No More Learning

11 of the present work, pp. 423 f.


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Hakluyt's Achievement
85
uncle, Richard Hakluyt, who was interested in these ventures.
There are James Lancaster's expedition to the Cape of Good
Hope, Zanzibar and Malacca, and Drake's expedition to Cadiz. In
relation to the voyages to the north-west there are scanty accounts
of the expeditions of the Cabots, and fine descriptive narratives
of the voyages of Hawkins. These, and the expeditions of Gilbert
and Frobisher, have already been alluded to. The expeditions of
Philip Amada and Arthur Barlow, and various accounts of the
enterprises of Drake, Ralegh and others also hold a notable place
in the volumes.
There is no purpose in cataloguing the contents of Hakluyt's
volumes here, nor in offering more than a general comment upon
them. The object has been to indicate their place and significance
in national literature and to describe their origin and character.
Hakluyt was no doubt the editor as well as the collector of these
records. Amid all their variety and diversity of qualities and
merits, it is possible to discern a certain unity and the influence
of an individuality. Much excellent prose, strong and vigorous
in character, often dignified and persuasive, is to be found in
the book. Lucid and careful description, often lighted up by
imagination and literary power, distinguishes many of these
relations of voyages. They constitute a body of narrative litera-
ture which is of the highest value for an understanding of the
spirit and tendency of the time, and, together with the later
collection of Purchas, who brought together some things which
had escaped the vigilance of Hakluyt, they are the basis of our
knowledge of the part which Englishmen played in enlarging
the boundaries of the known world in the great age of exploration
and discovery.


## p. 86 (#108) #############################################

CHAPTER V
SEAFARING AND TRAVEL
THE GROWTH OF PROFESSIONAL TEXT BOOKS AND
GEOGRAPHICAL LITERATURE
THE preceding chapter has shown how the great race of the
Tudor seamen left their mark on the literature of the country
of their birth. In a survey of the written record of the seafaring
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, we are necessarily
attracted more to its subject than to its manner. We cannot judge
it by such standards as are applied to the poetry, the drama, or
the historical literature of the time. Ralegh and Lodge, as men
of literary study and training, stand almost alone among navi-
gators. Most of their contemporaries and successors were men
who fought the tempest and the enemy, and knew little of the
wielding of the pen. Rarely did they sit down to write anything
more ambitious than a letter or a rough journal without making
profuse apologies for their lack of literary experience. They were
men, nevertheless, who dreamed dreams and saw visions : not always,
indeed, dreams like those of Columbus, who thought that to add a
realm to Christendom was object and reward enough, but dreams
more often like those of the later Spaniards, who laid heavy
burdens on the backs of treasure mules and filled caravels with
silver. Explorers went in quest of the gold and spicery of the
mysterious lands of Zipangu and Cathay, and the commodities' of
the new world fell into their hands in the search.
They were confronted from the beginning with the monopolies
of Portugal and Spain. The Spaniards were firmly seated in
central America and Peru. Vasco da Gama and his successors
had made their own the route by the cape of Boa Esperança to
the treasures beyond. Magellan had gone to the south-west, by
the strait that bears his name, and Drake had followed him; but
the Pacific coast of southern America had become the monopoly of
Spain. If Englishmen, also, were to have monopoly and sway,
that they might gather unimpeded the treasures of the unknown
and half-fabulous lands of the Pacific, they must penetrate by the
sea route of the north-west ; and Gilbert and a hundred other


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Poets on the Discoveries
87
r
seamen persuaded themselves and the merchants, by every argu-
ment to be found in heaven or earth, that through the icy passages
there was an open way to the west. The temper in which
navigators wrestled with the elements was exemplified by the
remark of Robert Thorne, the Bristol seaman, who said: “There
is no land unhabitable, no sea innavigable. ' Failure to pierce
icy barriers was the root of all the expansion and rivalry that
followed, both in the east and in the west. A hundred projects
for penetrating the great Pacific were in the air. The Dutch were
grasping at the spoil of the Portuguese, and, in England, men of
commerce became men of war, merchant and mariner alike being
resolute to snatch the sceptre of the sea from the weakening
grasp of Spain. Thus, as Drayton says:
A thousand kingdoms will we seek from far,
As many nations waste in civil war;
Where the dishevelled ghastly sea-nymph sings,
Our well-rigged ships shall stretch their swelling wings,
And drag their anchors through the sandy foam,
About the world in every clime to roam;
And there anchristened countries call our own
Where scarce the name of England hath been known.
Hakluyt is the recorder of these deeds in queen Elizabeth's day
-not of quite all of them, indeed, for he pays scanty heed to the
earlier exploits of Drake, and, in his preface of 1589, excuses himself
'to the favourable reader' for so doing. Perhaps he had in mind the
comments which a complete narration might have aroused abroad.
Navigators were men of action and not of words. Drake, on the
famous occasion when he took upon himself to preach in place
of Master Fletcher, the chaplain—'Francis Fletcher, the falsest
knave that liveth’-declared that he was a very bad orator, ‘for
my bringing up hath not been in learning. ' Bacon, in his con-
siderations Touching the War with Spain, explains the under-
lying theory and object of their actions :
For money, no doubt it is the principal part of the greatness of Spain;
for by that they maintain their veteran army; and Spain is the only state of
Europe which is a money grower. But in this part, of all others, is most to
be considered the ticklish and brittle state of the greatness of Spain. Their
greatness consisteth in their treasure, their treasure in the Indies, and their
Indies (if it be well weighed) are indeed but an accession to such as are
masters of the sea. So as this axle-tree, whereupon their greatness turneth,
is soon cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by sea.
The strategical theories of Bacon, translated into action by
navigators and recorded by Hakluyt, filling many adventurers with
a new spirit of conquest and achievement in the years that followed,


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88
Seafaring and Travel
could not fail to move the imagination of poets and dramatists.
We have seen how Spenser set forth the argument and inward
character of these voyages; how they had their influence upon
Shakespeare, and, we might have added, upon Marlowe and other
dramatists. William Warner, in Albion's England (1602), sings of
Willoughby, Chancellor, Jenkinson, Jackman and Pet, of Hawkins,
Drake, Gilbert, Frobisher and others, advising resort to the recent
pages of Principall Navigations.
Samuel Daniel, in his Musophilus, or a General Defence of Learn-
ing (1603), extols the new spirit in a colloquy with Philocosmus :
Whenas our accent, equal to the best
Is able greater wonders to bring forth;
When all that ever hotter springs expresst,
Comes bettered by the patience of the North.
And who, in time, knows whither we may vent
The treasure of our tongue, to what strange shores
This gain of our best glory shall be sent,
T'enrich unknowing nations with our stores ?
What worlds in th' yet unformed Occident
May come refin'd with th' accents that are ours?
Or, who can tell for what great worke in hand
The greatness of our style is now ordain'd ?
Ralegh's discovery and proposed colonisation of Guiana' was
the subject of George Chapman’s De Guiana Carmen (1596).
Guiana-whose rich feet are mines of gold,
Whose forehead knocks against the roof of stars,
Stands on her tip-toes at fair England looking,
Kissing her hand, bowing her mighty breasts,
And every sign of all submission making
To be her sister, and the daughter both
Of our most sacred maid.
It was an age of universal curiosity, and Englishmen were
seeking a wider knowledge of the world. The bibliography will
show that a copious volume of literature, descriptive or otherwise,
relating to history, discovery and navigation, issued from the press
at this time. Among writers who contributed the fruit of much
solid research to the knowledge then possessed of foreign countries
and their history was Richard Knolles, whose General Historie of
the Turkes from the first beginning of that Nation to the rising
of the Othoman Familie was published in 1603, and long continued
to hold a high repute, by reason of the fact that it was written in
excellent prose and opened a new field to the English student.
A second edition appeared in 1610, in which year Knolles died;
and there were later editions in 1621, 1631 and 1638. Johnson
* See ante, chap. II, pp. 55, 56.


