No More Learning

Lord Palmerston, in reply to Horsman, who had insinuated that he
was influencing The Times, protested that, between himself and
Delane, there was no bond but that of ordinary social intercourse.
At the present day, though, occasionally, information is given
privately by ministers to journalists, the latter have grown more
and more shy of seeming to be under the influence of ministers;
they are afraid lest a reputation of this kind should damage them
in public estimation. Ministers, on their part, have adopted a
somewhat different method of appealing to the public, or to
foreign powers. The development of reporting, and of the trans-
mission of news, has led them chiefly, though not invariably, to
make their appeals from the public platform, or from their places
in parliament. This change has caused the political pronounce-
ments of our leading journals to be regarded as less weighty.
How far they represent a large mass of public opinion is always
debatable; a political party having the support of the great majority
of journals with large circulations has, at times, gone to the country
only to find itself in a very decided minority. In sum, therefore,
journalism would seem to have lost authority because statesmen
have adopted other means of publishing their views, while it has
not gained materially in influence derived from a pretension
to represent the general trend of opinion in the country, or,
what is even more questionable, to direct this opinion. In 1888,
there arose a controversy as to whether journalism was advancing
or retrograding. The Spectator held that the influence was
declining yearly. Matthew Arnold, in 1887, describing what was
known as the new journalism, said :
It is full of ability, novelty, variety, sensation, sympathy, generous instinct;
its one great fault is that it is feather-brained. It throws out assertions at
a venture, because it wishes them true;. . . and to get at the state of things
as they truly are, seems to have no concern whateverl.
Prophets, in journalism or politics, are always unsafe.
Two features of newspaper work which had their rise in the
1 The Nineteenth Century, May 1887.


## p. 173 (#203) ############################################

IV]
The War Correspondent
173
nineteenth century are the leading article and special correspond-
ence discussing foreign affairs, or describing war. The war corre-
spondent, indeed, may be said to have been born, run his full course
and expired in the second half of the century. Reputations such
as were made by W. H. Russell, of The Times, in writing of the
Crimean war, or by Archibald Forbes, of The Daily News, in the
Franco-Prussian war, and Henry Labouchere, describing Paris
in a state of siege, are no longer possible. Lord Raglan com-
plained that The Times published information which, even with the
then limited means of transmission, found its way back to Russia,
and interfered with his plans; both French and Germans thought
the messages of Forbes and his colleagues similarly detrimental;
and, in the war between this country and the Boers, which closed
the century, a very severe censorship was set up, which practically
extinguished the independence of the war correspondent. In
the wars of the earlier part of the twentieth century, military
authorities have kept war correspondents very many miles away
from the front, and government censorships have come into play,
with most striking effect. Foreign correspondents-of whom,
Henry Crabb Robinson, sent out by The Times in 1807, was one
of the earliest-have maintained their position. So, too, has the
leading article, despite the judgment of Richard Cobden, when he
was one of the proprietors of The Morning Star, that people did
not like leading articles,' and also despite the practice, followed by
a large part of the halfpenny press, of avoiding reasoned exposi-
tions of political principles.
The nineteenth century, however it may be contemned by
later critics of the Victorian drama, painting, music and fiction,
was, indeed, a period of revolution, and its changes in regard to
journalism were such that, whereas, at the beginning of the
century, a newspaper circulating two or three thousand copies a
day was looked upon as phenomenally successful, by the end of
the century, circulations rising to 250,000 or more daily were
recorded of the penny newspapers, which had now become the
dearer class; and much larger of the halfpenny press. There
had also been a multiplication in the number of daily and weekly
journals; and, in their supply of news, some of the best of
the provincial papers rivalled the majority of those published
in London. In the year 1800, so far as there is definite in-
formation,
barring the Irish capital, there were no daily journals published outside
London, and the total number of news sheets was only about 250, as


## p. 174 (#204) ############################################

174
[CH.
The Growth of Journalism
compared with nearly 2500 at the present time. Today, the total of daily
papers alone is over 2401.
In 1815, the number of newspapers in the United Kingdom was
252 ; but this was on the eve of an increase in the duties, and,
subsequently, there was a fall. In 1824, it is stated? ,
there were published in the United Kingdom, 266 papers in all. . . . In the
present year (1874) the aggregate number is 1585. Estimating the news
sheets printed in 1824, we cannot place the number at more than 30 millions.
In the present period, we do not doubt that the issue is 650 million sheets
per annum.
In 1832, E. L. Bulwer Lytton (afterwards lord Lytton), in his
famous speech advocating the abolition of the stamp, reckoned
that every newspaper paid 18. 4d. a sheet (a paper-maker's sheet)
in paper-duty, 4d. in stamp-duty and 38. 6d. for each advertise-
ment, this being equal, with cost of printing and agency added, to
5td. on a 7d. paper; so that but 14d. was left for literary and
other expenses, and for profits. To carry the figures a little
further, it is said that, in 1782, there was published in the United
Kingdom one newspaper to 110,000 inhabitants; in 1821, one to
90,000; and, in 1832, one to 55,000%. But the figures do not tell
the whole story. There had been a complete revolution in the
speed of printing. Prior to 1814, not more than 750 impressions
an hour could be obtained from one machine, and, if more than
one machine were operated, for each was required a duplicate set
of types. In 1814, John Walter, the second of that name who
owned The Times, showed that, with the aid of steam, newspapers
could be printed at the rate of 1100 copies per hour. Various
improvements were made afterwards, greatly expediting the work.
But, half-way in the century, papermakers made long rolls of
paper, to run in a press fitted with cylinders on which were
fixed, in the first instance, type, and, afterwards, cast metal plates
reproducing pages of type ; so that, by the end of the century, one
cylindrical press could print, at the rate of 25,000 copies per
hour, journals twice the size of those issued at the beginning of
the century. Further, when a mould of a page of type has been
taken, the printer can cast plates for about a dozen presses,
each producing its 25,000 copies, and, by the application of
photography to etching, it is possible to illustrate these rapidly
produced journals. The substitution of mechanical type-setters,
1
1 Sell's Dictionary of the World's Press for 1901.
? Francis, John C. , History of the Athenaeum, vol. 11, p. 326.
* Partington’s British Cyclopaedia of Arts, Sciences, etc. , vol. II, p. 94.


