
et cum eo, vel in vera pacis fcedera,
vel congruentes treugarum inducias
convenires. Quid igitur reetat de
esetero, nisi quod si Ecclesiam non
audieris, sicut hactenus non audisti,
te sicut ethnicum et publicanum, quod
dolentes redicimus, habeat, et post
primam et secundam correctionem
evitot ? . . . Sed dices forsitan, quod
non peccas in eum; sed et ille repli-
cabit in contrarium, quia peccas. Quid
ergo in hujusmodi contradictionis arti-
culo faciemus ? Nunquid, inquisita
plenius et cognita veritate, procedere
juxta mandatum Domini omittemus ?
(col. 180 B). Si forsitan asseras quod
non pecces in regem pradictum, sed in
? ? eum uteris potius jure tuo, cum ille que-
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? CHAP. I. ] INNOCENT iH. 169
I
that he is dealing with a question of sin in which the Pope's
jurisdiction could not be questioned. He makes a very
brief reference to the horrors of war (religiosorum locorum
excidium, et stragem . . . populi christiani), but the special
feature of the letter, included in the Decretals, is the stress
laid on John's complaint that he had been sinned against.
Innocent asserted his right to intervene in quarrels between
secular rulers before and after his contest with Philip, but
he did not endeavour to justify his action as based on a
complaint by one of the parties. We shall cite a few cases.
In 1199 there was a dispute regarding Borgo San Donino
between Piacenza and Parma. Innocent wrote that " inas-
much as according to the apostle love is the fulness of law,
dissension makes men transgressors of the divine law," and
he directed his representative to require Piacenza and Parma
to come to terms, and if they failed to do so of their own
accord, to compel them, if necessary by excommunication,
to submit to the Pope's judgments. 1 Here it will be observed
that the mere fact of dissension is treated as a sin, and as
giving the Pope ground for compelling submission to his
judgment. In 1207 Innocent wrote the Florentines requiring
them to make peace on reasonable terms with the Siennese,
as the quarrel was the cause of " grave rerum dispendium,"
grave injury to men's bodies, and "immane " danger to their
souls, while it belonged specially to the Pope, as vicar of
Christ, to restore peace. He had accordingly instructed one
of his cardinals to take the necessary action, and should
1 Reg. H. 39, 27th April 1195. To
the Abbot of Lodi. " Cum plenitudo
legis, secundum Apostolum, sit dilectio,
profecto disscnsio divinse legis hominem
constituit transgressorem. " Innocent
goes on to deal with the dispute be-
tween Picenza and Parma regarding
Borgo San Donino and directs the
abbot (col. 681 C and D) "per te
et alios quos ad hunc necessarios
cognoveria esse tractatum, ad eorum
concordiam et pacem intendas, . . .
Si vero desuper datum non fuerit ut,
per admonitionem et exhortationem
ipsorum et tuam, impleri valeat quod
mandamus, tu per excom. po tes-
tatum, consiiium et conciliariorum et
principalium fautorum tam Placent
quam Parmeno, ipsos Placen. et Parm.
ad subeundum judicium nostrum suffi-
cientissima in mam bus tuis hino inde
prastita cautione . . . (col. 682 A)
et eis insuper commineris quod, nisi
mandatis paruerint apostolicse sedis,
manna nostras super eis curabimus
aggravare. "
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? 170
[PART II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
either party prove contumacious, he was to deal with it by
ecclesiastical censure. 1
In 1209, in a letter to the consuls and citizens of Genoa,
Innocent dwells on the danger to souls, the injury to pro-
perty, and the " personarum dispendium " caused by the
quarrel between Genoa and Pisa, and on his duty to deal with
those disregarding his orders. He refers also in his letter
to the way in which the quarrel hindered relief being given
to the Holy Land. 2
The last letter we shall refer to, in this connection, is one
addressed by Innocent to John in April 1214, a few months
before the battle of Bouvines. In it Innocent directed John, on
pain of ecclesiastical censure, to make a truce with Philip to
last at least till after the General Council, summoned for 1215,
was over, and it appears from the letter that he also wrote
to Philip in similar terms. He gave these orders as the war
between John and Philip prevented help being sent to the
Holy Land and was causing other dangers, and he was there-
fore bound in virtue of his office to intervene. Besides ordering
an immediate truce, Innocent directed that two arbitrators
(mediatores pacis) be appointed to treat for a permanent
peace. Should they fail, the two kings were to submit to
Innocent's decision, and give guarantees that they would
obey. 3 There is no reference to any complaint by either
1 Reg. X. 86. 11th July 1208. " Cum
ergo discord-ise tanteo causa in grando
rerum dispendium, grave damnum
corporum, et immane periculum anima-
rum redundare noscatur, et ad nos
tan to pertineat specialius revocare
discordantes ad pacem quanto diffe-
rentius prse crcteris hnrcditnmus eam-
dem, qui bus eam mediator Dei et
hominum Jesus Christus, cujus nos,
licet indigni, vicem exercemus in terris,
non solum nascendo per angelum nun-
tiavit, "Gloria in excelcis Deo et in
terra pax hominihus bonce voluntatis
? . . " dioentem, verum etiam moriendo
quasi testamento legavit, cum dixit;
" Pacem meam do vobis, pacem re-
linquo vobis . . . " . . . ad ipsam, si
desuper datum fuerit, paterna sollici-
tudine vos duximus reducendoe . , .