## p. 89 (#111) #############################################

Compilations
89
thought highly of Knolles's style ; and, though he found it some-
times vitiated by false wit, considered it 'pure, nervous, elevated
and clear. ' To Horace Walpole, Knolles was tiresome, but Southey
admired him, and Byron, writing shortly before his death at
Missolonghi, said,
Old Knolles was one of the first books that gave me pleasure when I was
a child; and I believe it had much influence on my future wishes to visit the
Levant, and gave perhaps the Oriental colouring which is observed in my
poetry.
Some books issued at the time, like Robert Johnson's transla-
tion, The Traveller's Breviat, or an historicall description of the
most famous Kingdomes in the World (1601), were merely accounts
from many sources of the character and peoples of various
countries. These were volumes intended for the entertainment
of such as remained at home, and the instruction of those who
desired to widen their experience by travel. Peter Heylyn's
Microcosmus: a little Description of the Great World, which
appeared augmented and revised in 1625, was of the same character.
After going through several editions, it was published in an enlarged
form in 1652 under the title Cosmographie, in Four Bookes; con-
taining the Chronographie and Historie of the whole world, and,
in that form, was several times reprinted. It is an illustration
of the avidity with which descriptions of foreign countries were
welcomed by English people. Heylyn was no more than an indus-
trious compiler, who surveyed the world at large, its diversities,
countries, cities, peoples, customs and resources, with encyclopaedic
interest and general intelligence. A serious volume much worthy
of note is George Sandya's A Relation of a Journey begun
An. Dom. 1610, which is descriptive of Turkey, Egypt, the Holy
Land, Italy and other places. Narratives of land travel began
to increase in number, to satisfy the universal curiosity, which
craved a knowledge of the peoples of foreign lands, thereby
leading also to the publication, in Italy and elsewhere, of volumes
illustrative of the costumes of various countries.
To another class of books belongs the volume entitled Coryats
Crudities, Hastilie gobled up in five moneths travells in France,
Savoy, Italy, Rhetia, commonly called the Grisons country,
Helvetia alias Switzerland, some parts of high Germany and the
Netherlands; newly digested in the hungrie aire of Odcombe in
the County of Somerset, 1611. Coryate was a literary oddity, and
his book is a curiosity. The son of George Coryate, rector of
Odcombe, and born in 1577, he was educated at Oxford, and


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90
Seafaring and Travel
entered the household of Henry, prince of Wales, by whose favour,
together with the assistance of certain ‘panygericke verses upon
the authour and his booke,' which Coryate procured to be written
by his friends, the volume of travels was published. It has two
supplements or appendixes, both issued in 1611, entitled Coryats
Cramb, or his Colwort twise sodden, and now served with other
Macaronicke dishes as the second course to his Crudities, and The
Odcombian Banquet, dished foorth by T. the Coriat, in praise of
his Crudities and Cramb too.
Coryate's writings belong rather to the literature of travel than
to that of discovery. In his Crudities, and in various letters written
to his friends—the latter printed by Purchas and in the curious
compilation entitled Thomas Coriate Traveller for the English
Wits : Greeting-he displays acute observation and a lively
understanding and appreciation of much that he saw. The oddity
and extravagance of his manner are seen in the volume called
Coryats Cramb, which consists mostly of encomiastic verses on
his former Crudities, with addresses to great personages. There
is a petition to Henry, prince of Wales, to cherish and maintaine
the scintillant embers of my diminutive lampe by infusing into
them the quickening oyle of your gracious indulgence. The king
is addressed as 'Most scintillant Phosphorus of our British
Trinacria,' and the queen as 'Most resplendant Gem and radiant
Aurora of Great Brittaines spacious Hemisphere. '
After his continental journey, Coryate visited Odcombe, to hang
up, in the parish church there, the shoes in which he had walked from
Venice. In the next year, he set out on his journey overland to
India, which was his most remarkable achievement, and he died at
Surat. He visited Constantinople, Aleppo and Jerusalem, crossed
the Euphrates into Mesopotamia and waded the Tigris, which was
very shallow at the time, joined a caravan and, ultimately, reached
Lahore, Agra and the Mogul's court at Ajmere. Sir Thomas Roe,
ambassador to the Mogul, whose observations are in the collection
of Purchas, says that he met Coryate in 1615. Purchas also prints
a letter written by Coryate from the court of the great Mogul in
the same year to L. Whitaker, animae dimidium mece, in which he
describes his journey, and says that he enjoyed 'as pancraticall
and athleticall a health as ever I did in my life. There is also a
letter addressed to his friends who were accustomed to meet at the
Mermaid in Bread street, ‘Right Generous, Joviall, and Mercuriall
Sirenaickes'-and subscribed, 'the Hierosolymitan-Syrian-Meso-
potamian-Armenian-Median-Parthian-Indian Legge-stretcher of
6
a
1
6


## p. 91 (#113) #############################################

The Works of Purchas 91
Odcombe in Somerset, Thomas Coryate. ' In exaggerated language,
he relates his experiences, and says he sends the letter by a
reverend gentleman, whom he beseeches his friends to exhilarate
with the purest quintessence of the Spanish, French and Rhenish
grape which the Mermaid yieldeth. Both these letters are con-
tained in the Traveller for the English Wits, in which Coryate
says,
Erasmus did in praise of folly write;
And Coryate doth in his self-praise indite.
Coryate also sent commendations to his friends by name, including
Purchas, 'the great collector of the lucubrations of sundry classic
authors. ' Purchas likewise prints a letter addressed by Coryate
to his mother, with an address in Persian which the Odcombian
had delivered to the great Mogul, with sundry other observations.
The mantle of Richard Hakluyt fell upon the shoulders of
Samuel Purchas, a great editor of narratives of travel and a man of
many words but of less modesty than his predecessor. Hakluytus
Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes, contayning a History of
the World, in Sea Voyages, and Lande Travells by Englishmen
and others, was published in 1625. Purchas, who was born at
Thaxted, in Essex, in or about the year 1577, was educated at
St John's college, Cambridge, where he took the degree of M. A. in
1600, afterwards proceeding to that of B. D. He was vicar of
Eastwood from 1604 to 1614. Leigh on the Thames is within two
miles of Eastwood, and was then a great resort of shipping, many
voyagers on the return from their explorations sojourning there.
Purchas, doubtless, began his own collections at this time, and took
down some narratives from the lips of those who had travelled far.
He was an untiring worker, and could never maintain a ‘vicarian or
subordinate scribe' to help him. In 1614, he was preferred by
John King, bishop of London, to whom he expresses unbounded
gratitude, to the rectory of St Martin's, Ludgate. He died in 1626.
Prior to the publication of his Pilgrimes, he had written Purchas
His Pilgrimage, or Relations of the World and the Religions
observed in all ages and places discovered from the Creation
unto this Present (1613), with new editions in 1614, 1617 and 1626.
He had also written a volume called Purchas his Pilgrim; Micro-
cosmus, or the Historie of Man (1619).
It is clear from a remark made by Purchas—'I was therein a
labourer also'—that he assisted Hakluyt to arrange papers which
were unpublished at Hakluyt's death in 1616, and, hence, his collec-
tion is called Hakluytus Posthumus. “Having out of a chaos of
a