## p. 175 (#205) ############################################

IV]
Nineteenth Century Journalism 175
and, more especially, the linotype, for hand composition, has
greatly quickened and cheapened this department of production.
Viewed from the mechanical standpoint, therefore, journalism
shared to the full the inventive ability which marked the period,
and to this is due, in part, its extraordinary growth.
The collection and presentation of news may be regarded as
one of the applied arts—the application of literature to the
recording of current, and often very transient, facts, providing,
however, abundant material from which historians may reconstruct
the life of the century. The student of Greek and Roman history
must, of necessity, have recourse to such inscriptions as time
and vandalism have failed to obliterate; from these, he en-
deavours to picture the actual conditions of peoples, their every-
day work, their amusements, morality, hopes and fears. The
journalism of the nineteenth century is a much ampler record of
human activity in almost every direction, and this rapidly multi-
plied in volume as the century neared its close. Even advertise-
ments are indicative of national life, its industries and amusements,
educational and social institutions ; often of religious or political
and social thought. News embodied in today's journals is more
detailed and plastic. The development of reporting, aided by
railway transit, by telegraphy and, still later, by the telephone,
has placed readers in almost immediate touch with the thought of
the whole world ; and any observant person who has seen the
growth in size of the daily papers during the last quarter of the
century, and of the increasing variety of their reports, ought to
be able to trace many fresh paths of public activity, for example,
the formation of societies, and the holding of meetings for the
discussion of ideas upon every conceivable subject. Important,
too, has been the discovery that paper could be made from wood
pulp. But for this, it is certain there could have been no such
multiplication of newspapers as the century saw.
The extension of British journalism has been the result,
largely, of cheapness and of ability to obtain news in in-
creasing quantity, and, in some respects, with greater accuracy
-always with increasing speed. This was made possible only by
a constant growth of revenue from advertisements. In the course
of the century, shipping, manufacturing and finance were multi-
plied as if by some magician's wand, and, for daily information
regarding them, men of all classes had resort to the news-
paper press; the cost to individuals of obtaining such informa-
tion for themselves being, in most instances, prohibitive. The


## p. 176 (#206) ############################################

176
[CH.
The Growth of Journalism
construction of railways, and even the invention of the motor-
car, have revolutionised the means of placing newspapers in the
hands of readers. The enterprise shown in distributing The
London Evening Courier before the days of railways has been
outdone.
Politically, the century was highly favourable to the advance
of the newspaper press. In its earlier years, the nation was
exercised about the Napoleonic war. Later came demands for
the abolition of the corn-laws, catholic emancipation, popular
education, the extension of the franchise, with a host of other
political changes, often consequential upon what had gone before ;
the Crimean war, the Indian mutiny, the expansion of the British
empire, also did their part. The growing number of religious sects,
of projects for social betterment, the multiplication of universities
and of scientific and literary societies, new being added to old,
partly as a result of the university extension movement, the growth
of trade unions, the spread of concerts and of tours by dramatic
companies, each of them advertising and requiring notices of its
performances, the increasing work of representative local govern-
ing bodies, the planting of the schoolmaster in every little parish-
these things have converted the newspaper press from a luxury
into what seems to be a necessity of daily life. In Great Britain,
it must further be noted, newspapers, for most of the century,
have been unfettered by peculiar and restrictive legislation or
censorship. In earlier years, this was not so. It was held illegal
to publish the report of a criminal case heard before a magistrate,
but not finally decided ; and verdicts for libel were given against
newspapers on this account. Prosecutions at the instance of
governments were numerous ; parliament often called editors and
proprietors to its bar. The press, however, after not a little
struggling, was able to assert a large degree of freedom, though it
is noteworthy that, when the Newspaper society was founded, in
May 1837, one of its chief concerns was the amendment of the law
of libel, and that, seventy years later, the same subject was still
under consideration.
One consequence of the increased mechanical rapidity of
journalism in all its branches is the gradual disappearance, not
of Bohemianism, but of alcoholism, among journalists. It is
1 In Chas. A. Cooper's Fifty Years of Newspaper Work, it is related that, in 1865,
The Scotsman of Edinburgh altered its system of sending parcels by railway with such
effect that, whereas in February 1865, the circulation of the paper was 17,000 copies
per day, in 1877, it had grown to 50,000.