prafato cardinali dedimus in mandatis
ut ad ea quse prsemisimus . . . insistat
. . . in partem, si quam repererit con-
tumace m, sublata appellatione, dis-
trictionis ecclesiasticse promulgando
censuram. "
? Reg. XII. 55, 20th June 1209.
? S. 186, 22nd April 1214. "Cum
ex guerra qua* vertitur inter te et . . .
Philippum . . . impediatur Terra
Sanetse sucoursus, . . . aliaque in-
numera timeantur ex ea pericula pro-
ventnra, nos apostolicse sedis servitii
debito provocati, ad reformationem pa-
cis intendimus interponere, . . . tibi
ac prsefato Francorum regi firmiter
injungamus per censuram ecclesias-
ticam, vos, si necesse fuerit, compel-
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? CHAP. I. ]
171
INNOCENT iH.
party, and it is singular Innocent should have ventured to
give peremptory orders after his previous rebuff by Philip.
Possibly he counted on the political situation to compel the
parties to yield.
The cases we have cited appear to show that Innocent
held that as vicar of Christ he could require the rulers of
States or cities at war with one another to cease hostilities
and to submit to his judgment, even though neither party
had appealed to him.
There was another class of cases in which Innocent fre-
quently intervened--namely, where the interests of widows
and minors were concerned. He describes himself as " debtor
to widows and orphans " ; and one of those whose wrongs
he endeavoured to right was Berengaria, the widow of Eichard
I. In this capacity in 1204 he wrote John that he had given
orders that unless he voluntarily did justice to Berengaria,
he would be compelled to do so by ecclesiastical pressure. 1
Next year he wrote again on the same subject, as the rep-
resentative of Christ, who is no acceptor of persons and who
does justice to all, and accordingly directed John to carry
out his agreement regarding Berengaria's dowry. Should
John fail to do so, an inquiry was to be made and the pro-
ceedings referred to the Pope for orders. 2 In 1208 the dowry
lendo ut pro tot et tantis periculis
evitandis, treugss ineatis et obeervetis
ad invicem saltem usque post generale
concilium celebrandum; rebus in eo
statu manentibus in quo erunt cum
ipsse treugss a parti bus flrmabuntur.
Et duo mediatores pacis absque
malitia eligantur, qui fideliter interim
tractent de concordia reformanda,
quse, si forte pro venire non possunt,
nostro vos arbitrio committatis, prav
stitis super his cautionibus. "
1 Reg. VI. 194, 4th January 1204.
" serenitatem tuam rogamus attente
et monemus, . . . quatenus, divinse
pietatis intuitu, et nostrarum precum
obtentu, saipedictro roginso (i. e. , Beren-
garia) oblata restituas universa, eidem
super his taliter satisfaciens, quod
majestatem divinam, quam per hseo
graviter offendisti, valeas complacare,
ac laudem et gloriam in conspectu
hominum promereri. Alioquin, quia
viduis et orphanis specialiter sumus
in sua justitia debitores, tuse saluti
potius oonsuientes, . . . abbatibus,
dedimus in mandatis, ut ipsi te ad
restitutionem . . . et ad justitiam . . .
coram eis plenariam exhibendam, moni-
tione prsemissa, per distrietionem eccle-
siasticam, appellatione remota, com-
pellant. "
* Reg. VII. 168, 16th December
1204. " Si judex, qui nec Deum
timebat, nec hominem, verebatur,
commotus ad instantiam viduse con-
querentis, de adversario suo vindictam
fecit eidem, quanto magis nos a clamo-
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? 172 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAST II.