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92
Seafaring and Travel
h i
>
11
confused intelligences framed this historical world,' Purchas was
emboldened to dedicate it to Charles, prince of Wales. He
explains to the reader that he had received 'Master Hakluyt's
many years' collections, and that 'Purchas and his Pilgrimes' were
as a bricklayer providing materials 'to those universal speculators
for their theorical structures. ' Purchas never travelled more than
two hundred miles from his birthplace, but he says that bishop
King gave him one wing, hoping some blessed hand would add the
other, and, not finding this to be the case, the bishop ‘promised
to right me himself (these were his syllables) but death righted
him, and I am forced to wrong the world. ' What Purchas
lacked in experience of travel, he made up by his indefatigable
industry, in which he rivalled Hakluyt himself. Knowing that
comparatively few of his countrymen could themselves see the
world, he offered to them, 'at no great charge,'
a world of travellers to their domestic entertainment, easy to be spared from
their smoke, cup, or butterfly vanities and superfluities, and fit mutually to
entertaine them in a better school to better purposes.
The design of the book separates the subjects into two main
divisions, one dealing with the old world and the other with the
new, each being further divided into ten books. The first book
is an introduction to the rest, being concerned with Biblical
history and travel, man's life as a pilgrimage, the journeys of
Christ and the apostles, classic journeyings and other matters.
Then he reaches improvements in navigation, recalls the voyages of
Columbus and Magellan, gives narratives of Drake's, Cavendish's
and later circumnavigations, and of early voyages to the east-
Lancaster's, Middleton's and others. The first half of the book
.
is devoted to a long array of narratives and statements regarding
trading and voyages to India, China and Japan, Africa and the
Mediterranean, including a mass of information concerning our
dealings with the Dutch and the Portuguese. In the same way, the
second division of the Pilgrimes is devoted to narratives of the
Muscovy voyages, efforts to discover the north-west passage, ex-
plorations in the West Indies and Nova Scotia, including narratives
of most of the great expeditions, and much information concerning
our dealings with the Spaniards, as well as observations of foreign
explorers.
Purchas was not the equal of Hakluyt, but he was his worthy
successor, his collaborator in his later life and the depository of
some of his collections. Possessed of the same valiant, untiring
spirit, the vast volume of his researches, brought together with


## p. 93 (#115) #############################################

Characteristics of Purchas
93
indefatigable exertion and invincible zeal, was, though in a much
less degree than Hakluyt's collection, an inspiration and an en-
couragement to the men who came after. All that Purchas has
amassed of the narratives of the explorations of Englishmen
breathes the strong spirit of nationality. There is ample room
in these accounts for the display of various talents and different
temperaments, but there is scarcely one that does not have
in it some pride of England. When Robert Fotherby, in 1615,
cruised on behalf of the Muscovy company in a pinnace of 20 tons
for the discovery of land to the north-east, he was questioned by a
Danish admiral as to the right by which English merchants re-
sorted to waters claimed for Denmark, and he replied, 'By the king
of England's right. There was courtesy, also, to the nation that
was a greater rival. Thus, James Beversham, writing in July 1618,
from Fairhaven, refers to the insolence of the Dutch, which, how-
ever, he overlooked, advising his countrymen
not to impate to that nation what some frothy spirit vomits from amidst his
drinke, but to honour the Hollanders' worth, and to acknowledge the glory
of the Confederate Provinces; howsoever they also have their sinks and
stinking sewers (too officious mouths, such as some in this business of Green-
land, beyond all names of impudence against his Majestie and liege peopls,
as others elsewhere have demeaned themselves) whose loathsomeness is not
to be cast as an aspersion to that industrious and illustrious nation.
When Purchas opens the glowing story of the western explora-
tion, he has a fruitful field of interesting record and description,
and here, in the sharp rivalry of interests which had brought us to
war with Spain, the spirit of nationality glows still more brightly
not seldom marred by the bitterness of religious hate and intolerant
invective. With the practical purpose of encouraging and assist-
ing navigators and planters, he has given summaries of the writings
of Spanish and Portuguese discoverers, coloured, sometimes, by his
lively imagination, and descriptive of the curiosities and resources
of the western lands. He has gathered with a rather indiscriminate
hand, but ever with the purpose of adding new lustre to England's
fame. The narrative of Peter Carder, who is said to have set out
with Drake on his circumnavigation, to have separated from the
company and, after many marvellous adventures, to have returned
home nine years later, reads more like fiction than fact, and makes
one think of the later writings of Defoe. Like most writers of his
time, Purchas loves to note the freaks and peculiarities of nature,
and revels in the wonderful. When he introduces a tragic narrative,
like that of the unfortunate Cavendish, on his last journey, he
improves the occasion. Cavendish's last letter to his friend and


## p. 94 (#116) #############################################

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Seafaring and Travel
executor, Sir Tristram Gorges, is a pathetic page in our literature;
for the dying man, with enfeebled hand, pours forth therein the
utter depth of his misfortune. He speaks of tempest, cold, famine,
cowardice, mutiny and the ill-fortune of war, saying:
And now by this, what with grief for him (his kinsman, John Locke]
and the continual trouble I endured among such hell-hounds, my spirits were
clean spent; wishing myself upon any desert place in the world, there to die,
rather than thus basely to returne home again. . . . And now consider whether
a heart made of flesh, be able to endure so many misfortunes, all falling upon
me without intermission. I thank God that in ending of me, he hath pleased
to rid me of all further trouble and mishaps.
But this poignant narrative does not escape the somewhat
'precious' pen of Purchas, who had drunk at the Euphuistic spring.
He likens the life of the navigator to the change from sunshine
to shadow, from day to night, from summer to winter :
And if the elements, seasons, and heaven's two eyes, be subject to such
vicissitudes, what is this little molehill of earth, this model of clay, this
moveable circumference of constant inconstancy, immutable mutability, this
vanishing centre of diversified vanity, which we call man; that herein also he
should not resemble this sampler of the universe, as becometh a little map to
be like that larger prototype.
And he goes on to express the glow of his pride in the deeds of
English seamen:
This we see all, and feel daily in ourselves; this in Master Candish here,
in Sir Francis Drake before, the sea's two darlings, there, and thence both
liring and dying; if dissolution of the body may be called a death, where the
soul arriveth in heaven, the name fills the earth, the deeds are precedents to
posterity, and England their country bath the glory alone that she hath
brought forth two illustrious captains and generals, which have fortunately
embraced the round waist of their vast mother, without waste of life, reputa-
tion and substance; yea victorious over elemental enemies, illustrious in
wealth and honour, they have come home, like the sun in a summer's day,
seeming greatest nearest his evening home, the whole sky entertaining and
welcoming him in festival scarlets and displayed colours of triumph.
Among the most interesting pages in the travel-literature of the
time are those which relate to the colony of Virginia. Hakluyt had
a proprietary right in the colony; its exploration occupies a large
place in his Navigations; and his last work was Virginia Richly
Valued (1609), being a translation from the Portuguese of de Soto's
narrative. "I shall yet live to see Virginia an English Nation,'
wrote Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil, shortly before Elizabeth's death.
His own efforts had left a shadowed memory. Purchas has pre-
served two narratives of the voyage of Gosnold to northern Virginia
in 1602, as well as his account of the fertility of its soil, together
with narratives of Pring's voyage from Bristol in 1603 and others.