## p. 177 (#207) ############################################

IV]
The Revolution in Journalism
177
impossible to imagine the occurrence, at the end of the century, of
an incident like that detailed in James Grant's Newspaper Press,
when the one reporter left on duty by his colleagues in the house of
commons fabricated, for the benefit of an Irish colleague, a speech
by Wilberforce, eulogising the virtues of the potato, with the
result that the speech appeared in all the London newspapers
except The Morning Chronicle, on which the practical joker
himself was employed. Nor would it be possible for a famous editor
to be intoxicated night after night, like the editor of The Aurora,
depicted in William Jerdan's autobiography. Jerdan was a man
of considerable pretensions to literature, and, in 1817, produced
The Literary Gazette, the earliest weekly venture of the kind; for,
though The Examiner made a feature of dramatic, and, to some
extent, of literary, criticism, its main intention was political.
Newspaper men have become as reputable and trustworthy as
any workers in the nation. Proprietors and editors demand from
their staffs unvarying fitness for duty; a Coleridge, working
only when in the humour, could have little chance of employ-
ment. Nor would a brilliant but irregular Maginn (Thackeray's
captain Shandon) be likely to edit a newspaper written by gentle-
men for gentlemen,' or even one written, as sometimes seems to
happen, by the ignorant for the ignorant. Journalism, moreover,
has been yoked with the requirement of special knowledge of
science, the arts and literature. Journalism, in short, passed
through a revolution in the nineteenth century.
The business of providing the public with news has always
been precarious; more so in London than in the provinces,
though, even in the latter, there are many instances in which
newspapers have sprung up, made a reputation and maintained
it during many years, bringing wealth to their proprietors, and
providing professional writers with what appeared to be per-
manent means of livelihood, and have then been overtaken by
competitors, and, eventually, been extinguished. Still, there are,
in different parts of the country, many which have run their course
through the nineteenth century, and others which, though with
altered titles, can show a similar continuity. In London, there
are only three daily journals able to make such a boast. The
Morning Post has had a continuous history since 1772; The
Times was started by the first John Walter in 1785, as The Daily
Universal Register, a title which, on 1 January 1788, gave place
to The Times; and The Morning Advertiser was founded in 1794.
In this sketch of nineteenth-century English journalism, priority
12
E. L. XIV.
CH. IV.


## p. 178 (#208) ############################################

178
The Growth of Journalism [CH.
>
may be given to The Times because, undoubtedly, during the
greater part of the century, it was foremost among British news-
papers; its fame in other countries far exceeded that of any of
its contemporaries; it was the first newspaper to be printed by
steam-power (29 November 1814); it was the first to send special
correspondents—as Wotton said of ambassadors—to lie abroad';
it was the first to commission one of its staff, W. H. Russell, as a
war correspondent; it was the first to print what is known as a
parliamentary sketch or leading article; it was the latest to oppose
the abolition of the stamp and paper duties, or to lower its price
in the various stages through which other ventures showed the way,
until, recently (1915), it has been compelled, by pressure of com-
petition, to take its place among the penny morning papers ;
finally, until a few years into the twentieth century, it was mainly
the property, and always under the active control, of the Walter
family. Early in its career, it adopted the policy of enlisting
among its contributors men of eminence in politics, in science,
in literature, in the arts and in religion. During the greater part
of its existence, the pecuniary profits of The Times were very
large, and it could procure information by means too expensive
for its contemporaries. Such was its position, that most people
believed it to be beyond challenge by any rival". The first John
Walter was its first editor; he resigned his sceptre into the hands
of the second John Walter in 1803. The Times had already
achieved notoriety by certain libels, for some of which John
Walter spent sixteen months in Newgate. His efforts to obtain
news from the continent, and especially from France, brought
the paper reputation among politicians and financiers; he was
competing with the well-established Morning Chronicle under
the editorship of James Perry, who had surrounded himself with
a brilliant literary staff, and had effectively organised the reporting
of parliament by relays of reporters who could produce their copy
in time for publication in the next morning's Chronicle. Perry's
method of organisation is still in force. John Walter the second
learned by experience that the business of a proprietor interfered
with editing, and he left much authority in the hands of members
of his staff. Henry Crabb Robinson, sent out as foreign cor-
respondent in 1807, was, in the next year, installed as foreign
editor, and, some two years or so later, Dr (afterwards Sir) John
Stoddart was appointed general editor. The British press, as a
i See, for instance, Andrews's A History of British Journalism (1859), in the passage
discussing the attitude of The Times towards the repeal of the stamp duty.


## p. 179 (#209) ############################################

Iv]
The Times
179
whole, was violent in attacking Napoleon, who, in 1802, pressed
the British government to
adopt the most effectual measures to put a stop to the unbecoming and
seditious publications with which the newspapers and writings printed in
England are filled.
The government admitted that 'very improper paragraphs have
lately appeared in some of the English newspapers against the
Government of France'; but they repudiated responsibility, and
suggested that the first consul might sue the newspapers in the
English courts. There was a prosecution of a French newspaper
published in London; but nothing came of it. The Times was
among Napoleon's most coarse and violent assailants. Indeed, in
1817, John Walter, for this reason, removed Stoddart, installing
Thomas Barnes, already on the staff of the paper—the first of two
editors whose fame has never been excelled. When lord Melville
had been dismissed from office in 1805, Peter Stuart, proprietor
and editor of The Oracle-brother of the more famous Dan Stuart,
of The Morning Post—defended Melville in an article reflecting
severely upon the House of Commons. There were long debates
in the chamber, and, in the course of them, the chancellor of the
exchequer said,
It was almost the common fault of those connected with the press that they
assumed a loftier tone, and perhaps gave themselves more importance, than
naturally belonged to them.
The Times has never been wanting in a sense of its own im-
portance, and, whatever mistakes may have been made by it in the
course of the nineteenth century, it has, throughout, been above
suspicion of corruption. For the rest, The Times opposed the
repeal of the corn-laws, until it was converted, not by argument,
but by the magnitude of the demonstrations in Manchester and
elsewhere, and by the wealth and local status of the men who took
part in them. It opposed Stratford Canning's policy of main-
taining the Turkish empire against Russian attack, until it saw
that Palmerston, heading steadily for war with Russia, had the
country at his back. Later, in the Russo-Turkish war of 1876, it still
supported the Turks; but, towards the end of the century, as
the attitude of important British politicians differed considerably,
in this respect, from that of their predecessors, it turned to the
1 As to the quarrel of The Times with Bright and Cobden in 1863, see Morley's
Life of Richard Cobden, chap. XXXII, and R. H. Fox Bourne's English Newspapers,
vol. 11, pp. 188, 189.
12-2