## p. 95 (#117) #############################################

Captain John Smith
95
James's charter for the colonising of Virginia was the signal for
great enterprise, which was urged by Hakluyt and his friends,
and cheered on by Michael Drayton:
Britons, you stay too long;
Quickly aboard bestow you,
And with a merry gale
Swell
your
stretch't sail,
With vows as strong
As the winds that blow you.
The name of captain John Smith will ever be associated
with the foundation of Virginia · Purchas has preserved some
extracts from descriptions of his enterprises, but Smith's own
account is contained in his book, The General History of Vir-
ginia, New England, and the Summer Isles, with the names of
the Adventurers, Planters, and Governors from their first be-
ginning in Anno 1584 to this present 1624. Of this famous book,
there were other editions in 1626, 1627 and 1632. Smith's whole
being had been mastered by the enthusiasm for planting new
states in America, and, in the early days of Virginia, that colony
depended for its life and preservation on his firmness and courage.
The History is a freely written and very remarkable, but apparently
straightforward, direct and forcible, narrative and record, and its
author deserves a place in the literature of the sea above most
men. Not only was he, in his own person, an adventurer, explorer
and settler, as well as a writer and recorder, but he had an intense
belief in the necessity to this country of possessing a powerful
navy. He quotes with approval what Master Dee had said in his
British Monarchy, concerning the creation of a fleet of sixty sail-
a 'little Navy Royall'—in queen Elizabeth's reign:
To get money to build this navy, he saith, who would not spare the one
hundredth penny of his ronts, and the five hundredth penny of his goods ;
each servant that taketh forty shillings wages, four pence; and every foreigner
of seven years of age, four pence, for seven years; not any of these but they
will spend three times so much in pride, wantonness or some superfluities.
This, he would have them do by way of benevolence, and he pro-
ceeds to say how vast would be the advantage in spreading terror
among pirates and amazement among enemies, while giving assist-
ance to friends, security to merchants and a great increase to
navigation. Smith has also a title to our admiration as the author
of a Sea Grammar for young seamen, of which some account will
be given later.
In the history of the several plantations and settlements in
the new world, Virginia, the New England colonies and Pennsylvania
a


## p. 96 (#118) #############################################

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Seafaring and Travel
have literatures of their own. The prosperity of Virginia was
retarded by many untoward circumstances, and, in a pamphlet
issued in 1649, entitled Virginia Impartially examined, and left
to publick view, to be considered by all judicious and honest men,
William Bullock endeavours to discover the reason of this slow
progress. He had known the pioneers and captains in the trade,
his father had lived in the colony twelve years and he himself
had had extensive commerce with it. Accordingly, he offers his
little book as
no other than the adventurer's and planter's faithful steward, disposing the
adventure for the best advantage, advising people of all degrees, from the
highest master to the meanest servant, how suddenly to raise their fortunes.
There is a study of the food and sport of the country, its
economic necessities, how it might be recovered, how money might
be disposed to advantage there, and how the plantation might be
reached, with advice to the adventurer, to the planter and to
servants. Edward Williams's Virgo Triumphans; or Virginia
Really and truly valued (1650), was written with the same
purpose.
The book named Sir Francis Drake Reviv'd, calling upon this
Dull and Effeminate age to follow his noble steps for gold and
silver, 1626, published by Sir Francis Drake the younger, is the
source of most of our knowledge of Drake's exploits in Central
America, though Froude, without much reason, has thrown doubt
upon its authenticity. It is mentioned here as suggesting, by its
title, the motive with which the navigators of that age entered
upon their enterprises. There was the double incitement of
adventure and spoil, and the honour of England was an added
reason for successive navigations to the west. Both Hakluyt and
Purchas wrote in the same spirit. So, also, the Tudor poets and
balladists gave expression to the imperialism born of the increas-
ing influence of England's naval power, the widely-spread know-
ledge of the seamen's explorations and the ever-growing impulse
towards colonisation. The verses entitled Neptune to England,
printed in Halliwell's Early Naval Ballads, sound this note :
Goe on, great state, and make it knowne,
Thou never wilt forsake thine owne,
Nor from thy purpose start:
But that thou wilt thy power dilate,
Since narrow seas are found too straight
For thy capacious heart.
So shall thy rule, and mine, have large extent:
Yet not so large, as just and permanent.


## p. 97 (#119) #############################################

The Birth of Imperialism
97
How, too, the sea life, with its wider outlook, attracted the
more daring spirits of the nation is indicated in a ballad In Prais
of Seafaringe Men, in Hope of Good Fortune (Sloane MSS):
Too pas the seaes som thinkes a toille,
Sum thinkes it strange abrod to rome,
Sum thinkes it a grefe to leave their soylle,
Their parents, cynfolke, and their whome.
Thinke soe who list, I like it nott;
I must abrod to trie my lott.
In The Relation of a Voyage to Guiana. . . Performed by Robert
Harcourt (1609), given by Purchas, and issued independently in an
enlarged form in 1626, the objects are set forth in order. First,
comes the 'glory of God, for the conversion of the heathen';
secondly, the 'honour of our Sovereign '—the obtaining and
gaining the sovereignty of so many great, spacious, and goodly
countries and territories’; and, thirdly, “the profit of our country,'
by the enrichment of the many commodities ‘in those parts daily
found and easily obtained. ' Harcourt says that
all young gentlemen, soldiers, and others that live at home in idleness and
want employment, may there find means to abandon and expel their slothful
humours, and cast off their fruitless and pernicious designs, and may worthily
exercise their generous spirits in honourable travels and famous discoveries
of many goodly and rich territories, strange and unknown nations, and a
multitude
of other rarities, hitherto unseen, and unheard of in these northern
parts of the world; which may be thought incredible, but that our own
experience (besides the general and constant report and affirmation of the
Indians) doth assure us thereof.
Another volume, devoted to westward expansion, with an
analogous purpose, is A New Survey of the West Indies, or the
English American, his Travail by Sea and Land, by Thomas
Gage, published originally in 1648, and issued in several subse-
quent editions. By this time, Hakluyt and Purchas had many
followers, who, though not in collected narratives, were describing
the new places of the world, and, in a versified introduction to
Gage's book, Thomas Chaloner thus speaks of the author:
Reader, behold presented to thine eye
What us Columbus off'red long ago,
Of the New World a new discovery,
Which here our author does so clearly show;
That he the state which of these parts would know,
Need not hereafter search the plenteous store
Of Hakluyt, Purchas and Ramusio,
Or learn'd Acosta's writings to look o'er;
Or what Herrera hath us told before,
Which merit not the credit due from hence,
Those being but reckonings of another score,
But these the fruits of self experience.
E. L. IV,
7
CH. V.


## p. 98 (#120) #############################################

98
Seafaring and Travel
So far we have dealt only with western explorations, but the
literature of the seventeenth century is rich in narratives of travel
and settlement in both hemispheres. The project of reaching
China, the Spice islands and farther India by the north-west
passage was destined to disappoint those who fixed their hopes
upon it. Nor did much success attend the efforts to carry trade
overland from the Levant, which was one of the objects of the
Turkey company, established in 1581. The early efforts to wrest
the monopoly from the Portuguese by the long sea route also
met with disaster. Raymond's expedition of 1591 suffered from
sickness, tempest and mutiny, and its misfortunes made failure
inevitable from the beginning. Still more disastrous was Benja-
min Woods's navigation of 1596, from which not one man of the
company returned to tell the tale. Purchas deplores the double
disaster of the loss of the ships, and of the record and history of
the tragedy, upon which light is thrown by a Spanish letter found
among the papers of Hakluyt.
The Netherlanders were more
successful than Englishmen in 1597 in their effort to break
down the supremacy of the Portuguese; but quarrels among
themselves deprived their expedition of commercial success, and
the consequent rise in the price of pepper on the London market
caused merchants to meet in 1599, thereby leading to the
foundation of the East India company. The first enterprise was
Lancaster's famous expedition of 1600—2, which was equipped
with every necessity of war, and carried greetings from Elizabeth
'to the great and mightie King of Achem, etc. , in the Island of
Sumatra, our loving Brother. ' Purchas has preserved a full
narrative of the circumstances and events, with a copy of Eliza-
beth's letter. Whatever is preserved of Lancaster's writing shows
him to have possessed in a marked degree the forcible style of the
seaman. His brief letter to the proprietors of the East India
company deserves to be quoted:
Right Worshipful, what hath passed in this voyage, and what trades I
have settled for this company, and what other events have befallen us, you
shall understand by the bearers hereof, to whom (as occasion hath fallen)
I must refer you. I will strive with all diligence to save my ship, and her
goods, as you may perceive, by the course I take in venturing my own life,
and those that are with me. I cannot tell where you should look for me, if
you send any pinnace to seek me, because I live at the devotion of the wind
and the seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God to send us a merry
meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.
The first real discouragement to those who looked for the success
of the north-west route was Lancaster's triumph, combined with


## p. 99 (#121) #############################################

An Englishman in Japan 99
Waymouth’s ignominious failure to find a way to 'Cataya or China
or ye backside of America' which became known before Lancaster
returned. Hudson, Button, Baffin and a score of other hardy
navigators followed Waymouth's course, but merchants recog-
nised that, long and perilous as was the route by the cape of
Good Hope, it was preferable to the doubts and dangers of the
north-west.
The Dutch captured Amboina from the Portuguese in 1605,
and burned their fleet at the Moluccas in the following year, and
it was the strong trade rivalry between the English and the Dutch,
leading to the massacre at Amboina, that ultimately caused our
merchants to relinquish partially their attempts to establish them-
selves in the islands, and to devote their efforts to developing
trade with India. Not, however, until the third East India voyage,
in 1607, was any attempt made to establish trading ports on the
Indian mainland. Purchas includes in his Pilgrimes a brief nar-
rative of Middleton's—the second-voyage to the east (1604–6),
and a somewhat longer account of that of Keeling, which
was the third (1607—10), as well as an extremely interesting
narrative written by captain William Hawkins of his landing at
Surat and his visit to the court of the great Mogul at Agra, with
observations on life at the Mogul's court, the custom of sati and
many other matters. The Pilgrimes includes narratives of all
later expeditions to the east, and a full account of our relations
with the Dutch and the Portuguese up to the year 1613.
One of the most interesting narratives included in the col-
lection is that of William Adams, descriptive of his voyage to
Japan and his long sojourn there (for he never returned), written
in the form of two letters, addressed severally to his ‘unknown
friends and countrymen' and to his wife. These, Purchas has
placed with his accounts of voyages to the east, although Adams
reached Japan by way of the strait of Magellan. He was born at
Gillingham in Kent, and, having been an apprentice at Limehouse,
became pilot in the queen's ships and served twelve years with the
Barbary merchants. Being desirous of gaining greater experience,
he took service in 1598 as pilot of a fleet of five sail for the Dutch
India company. They entered the strait of Magellan on 6 April
1599, and, suffering much from cold and sickness, remained in the
strait until September, when they proceeded to the coast of Peru.
In February 1600, the expedition reached a port in northern
Japan, which Adams names Bingo. The chief there showed them
great friendship, giving them a house on shore and all needful
7-2


## p. 100 (#122) ############################################

Іоо
Seafaring and Travel
!
1
1
10
refreshment, Jesuits and Japanese Christians being their inter-
preters. The emperor of Japan, hearing of their arrival, sent
for Adams, apparently having bad news that he was a man of
skill; and he was conveyed to Osaka, accompanied by a seaman.
The emperor asked him many questions—there was nothing
that he demanded not, both concerning war and peace between
country and country. Adams was held in captivity, but was 'well
used. ' On a second occasion, the emperor interrogated him, ask-
ing him why foreign ships came so far.
I answered, We were a people that sought all friendship with all nations
and to have trade of merchandise in all countries, bringing such merchandises
as our country had, and buying such merchandises in strange countries as
our country desired: through which our countries on both sides were
enriched.
The Portuguese endeavoured to prejudice these strangers in the
minds of the Japanese ; but the emperor answered that, as yet,
they had not done any damage to him or his land.
Adams was allowed to rejoin his ship, and she went round to
Yeddo, where the emperor then was; and there she was detained,
her company being dispersed in Japan. When Adams had lived
four or five years in the country, the emperor asked him to build
a small ship for him, to which Adams pleaded that he was no
carpenter: "Well do it as well as you can, saith he; if it be
not good, it is no matter. ' The vessel was built, with a burden
of 80 tons, and was well liked, so that Adams was received into
greater favour, and put on a good allowance. He often saw the
emperor and even taught his majesty ‘some points of geometry
and mathematics. ' So influential did he become that his former
enemies asked him to befriend them in their business through
the emperor, and both Spaniards and Portuguese received more
friendly treatment in consequence.
Five years elapsed, and Adams besought his imperial patron
to allow him to return to his own country; but this request was not
granted, and he remained, apparently acting as nautical adviser to
the emperor. He was presently building a vessel of 120 tons for
imperial use, which, however, was lent in 1609 to enable the
governor of Manila to proceed to Acapulco, the governor's own
ship having been cast away and completely wrecked on the coast
of Japan. For this service, Adams had what he likened to a
lordship, with eighty or ninety husbandmen, 'who are as my
servants and slaves. ' Of the Japanese, Adams said that they were
good of nature, courteous above measure, and valiant in war; their justice is
severely executed without any partiality upon transgressors of the law. They
>
6