## p. 180 (#210) ############################################

180
[CH.
The Growth of Journalism
6
opposite side. These changes need not have resulted from a
desire to discover what the public wanted, and to satisfy the
want; The Times was neither always lagging behind the views
of those classes for which more particularly it was written, nor
always anxious to see which way it ought to jump.
That The Times possessed enormous influence under Barnes
and his successor (1841), John Thaddeus Delane, is indicated in
all the political memoirs of the period. In the first number of
The Saturday Review (3 November 1855), it was stated that one
of the chief functions of the vigorous newcomer was to undermine
this influence ‘by the exercise of common-sense and ordinary
perspicacity: 'No apology,' it wrote, “is necessary for assuming
that this country is ruled by The Times. We all know it, or if we
do not know it, we ought to know it. ' In 1834, lord Althorpe
had written to Brougham, then lord chancellor, 'What I wanted
to see you about is The Times; whether we are to make war on
it, or come to terms. By politicians, it was read, in its opposition
days, for the slashing articles, first, of Peter Fraser, and, next, of
captain Edward Sterling, father of John Sterling, the friend of
Carlyle. Sterling is said to have put into lively and vigorous
language ideas already floating in the minds of his readers. He
gained for The Times the title “The Thunderer', by writing, 'We
thundered out the other day an article on social and political
reform ''; and, of his writing, Wellington, in 1812, said 'Here is
someone not afraid to write like a man. ' Macaulay, as is recorded
by Thomas Moore in his diary, contributed verses to The Times in
1831. Leigh Hunt, radical though he was, wrote literary reviews
for it; Coleridge made advances to the second John Walter,
proposing the impossible—that he should be appointed editor,
with a perfectly free hand as to policy; George Borrow, while
wandering in Spain, collecting materials for his famous book,
acted as correspondent for The Times, and, writing with a freedom
from the dignity which hedged in staff-writers of the great
journal, became, it is said, a model for many who wrote for the
cheaper newspapers. According to Escott, the young lions'-
(Matthew Arnold's name for the writers on The Daily Telegraph)
-owed much to Borrow, and one of captain Hamber's staff on
The Standard ‘had so steeped himself in Borrow's pure and easy
phrasing that some of the disciple's Letters from Corsica were
mistaken by experts for the Master's own. But it is to Peter
Fraser, a veritable man-about-town in behalf of his paper, that
1 Escott's Masters of English Journalism, p. 175.


## p. 181 (#211) ############################################

IV]
John Thaddeus Delane
181
was attributed the influence won in the city of London by The
Times, in the first quarter of the century. The Times always
desired to feel the pulse not only of Westminster, but, also, of
the city; it scarcely recognised public opinion in the manu-
facturing centres; hence, in part, at least, its opposition to all
the great political evolutions of the century. Under Delane, The
Times attained a larger cosmopolitan standing. It is said that
Barnes furnished his coming successor with useful introductions,
including one to Charles Greville of The Memoirs. Delane was,
perhaps naturally, and certainly by training, more given to society
than Barnes ; he was not a writer in the same sense as his
predecessor ; at no time did he write much, and, in later years,
he confined himself almost solely to receiving information which
enabled him to direct or control other men. Disraeli had ap-
peared in The Times with his Runnymede Letters (1836) and had
won the friendship of Barnes? . He had some practical experience
of newspaper work in behalf of his party, and formed notable
conclusions upon the value of journalism? Delane's advent was
followed shortly by the defeat of the Melbourne administration,
and much credit for this was taken by, and given to, The Times.
Delane had a cross bench mind; though representing the con-
servative tendencies largely inherent in the professional and
well-to-do classes, he was yet ready to criticise freely, not merely
the government of the day, whatever its party complexion, but, also,
a great mass of constitutional and social anomalies, thus paving
the way for reforms. The famous letters by S. G. O. (lord Sidney
Godolphin Osborne, who, twenty-five years after the appearance of
his letters, read the service at Delane's funeral), were a rousing
call for better conditions for the agricultural labourer. In 1839,
The Times had opposed the duties on corn; but, apparently, John
Walter was personally hostile to Sir Robert Peel, and The Times
attacked both Peel and Sir James Graham. Especially was it
against Peel's suggestion of a sliding scale of duties; but, to
Bright and Cobden and the anti-Corn-law league, it was con-
sistently adverse, though it assisted them grudgingly when op-
position was seen to be useless.
A notable illustration of the way in which Delane picked up a
policy is connected with the Crimean war. During the Aberdeen
administration of 1852, the eastern question came to a head.
i See, ante, vol. XIII, chap. XI.
? It is certain that, at the time of his weekly newspaper, The Press (1853), he
looked up to The Times articles as a model.