## p. 101 (#123) ############################################

Australia and Madagascar
IOI
are governed with great civility-I think no land better governed in the
world by civil policy.
This letter, addressed to Adams's unknown friends and country-
men, was dated 11 October 1611. The second letter, to his wife,
is also a recital of his experiences, but is not complete. Adams
died in 1620.
Much more might be written about the eastern navigations of
the century; but perhaps enough has been said to enable the
reader to understand what was the character of the literature of
the sea so far as it dealt with exploration and discovery. Before
leaving the subject, however, two other volumes may be referred
to, which are concerned with the discovery of two great islands
in the south and east one of them a continent-namely,
Australia and Madagascar. In the exploration of the eastern
hemisphere, as of the western, much was brought to knowledge by
the printing of translations or summaries of foreign books and
letters. The collections of Peter Martyr, Oviedo and Ramusio
had been a revelation to Englishmen of the great work done by
foreign seamen, and Eden, Hakluyt and Purchas worked indus-
triously in the field of their researches. Others followed in their
footsteps. Thus, a pamphlet printed in 1617 for John Hodgetts was
a translation of a Spanish letter under the title Terra Australis
incognita, or A new Southerne Discoverie, containing a fifth
part of the World, lately found out by Ferdinand de Quir
[Pedro Fernandez de Quiros) a Spanish captaine; never before
published. It is in the form of a humble petition to the Spanish
king not to neglect a golden opportunity, revealed by one who
had devoted fourteen years to the discovery and had wasted
fourteen months at the Spanish court in vain.
De Quiros says that this new discovery is of the fifth part of
the terrestrial globe, and 'in all probability is twice greater
in Kingdoms and seignories than all that which at this day
doth acknowledge subjection and obedience to your Majesty. '
De Quiros denominated his land 'Austrialia del Espiritu Santo 1,'
but Wytfliet had indicated the continent as 'Terra Australis' in
1598. The publication of de Quiros's account in an English form
caused some stir in this country; but the Dutch were before us
in exploring the continent, and it was not until 1770 that an
· De Quiros's 'Austrialia' was, apparently, the New Hebrides and not the actual
mainland. The legend of a great southern land had been current for some years, and
the connection of de Quiros's name with Australia may be compared with that of
Columbus's with America.


## p. 102 (#124) ############################################

102
Seafaring and Travel
Englishman, the great circumnavigator captain Cook, examined
the east coast.
The other volume referred to is that of a mercbant who had
been concerned in the East India trade, and had suffered much in
his efforts to draw the attention of his countrymen to the resources
of some countries little known to them. This merchant is Richard
Boothby, whose Briefe Discovery or Description of the most
famous Island of Madagascar or St Laurence in Asia near unto
East India was published in 1646, having been delayed two years
by the hindrance of a 'captious licenser,' who blamed the rude-
ness of the author's style, and would place the island in Africa,
whereas Boothby insisted that it belonged to Asia. The pamphlet
is dedicated to the king, the author saying that his estate
had been ruined through envy, malice and revenge in India, and
oppressed by deep ingratitude, partiality and injustice at home,
and imploring his majesty to support the plan of effecting an
English plantation in Madagascar, for, ‘he that is Lord and King
of Madagascar may easily in good time be Emperor of all India. '
The richness of the island and its resources are extolled as of
great promise to the mercantile community.
We now may turn to another important class of litera-
ture concerning the sea, namely that which tells how seamen
regarded their own profession and its duties, and in which they
gave the fruit of their professional knowledge and skill for the
advantage of their comrades and those who were to come after
them. The sea service was becoming more highly organised and
more scientific, and the distinction between war and merchant
vessels, which before had been scarcely noticeable, began to
be more clearly marked. Serious writers, like Henry Maydman,
Robert Crosfeild, captain St Lo and William Hodges, towards
end of the seventeenth century, began to concern themselves with
the provision of men for the fleet, and the health and treatment of
the seaman were much discussed. The seaman himself appeared
earlier in the Whimzies of Richard Brathwaite (1631) and in the
Characters attributed to Sir Thomas Overbury. The rise of a
school of professional seamen was a marked feature of the age.
There was a long-standing difference between hard, practical
seamen and gentlemen captains, and, as we shall presently
see, a controversy arose between the former and men of
more scientific training. Drake, certainly, had the root of the
matter in him when he said, on that memorable occasion during
his voyage of circumnavigation when he enforced the need of


## p. 103 (#125) ############################################

Sir William Monson
103
union in the fleet and of hard, honest work in the sea
service:
Here is such controversy between the sailors and the gentlemen and such
stomaching between the gentlemen and the sailors that it doth_even make
me mad to hear it. But, my masters, I must have it left. For I must have
the gentleman to haul and draw with the mariner, and the mariner with the
gentleman.
The literary remains of Sir William Monson-his Naval Tracts
-enable us to appreciate the outlook of an officer who was a
contemporary of Drake, but who lived until after the outbreak of
the civil war. Monson was a sea officer of some distinction and
strong character, and also a critic of naval affairs. His literary
memorials and tracts, originally brought to notice in the Churchill
collection of voyages, 1732, are now being made known both to
history and to literature in the publications of the Navy Records
Society. Monson became a student at Balliol college in 1581,
and ran away to sea. He rose rapidly, was Essex's flag captain
.
at Cadiz and accompanied him in the Islands voyage of 1597. He
was not concerned in any great events, but was imprisoned in the
Tower in relation to the Overbury case. His writings are divided
into six books, and he states that it is his purpose to describe the
acts and enterprises of Englishmen at sea, in the first two books;
to deal with the office of lord high admiral and other officers, and
the duties of seamen, in the third; to touch upon the voyages and
conquests of the Spaniards and Portuguese, in the fourth; to
handle certain projects, in the fifth ; and to discover the benefits
of fishing on the coasts, in the sixth. He borrowed largely from
Hakluyt and Purchas, but had no intention of dealing with history
or narrative. His object was to apply lessons to be learned from
certain facts in the past as warnings for the future, and he appears
to have been the first English seaman to make a critical examina-
tion of the work of seamen afloat in his own time, as well as of that
of some of his predecessors and successors at sea. As a strategical
writer, he cannot rank with Ralegh or Essex, but his opinions have
value as embodying the views of a vigilant, sagacious and thinking
officer; and, in the dedication of two books to his two sons, he
seems, almost, to anticipate Chesterfield. There was nothing in
him of high imagination, little of generous sympathy or enthusiasm
and, apparently, not much of the hard, fighting quality. The old
writer who introduces Monson in a preface states that, with respect
to the roughness which characterises his language, it should be
remembered that Monson had 'spent most of his time at sea,' and


## p. 104 (#126) ############################################

104
Seafaring and Travel
1
that his language had been formed, as it were, in Elizabeth's day,
and not in the refinement 'of our time,' i. e. of the Stewarts. In
the dedication of the first book to his eldest son, the young man is
counselled to seek the ways of peace and not to be deceived by
the glamour of the soldier's glory. Wars by land and sea, says
Monson, are always accompanied by everlasting danger and dis-
asters, and are seldom times rewarded.
For one soldier that liveth to enjoy that preferment which becomes his
right by antiquity of service, ten thousand fall by the sword or other casual-
ties; and if you compare that computation with any other calling or profession,
you will find much difference and the danger not so great.
Moreover, though arms have always been esteemed, they have in
part been subject to jealousies and envy:
Compare the estate and advancement of soldiers of our time but with the
mean and mercenary lawyer, and you shall find so great a difference that
I had rather you should become prentice to the one than make profession of
the other.
There is also an epistle dedicatory to the gentlemen who were the
author's intimate friends, and a farewell to the same. In the
latter, Monson again utters a warning that you beware of ad-
venturing yourselves and estates upon sea journeys. They might
perceive by his observations what peril such journeys brought
without profit, and what pains without preferment:
For there are few, if you will enter into particulars, whose employment
has gained them advantage; as to the contrary many are brought to want
and misery by them. . . . The miserable gentlemen that undertook such enter-
prises for gain, to recover their spent and consumed estates, were Cavendish,
Chidley, Manby, Cocke, with many others I could name, whose funerals were
all made in the bottomless sea, and their lands turned into the element
of water.
These, perhaps, were Monson's later reflections, or not, at least,
his general and customary ideas. Certainly, elsewhere, he glories
in our conquests and victories, both on sea and on land.
Books had begun to issue from the press in Elizabeth's reign
which showed the larger place that science was taking in the work
of the seaman. In the seventeenth century, the volume of this
literature grew larger, and several writers followed in the footsteps
of Eden, who translated the Compendium of Cortes in 1561, of
Bourne, who published the Regiment of the Sea in 1573, and of
Davys, whose Seaman's Secrets appeared in 1594. One of the
earliest of these was captain John Smith, the first governor of
Virginia, who wrote a sea manual which passed through several
editions. This was his Accidence, or the Path-way to Experience,
4