## p. 182 (#212) ############################################

182
[CH.
The Growth of Journalism
Thomas Chenery was then Constantinople correspondent of The
Times, and reflected the opinions of Stratford Canning, the
British ambassador. In September 1853, Delane wrote to Chenery,
fiercely declaring it to be
impossible for you to continue to be our correspondent, if you persist in
taking a line so diametrically opposed to the interests of this country. . . .
You seem to imagine that England can desire nothing better than to
sacrifice all its greatest interests, and its most cherished objects, to support
barbarism against civilisation, the Moslem against the Christian, slavery
against liberty, to exchange peace for war-all to oblige the Turk. Pray
undeceive yourself.
)
Aberdeen drifted; Palmerston became the favourite of the classes
for which The Times wrote; and Delane adopted the policy
Chenery had been advocating.
During the war, The Times, by means of the letters written by
W. H. Russell, its correspondent with the army in the Crimea,
rendered signal service to the nation. There was then no press
censorship, and Russell described freely conditions which brought
needless suffering upon our troops. The facts gave rise to a loud
outcry, and Florence Nightingale, assisted by ‘S. G. O. ,' and others,
organised an adequate hospital system. The Times had now,
undoubtedly, a commanding position, and its reputation was
sustained in such a degree that when, in 1870, on the outbreak
of the Franco-Prussian war, the general staffs of the two powers
issued strict regulations for duly licensed war correspondents, all
others being threatened as spies, there were, in this country,
persons of repute for intelligence who wondered whether The
Times would consent' to such a limitation of its enterprise.
During the sixth, seventh and eighth decades of the nine-
teenth century, foreign statesmen looked much to The Times
as indicating the probable policy of this country. Greville
records that, in 1858, lord Derby asked him to see Delane, to
dissuade him 'from writing any more irritating articles about
France, for these articles 'provoked the French to madness,
and lord Derby was concerned as to the consequences.
Napoleon III, however, was quite ready to use The Times by
sending it important information without the knowledge of his
ministers.
During the American civil war (1866), The Times again
represented the majority of the professional and wealthy classes,
in favouring the secessionists. Needless to say, it was not a
i Greville's Memoirs (third part), vol. 1, p. 119.


## p. 183 (#213) ############################################

Iv]
The Walters
183
supporter of slavery, and it would not, in all cases, have advocated
the right of a portion of a kingdom or a federation to separate
from the remainder. Probably, the underlying sentiment was
that the southern states embodied a continuance of the traditions
surrounding ancestral homes and estate holding, while the north
was associated with manufacturing and trade.
Delane supervised very carefully the articles by leader writers
and correspondents, altering, or adding finishing touches; for
instance, to a narrative of the Heenan and Sayers prize fight, he
added, “Restore the prize ring? As well re-establish the heptarchy. '
The prize ring, in a modified form, has since been re-established.
His caution was great. When, in 1875, Blowitz, of world fame in
his day as Paris correspondent of The Times, sent word that
Bismarck contemplated a fresh war with France, to prevent the
latter from recovering her military strength, Delane held back
the news for a fortnight-risking the grave possibility of being
forestalled-while Chenery went to Paris, and obtained evidence
fully confirming the report. This caution has been, not un-
naturally, contrasted with the action of The Times in 1886, when
the paper published the famous facsimile 'Parnell' letter, the
forgery of which was afterwards confessed by Pigott.
John Walter the third had succeeded his father in 1847
when the paper contained normally about six times as much
matter as The Times of 1803; and a large part of its prosperity
was due to the forty-four years' management by the second John
Walter. His successor was twenty-nine years of age, and on the eve
of entering parliament as a liberal-conservative. Delane was firmly
seated in the saddle, and, though the Walter family steadily turned
to the conservative side, the paper continued more or less in-
dependent until the last years of Delane's editorship, when
Disraeli's foreign policy, and, for the most part, his internal policy,
had the support of the journal.
In the next period, The Times suffered from the competition of
the penny press; and, at the very end of the century, from that
of the halfpenny press also. Among its chief competitors were
The Daily Telegraph, with its exuberant vitality, and the more
steady-going, but more fashionable, Morning Post? .
Daniel Stuart bought The Morning Post in 1795, when its circu-
lation was only 350 copies daily; in seven years, this rose to between
4000 and 4500—more than twice that of any other daily paper.
1 Later changes in the proprietorship and control of The Times may not be noted
here.