## p. 105 (#127) ############################################

Smith's Accidence
105
necessary for all young Sea-men, or those that are desirous to goe
to Sea, 1626. The volume differed in some respects from its prede-
cessors, and the author says it is upon a subject he never see writ
before. It is dedicated to the reader, and to 'all generous and
noble adventurers by sea, and well-wishers to navigation, especially
to the Masters, Wardens, and Assistance of the Trinity House. '
Smith declared that he had never kept anything to himself, and
that he knew he had been blamed for so doing. He describes
the duties of all the officers of the ship, as well as her timbers and
sails, and adds many quaint illustrations of the use of sea terms,
and the manner of working the ship and giving battle.
Right your helme a loufe, keepe your loufe, come no neere, keepe full,
stidy, so you goe well, port, warre, no more; beare up the helme, goe roumy,
beyare at the helme, a fresh man at the helme. . . . Boy fetch my celler of
bottles, a health to you all fore and afte, courage my hearts for a fresh
charge; Maister lay him a bord loufe for loufe; Midships men see the tops
and yeards well maned with stones and brasse bals, to enter them in the
shrouds, and every squadron else at the best advantage; sound Drums and
Trumpets, and St. George for England.
Smith goes on to describe the ordnance of the ship, with reference
to gunnery treatises, saying, “any of these will give you the
Theorike; but to be a good Gunner, you must learne it by
practise. ' The excellence of his maxims caused a demand for his
book: enlarged editions of the Accidence appeared under the
title The Sea-Man's Grammar; containing most plain and
easie directions how to Build, Rigge, Yard and Mast any Ship
whatever, and it was still being republished in 1691.
Smith represented both the scientific and practical sides of his
profession; but a conflict was growing up between theory and
practice which was not without influence on the literature of the
sea at this time. The new-born science of the sea was inclined to
despise the rough methods, and, perhaps, the rude manners, of the
men who had attained their objects and had fought tempests and
the dangers of rocks and lee shores in gales, with only the know-
ledge born of hard experience; while those of the older school
regarded with contempt the new-fangled theories and scientific
appliances of the modern seaman, which they did not understand,
and his love for comforts which some of them scorned.
We find the literary expression of this controversy in two
volumes, which are almost, if not quite, the earliest separately
published English narratives of voyages in search of a north-west
passage. These are The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of
Captain Thomas James in his Intended Discovery of the North-


## p. 106 (#128) ############################################

106
Seafaring and Travel
West Passage into the South Sea (1633), and the whimsically
named North-West Fox; or Fox from the North-West Passage,
of captain Luke Fox of Hull (1635). These explorers were both
engaged in their work in 1631, and met in the icy regions, their
work, apparently, being inspired by the healthful rivalry of the
Bristol and London merchants. James, who was furnished with
a ship by the merchants of Bristol, and is said to have belonged to
a good family, was a man of education, and a scientific seaman,
who, while knowing the importance of setting sail in a well-found
vessel with a trained company, was sensible of the necessity of a
proper knowledge of navigation, and of being supplied with proper
instruments. Accordingly, before putting to sea, he endeavoured
to extend his former studies by obtaining journals, plots (or charts),
descriptions, or whatever would assist him, and set skilful crafts-
men to make quadrants, staves, semicircles and compass-needles.
The narrative of his voyage is very interesting as a picture of
the life of the explorer in those times, and of professional
seamen at work. Fox, on the other hand, belonged to the old
school. He had spent his whole life in the practical business of
the sea
6
'Gentle Reader,' he says, “expect not heere florishing Phrases or Eloquent
tearmes; for this child of mine, begot in the North-West's cold Clime (where
they breed no Schollers), is not able to digest the sweet milke of Rhethorick,
that's food for them. '
He goes on to deride the 'mathematicall sea-man,' who, he avers,
would fail in contest with the 'ruffe and boisterous ocean. ' He
proceeds:
Being deprived of sun, moon and stars for long season, they will then
think that they only dreamed before; when they imagined of the course of
the seas, and that their books were but weak schoolmasters; that the talk of
art were far short of the practice, when, at beholding the stars, which they
thought to have used as guides and directions, seem now as they threatened
their ruin and destruction; nay, when they shall look forth and tremble at
the rising of every wave, and shall be aghast with fear to refrain those rocks
and dangers which lie hid within the sea's fairest bosom, together with the
greatness of the ocean, and smallness of their ship; for want of experience to
handle, not knowing how to shun, they will then think that the least gale is
of force to overthrow them, and know that art must be taught to practice by
long and industrious use. For it is not enough to be a seaman, but it is
necessary to be a painful seaman; for a seabred man of reasonable capacity
may attain to so much art as may serve to circle the earth's globe about; but
the other, wanting the experimental part, cannot; for I do not allow any to
be a good seaman that hath not undergone the most offices about a ship, and
that hath not in his youth been both taughớ and inured to all labours; for to
keep a warm cabin and lie in sheets is the most ignoble part of a seaman; but
to endure and suffer, as a hard cabin, cold and salt meat, broken sleeps,


## p. 107 (#129) ############################################

Theory and Practice
107
mouldy bread, dead beer, wet clothes, want of fire, all these are within board ;
besides boat, lead, top-yarder, anchor-moorings and the like.
But Fox was not so insensible of the value of written experience
as his words might imply, for he, like Eden, Hakluyt and Purchas,
was a collector of voyages, and he deserves an honourable place
here because his volume includes an account of expeditions from
early times down to Baffin and some later discoverers. The
narratives of James and Fox have been reprinted in a single
volume by the Hakluyt society. They did not explore beyond the
bay which takes its name, to use Purchas's expression, from that
worthy irrecoverable discoverer,' Hudson.
The controversy of those times has had its echoes in later days.
Fox was a representative seaman of an old school, but he and
those who thought with him could not stay the advance of science
into the seaman's domain. A truer understanding of the relative
positions of theory and practice presently arose, and a considerable
literature indicated the advances that were being made in the sea-
man's art. Sir Henry Manwayring, who was captain of the Unicorn
in the Ship Money fleet of 1636, was an officer who helped
to spread a knowledge of the practical things that concerned the
sea profession, and he did so for the assistance of the gentlemen
captains of the time, which was one of naval decay-the fleet of
Charles I being greatly disorganised, ineptly commanded and
much demoralised and mutinous. Manwayring's The Sea-Man's
Dictionary, or an Exposition and Demonstration of all the
parts and things belonging to a ship, was first published in
1644, a second edition appearing after the Restoration in 1670.
The author's object was to instruct those gentlemen who, though
they be called seamen,' did not fully understand what belongs to
their profession,' and to give them some knowledge of the names
of parts of ships and the manner of doing things at sea. The
information was intended to instruct those whose quality, attend-
ance, indisposition of body, or the like' prevented them from
gaining a proper knowledge of these things. The significance,
therefore, of Manwayring's book is that it throws a side-light
upon the well-known shortcomings of some of the cavalier
officers. The form of the book is alphabetical, in the manner of
a glossary or dictionary.
The last writer we need mention in illustrating this aspect of
the literature of the sea is captain Nathaniel Boteler, an officer of
whom very little is known, but who was evidently an experienced
student of his profession, and who had considerable knowledge of
6