## p. 184 (#214) ############################################

184 The Growth of Journalism [CH.
Stuart is sketched in Charles Lamb's Newspapers Thirty-five Years
Ago :
'He ever appeared to us' writes Lamb'one of the finest tempered of editors.
Perry, of The Morning Chronicle was equally pleasant, with a dash, no slight
one either, of the courtier. S. was frank, plain, and English all over. '
Lamb asserts that the ‘sixpence a joke' which he received was
thought high remuneration. Daniel Stuart and his brother Peter
.
had already made their mark as printers and publishers. The
Morning Post was whig in politics ; the new proprietors turned it
over to the tory side. James (afterwards Sir James) Mackintosh
married the Stuarts' sister, and wrote much for them. Lamb
was introduced to Daniel Stuart by Coleridge, to whose work
De Quincey, writing of the newspaper press as a whole, pays a fine
tribute-
Worlds of fine thinking lie buried in that vast abyss, never to be disentombed
or restored to human admiration. Like the sea, it has swallowed treasures
without end, that no diving bell will bring up again; but nowhere, throughout
its shoreless magazines of wealth, does there lie such a bed of pearls, con-
founded with the rubbish and purgamenta of ages, as in the political papers
of Coleridge. No more admirable monument could be raised to the memory
of Coleridge than a republication of his essays in The Morning Post, but
still more of those afterwards published in The Courierl,
He contributed to The Morning Post the famous satirical poem, The
Devil's Thoughts. The connection was broken by his second tour
in Germany and Italy, and it is said that, while he was abroad,
Fox declared that his articles had led to the rupture of the truce
of Amiens? Most, if not all, of Coleridge's prose contributions
to The Morning Post were reproduced in his Essays on His Own
Times. In his absence, Southey wrote occasionally for The Morn-
ing Post, chiefly, if not wholly, verse; as also did Wordsworth, and
Lamb's Birmingham friend, Lloyd.
The Morning Post represented an energetic foreign policy,
and supported Palmerston in the Aberdeen ministry. Upon the
formation of the Palmerston ministry, in 1855, Greville wrote:
1 Most of them were republished. Coleridge's boast that, in one year, he raised
the sale of the Post from a very low figure to 7000 copies daily, has led to much
controversy; so, too, has the amount of work which he did. Stuart maintained that
the rise in circulation was due to his own energy and the good reporting of news.
Coleridge could scarcely have been other than erratic as a journalist; health, no less
than mental characteristics, unfitted him for the daily effort which newspaper work
entails. His claim as to the circulation of The Morning Post was examined carefully
by Charles Wentworth Dilke-& most competent authority—who was of opinion that
it could not be maintained. Coleridge was tried, among other things, at parlia-
mentary reporting, apparently with indifferent success.
• See Coleridge's Biographia Literaria, and Andrews, vol. II, p. 29.


## p. 185 (#215) ############################################

IV]
The Morning Post 185
'Palmerston will soon find the whole press against him, except his
own papers, The Morning Post and The Morning Chronicle,
neither of which has any circulation or influence. It is note-
worthy, as bearing upon the curious question of the actual effect
which newspaper writing may have upon national opinion, that,
despite this overweighting of the press against him, Palmerston
steadily advanced in popularity. The Morning Post came even-
tually into the hands of a Lancashire papermaker named Crompton,
and, about 1850, Peter Borthwick, who had migrated from Scotland
to London, obtained a position in the office as what his son, the
late lord Glenesk, called gérant. He had already a position in
politics and society, as M. P. for Evesham from 1835 to 1847, and was
known favourably as a vigorous and resolute conservative speaker.
His only son Algernon was sent to Paris as correspondent. He
could speak French like a native, as well as write in it, not only all necessary
prose, but some very passable verses, if some way after those written in the
same language by another Paris correspondent, Frank Mahony (“Father
Prout'), The Globe's representative on the Seine during later years of the
same period.
On the death of Peter Borthwick, in 1852, his son took his place,
and, it was said, 'afforded a fresh justification for the Caledonian
boast that the London press was a Scottish creation, and that
Flodden had avenged itself in Fleet Street. With the help of
'
Andrew Montagu-a Yorkshire millionaire related to his mother-
Algernon Borthwick purchased The Morning Post. He attacked
Palmerston for his ecclesiastical appointments—Palmerston's
bishops being evangelical and Borthwick a high churchman; but,
otherwise,
the polite world looked to the Post, not for news, but to see the whole mind
of Palmerston, which often meant only the whole mind of Borthwick. . . . The
briefs prepared by Palmerston to direct the manufacture of leaders often
proved full enough, and finished enough, for wholesale production in the
leader columns2.
A great friendship subsisted between Borthwick and count
Walewski, French ambassador in the fifties; and there was a
popular belief that Napoleon III subsidised the paper. Similar
statements as to subsidies to other papers have been made with
much greater probability: The Morning Post was not in pecuniary
1 It is said that when some of his later speeches were received with suggestions
that he had spoken at sufficient length, he told the house, 'If I am not allowed to
conclude at my own time, and in my own way, I am determined not to conclude at
all. ' Life of Peter Borthwick, by Lucas, S.
2 Escott, who states that he had his information from lord Glevesk.


## p. 186 (#216) ############################################

186
The Growth of Journalism
[CH.
difficulties. It was the last of the London papers in the century
(1882) to reduce its price to one penny. Always maintaining its
reputation as a record of the doings of the aristocratic and
wealthy, and as an advocate of a forward foreign policy, The
Morning Post, also, followed high ideals in its literary and
artistic articles. It is said to have been the first London daily
paper which, early in the century, printed regularly notices of
plays, operas and concerts, and this feature has always been well
maintained. Towards the end of the century, its articles on
military topics, too, began to attract much attention. It was
protectionist in the days of Peel, and in those of Chamberlain.
Of the morning papers in the first half of the century, The
Morning Chronicle was, in many respects, the most famous.
During several periods of its career, there were associated with
it some most brilliant writers, and, even in its later stages,
failure could not be attributed to lack of quality in the members
of its staff. Any attempt to record the history of the newspaper
press is confronted here, as in many other instances, with a
problem all but insoluble—that of determining the actual causes
of success or failure in journalistic effort. Often, the decisive
cause would seem to be quality, but with a strangely inverted
application. Sir Thomas Gresham, writing on the coinage, lays it
down as a principle that, if you have in a country good coins and
deteriorated coins of the same metal current side by side, the bad
will drive out the good, and Gresham's law may often be applied
to literature, to art and, especially, to journalism. The largest
circulations have often been attained by newspapers not ex-
hibiting the highest characteristics ; indeed, newspapers have
been known suddenly to reach enormous sales by publishing
articles describing the careers of notorious criminals. The
phrase “survival of the fittest' must, therefore, be used with a
difference. ' The Morning Chronicle had belonged to William
Woodfall, whose brother Sampson is famous for his publication of
The Letters of Junius. Perry, editing The Gazetteer, competed so
strongly with The Chronicle, that the latter came into the market,
and, with the aid of the duke of Norfolk and others, Perry became
its chief proprietor and editor. This was in 1789, when the whigs
were in want of an organ, and The Chronicle filled the gap.
Sheridan, Sir James Mackintosh, John Campbell (the future lord
chancellor), Thomas Campbell the poet, Thomas Moore, David
Ricardo, Henry (lord) Brougham, Albany Fonblanque and, as
we have seen, Charles Lamb, were among those enlisted by Perry


## p. 187 (#217) ############################################

IV]
The Chronicle
187
or by John Black, who, having been on the reporting staff of
The Chronicle, became its joint editor in 1817, obtaining complete
control in 1821, on Perry's death. Perry's writing had a lightness of
touch unknown to his successor; but Black had higher quali-
fications for discussing public questions ; Bentham called him the
greatest publicist the country had seen, and among his favourite
contributors were James and John Stuart Mill, the latter being
only seventeen years of age when he contributed three letters
condemning the punishment which Richard Carlisle, his wife and
her sister suffered for publishing unstamped papers.
Black
offended many of his whig friends by seeing good qualities in the
duke of Wellington. His style was not free, but, according to
John Stuart Mill, he was
the first journalist who carried criticism and the spirit of reform into the
details of English institutions. . . . Black was a frequent visitor to my father,
and Mr Grote used to say he always knew by the Monday morning's article
whether Black had been with my father on the Sunday.
Black, in The Chronicle, was at war with The Times; as was no
secret, one of his reporters, Charles Dickens, caricatured the
quarrel? Black regarded Dickens as the finest shorthand
writer he had ever known a judgment borne out by men
who were colleagues of Dickens in the parliamentary gallery.
Thackeray began his newspaper career as an art critic for the same
paper. In the fifties, when the Peelites controlled The Chronicle,
Palmerston inspired The Morning Post, and Greville, during the
negotiations closing the Crimean war, said:
Palmerston continues to put articles into The Morning Post, full of arro-
gance and jactance, and calculated to raise obstacles to the peace. This is
only what he did in '41, when he used to agree to certain things with his
colleagues, and then put violent articles in The Morning Chronicle totally
at variance with the views and resolutions of the Cabinet.
In 1862, The Morning Chronicle ended a notable career.
Daniel Stuart, in 1799, obtained possession of The Courier, an
evening paper. To The Courier, in Stuart's hands, Wordsworth
is said to have sent extracts from his then unpublished Cintra
convention pamphlet, and, also, articles on the Spanish and
Portuguese navies. Beginning with admiration for the French
revolution, The Courier followed the popular lead in this country,
a
1 Byron was a constant reader of The Chronicle; some of his jeux d'esprit were
published in it, as also were the verses—the last he wrote-on his thirty-sixth
birthday.
See Escott, Masters of Journalism, p. 161.


## p. 188 (#218) ############################################

188
[CH.
The Growth of Journalism
and became an opponent of the French cause, and especially
of Napoleon. In 1827, it supported Canning; William Mud-
ford, the editor, author of a series of tales in Blackwood's
Magazine, became a personal friend of this statesman. As
a result, it was denounced by the ultra-tory party, and lost
circulation, and, though, on the death of Canning, it reverted
to toryism, there was no recovery of position. John Galt? edited
it about 1830, and was followed by James Stuart, who, some years
previously, having been libelled by Sir Alexander Boswell, son
of James Boswell, had challenged him to a duel, and killed him.
Stuart conducted The Courier as a whig paper, and, apparently,
was the first editor of an evening paper to publish, once a week,
an enlarged sheet with one entire page devoted to book reviews.
In 1836, he was succeeded by Laman Blanchard. Shortly after-
wards, however, the paper was again sold to the tories, and, with a
new editor, lasted a few years longer.
The Morning Herald, first published in 1780, ran until 1869.
It was founded by a somewhat notorious clergyman, Henry Bate
Dudley, who had previously edited The Morning Post. It was
not very successful until after 1820, when it received a large
increase in circulation on account of its reporting of Bow street
police cases, Wight, its reporter, afterwards editor and partner,
exaggerating into caricatures his descriptions of the proceedings.
So attractive was this feature that a selection from the reports was
issued, with illustrations by George Cruikshank. An enterprising
policy in regard to news raised the circulation, until, according to the
official stamp returns for 1828, The Morning Herald had then a
publication of 1000 copies daily above The Times. This position,
however, was not maintained. In 1843, or 1844, Edwin Baldwin, a
proprietor of The Evening Standard, purchased The Morning
Herald, improved its literary quality, and, as it happened that the
railway mania followed close upon his purchase of the paper, he was
able to spend heavily. During the mania, the advertisement revenue
of many newspapers was enormous. But the prosperity was not
lasting, and, in a few years, Baldwin became bankrupt. James
Johnson, an official in the court of bankruptcy, purchased The
Morning Herald and The Evening Standard, and established The
Standard as a penny morning paper. This was after the abolition of
the newspaper advertisement duties, and when The Daily Telegraph,
The Daily News and The Morning Star were being issued at a
a
See, ante, vol. XII, chap. XI.