## p. 108 (#130) ############################################

108
Seafaring and Travel
the internal economy of ships of war. His work, Six Dialogues
about Sea Services between an High Admiral and a Captain at
Sea, was published in 1685, but had evidently been written some
years earlier. It deals with the commander-in-chief, officers and
men, victualling, the names of the several parts of a ship, the choice
of the best ships and the signals, sailing, chasing and fighting of
ships of war. The admiral and the captain discourse on these
and many related questions, such as punishments, sometimes
by way of catechism, but, generally, by instructive comment
and criticism. Boteler was a writer with a sense of humour,
and some of his remarks are very incisive and instructive. He
had a very exalted idea of the position and duties of a captain,
and says that his charge was as high as that of any colonel on
land, ‘and for the point of honour, what greater honour hath
our nation in martial matters than in his Majesty's Navy? '
He would have the lieutenant admonished that he be not too
fierce in his way at first (which is an humour whereto young men
are much addicted), but to carry himself with moderation. So
does Boteler discourse upon the character and duties of the purser,
the boatswain and the other 'standing officers,' as also upon the
men, for whom he had a good deal of sympathy, while never over-
looking the necessities of discipline. Taken as a whole, Boteler's
Dialogues is one of the most interesting volumes dealing with the
sea service that appeared within the century.
If the subject treated in these chapters be pursued in regard to
later times, it will be found to embrace many new features and, in
some respects, to have a less specialised character. Records of
travel begin to take the place of narratives of discovery, and the lite-
rature of the sea and of land journeys widens into channels of many
varied interests. The literature of piracy occupies a position of
its own, to which reference will be made later when the writings
of Defoe are under consideration. The growing volume of the
literature of the sea has many ramifications, and it includes purely
technical treatises, historical narratives, controversial pamphlets,
theatrical productions, broadsheets of song and many other things
indicative of the channels through which the national interest in
the sea and national love for the sea service manifest themselves.


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CHAPTER VI
THE SONG-BOOKS AND MISCELLANIES
In an earlier chapter of this work? was described the revival
of English poetry under the influence of Italy and France, and
the progress of the school of Wyatt and Surrey to its decay.
The impulse was worn out; the chivalric ideal had ceased to be
a genuine source of inspiration, and there was need of new ideals,
new blood and new literary methods. We have now to consider
the later and more national poetry which the labours of Sidney
and Spenser called into being.
It is impossible, of course, to name a date as that at which
new methods were employed and new themes sung. Before the
school of Wyatt and Surrey had fallen into decay, the Elizabethan
outburst of song had begun, and the writers to be considered in
this chapter will be found to cover a period of nearly thirty years,
during which the full chorus sang from sunrise to high noon.
If this was a period, to a great extent, of poets by profession,
it was, also, to a degree never since equalled, a period when every
man was a poet not only in spirit but in practice. The accomplish-
ment which had belonged to a few courtiers in the days of
Henry VIII had spread to every man of education ; every one
with an emotion to express may be said to have expressed it
naturally in poetry. And some of the sweetest lyrics in Elizabethan
poetry were the work of men whose very names are to this day
unknown. They were passed round in manuscript, to be read
aloud or sung to the lute and viol in private houses, and have
survived in manuscript collections, in the song-books of the day, or,
occasionally, in printed miscellanies. When a song was popular,
it was repeated in various publications ; take, as an instance, the
dialogue, possibly written by Sir Walter Ralegh, between Meliboeus
and Faustus, beginning 'Shepherd, what's Love, I pray thee tell ? '
which appears in The Phoenix Nest (1593), England's Helicon
(1600) and Davison's Poetical Rapsody (1602) and is set to music
in Robert Jones's Second Book of Songs and Airs (1601).
1 See vol. 111, chap. VIII.


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IIO
The Song-books and Miscellanies
The poetry now to be considered falls, in the main, into two
divisions : there is the lyric of pure joy or grief, and there is
the longer, graver, reflective lyric, revealing an attitude towards
life which is, perhaps, more characteristically English. Poetry
of the former kind is rarer in our language than poetry of
the latter, and it is found at its best in the compositions of
the days of Elizabeth. For its forms—the pastoral, the sonnet,
the canzone and the madrigal—it is still dependent, no doubt,
as was the poetry of Wyatt and Surrey, on foreign models ;
but the models have now been perfectly assimilated. The voice
is pure English, and English of its day. The machinery of the
Middle Ages-courts of love, allegorical visions and so forth—has
passed out of use, and the feeling of the present moment is
naturally, simply and sweetly expressed. It would, perhaps, be
truer to say that the voice is not so much English as universal.
There is so much in it of the paganism which is of the essence of
the natural man that it can dispense with the particular. There
is practically no reference to events or tendencies of the time.
There is no sense of responsibility, no afterthought. To watch
its growth is like watching primroses break into bloom, or like
listening to the chorus of birds growing fuller in the woods as the
dawn grows towards morning; so spontaneous, so much the effect
of purely natural causes, does this poetry appear. The imagery,
where imagery is employed, is almost always pastoral. We have
seen a very early pastoral in Tottel s Miscellany, and have noticed
in Googe the use of pastoral in the conventional classical manner.
In the lyrists of the latter age its use is quite unconventional, and
brings with it no sense of artificiality. “Shepherd,' as we read,
means 'man,' and shepherdess' mere ‘woman’; the use of these
words and the talk about flocks, pipes and so forth, do nothing
to cloak the sincerity of the outburst of feeling.
The mass of this poetry that has survived remains still un-
measured, though the labours of Arber, Bullen and others have
done something to explore and map the large and intricate field.
These poems, it must be noticed, were copied again and again for
the purpose of singing. The practice of solo and part singing was
more general in Elizabeth's days than in our own. "There is not
any music of instruments whatsoever,' wrote William Byrd, 'com-
parable to that which is made of the voices of men. The lute,
the viol and the virginals' were in every household for accom-
1 For the musical instruments of the period see Grove's Dictionary of Music, and
Furnivall's Laneham's Letters (1908), pp. 65–68.


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Music and Poetry
III
paniment, as a piano is to-day, and were put to a better use; and
there can be no doubt that music had a great influence on the
quantity, and no small influence on the quality, of the lyric poetry
which was being produced with no thought, in many cases, beyond
that of putting the song (as we saw in the case of The Handefull
of pleasant delites) to a tune already known or of having it set
to a new one.
'Poetry makes melody, not melody poetry,' wrote Richard
Garnett, and he implied that the only thing music can do for
poetry is to increase the quantity of it. Certainly, in our own
day, we have a terrible example of the amount of 'poetry' which
a
'music' can produce; and, in the days of Elizabeth, music was
equally fruitful in this way. But a wide difference must be noted.