## p. 189 (#219) ############################################

Iv] The Morning Advertiser 189
penny. Later, The Herald was discontinued; but, for many years,
The Standard has occupied a high position in London journalism.
It was a staunch supporter of the conservative party, and among its
leader-writers numbered Alfred Austin, afterwards poet laureate.
In conjunction with it, The Evening Standard was maintained, a
paper - with which was eventually amalgamated The St James's
Gazette, an evening review and newspaper founded by Frederick
Greenwood, one of the foremost journalists'of the second half of the
century, when a change in the ownership of The Pall Mall Gazette
led to his retirement from that paper 1.
The third morning paper which lasted through the century
(after The Morning Post and The Times) is The Morning
Advertiser, whose literary importance at no time equalled that
of its two colleagues. It was first published in 1794 by the
London society of licensed victuallers. Naturally, it was de-
voted to trade interests, rather than to the support of any one
political party. Its circulation, however, fostered by the society,
was, in the middle of the century, second only to that of The
Times. The Morning Advertiser was one of the leaders in
the attack upon the Prince Consort, which reflected widespread
fears of non-constitutional interference in the management
of public affairs? . Subsequently, the policy of the paper was
changed.
Charles Dickens was not successful as a leader-writer, though
he had been as a reporter. In 1845—6, there was a demand
for a liberal paper which should be wide in its sympathies,
looking towards the educational and industrial advancement
of the masses, and treating religious questions from the point
of view of those who ‘faintly trust the larger hope. ' Dissatis-
fied with the reception of an offer he made to write a series
of sketches for The Morning Chronicle, Dickens talked over with
his publishers the possibility of starting a rival newspaper, and, in
the following year, agreed to edit The Daily News. Judged from
the standpoint of the end of the century, Dickens's scheme of
editing was much too solid and heavy. The paper contained his
opening article, followed by three others, all dealing with corn-law
reform ; more than a page was occupied with a report of a meeting
See post, p. 195.
2 Cf. Greville's Memoirs (third part, chap. v), on the subject of newspaper
attacks on the prince. Somewhat later, Henry Dunckley, editor of the since defunct
Manchester Examiner and Times, attained celebrity by a series of articles, afterwards
(1878) republished under the title Crown & Cabinet, which he based largely, though
not solely, upon the prince's position.


## p. 190 (#220) ############################################

190
[CH.
The Growth of Journalism
2
at Ipswich, and a speech there by Richard Cobden. A review of
railway affairs and reports of railway company proceedings nearly
filled another page? After seventeen numbers had been issued,
Dickens, as he said, 'tired to death, and quite worn out? , ceased
to edit the paper. John Forster took up the work, carrying it on
to the end of the first year. It is said that, though all the pro-
prietors were agreed in demanding the repeal of the corn-laws,
there were great differences, not only among them, but, also, on
the editorial staff, upon other questions, especially those bearing
on foreign policy. Among its contributors, after 1852, was
Miss Harriet Martineau—one of the two women who, in the
century, attained especially high eminence as journalists, the
other being Mrs Emily Crawford, later the Paris correspondent of
The Daily News and of Henry Labouchere's Truth. The Daily
News took its share in the campaign against the stamp duty, the
tax on advertisements and the paper duty- the last being
abolished in 1861. It had to cope with a Peelite endeavour to
regain popularity for The Morning Chronicle, and was attacked
in 1856 by the adherents of the then advanced radicalism of
Cobden and Bright in The Morning Star and The Evening Star,
which were started on 17 March 1856. The Morning Star, like
The Daily Telegraph, which had now come into being, was sold
at one penny. But the advanced radical paper was never able to
attract the general public, and its attitude towards the Crimean
war, no doubt, spoiled any chance of success which it might have
had. On its staff, however, it numbered several distinguished men
of letters and other journalists of subsequent high repute. The
Daily News maintained an excellent reputation. After the open-
ing of the Franco-Prussian war, in 1870, it was joined by Archibald
Forbes. The ability of one man—though the subject of his articles,
in this case, was of overwhelming interest—to give popularity to
a newspaper was never exhibited more clearly ; during the war,
the circulation of The Daily News rose from 50,000 to 150,000
a days. Writing in The Nineteenth Century of August 1891,
Forbes indicated some of the dangers attending war correspondents
during the time of his service. Referring to the Crimean and
other campaigns before 1870, and recognising, generously, that
W. H. Russell ‘had made for himself a reputation to vie with
which no representative of a newer school has any claim,' he
1 See Fox Bourne, English Newspapers.
? See chapter on Dickens, vol. XIII, and cf. , as to Forster, ante, chap. II.
3 Fox Bourne.


## p. 191 (#221) ############################################

IV] The Daily Telegraph 191
pointed out that the advent of the telegraph had increased the
labour of the correspondent as it has, indeed, in all departments
of daily journalism-and that the older correspondents did not run
the same risks as the later of being shot.
Before far-reaching rifle firearms came into use, it was quite easy to see
a battle without getting within range of fire. With siege guns that carry
shells ten miles, with field artillery having a range of four miles, and with
rifles that kill without benefit of clergy at two miles, the war correspondent
may as well stay at home with his mother, unless he has hardened his heart
to take full share of the risks of the battlefield. In the petty Servian
campaign of 1876, there were twelve correspondents who kept the field,
and went under fire. Of those, three were killed, and four were wounded.
Certainly not more than thirty correspondents and artists all told, were in
the Soudan from the earliest troubles to the final failure of the Nile ex-
pedition, but on or under its cruel sand lie the corpses of at least six of my
comrades.
Noteworthy among later contributors to The Daily News was
Andrew Lang?
Of those who took a leading part in the production of The Daily
Telegraph, the first lord Burnham died while this chapter was
passing through the press. To his constant care and unrivalled
experience of affairs, the paper has owed much of its success.