No More Learning

Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II of Bijapur died in 1627, shortly
before Jahangir, and his eldest son Darvesh was blinded and set aside
in favour of Muhammad 'Adil, a younger son aged only fifteen,
through the influence of a clique headed by Mustafa Khan, a capable
minister, and Daulat (or Khavass) Khan, a man who had risen from
a low origin. The succession was recognised by Shah Jahan but not
by the king of Ahmadnagar, who favoured Darvesh, and invaded
Bijapur to support his claim. Shah Jahan, busy with consolidating
his own position, tried to make peace, but the quarrel was embittered
by a dispute about Sholapur which Malik 'Ambar had taken from
Bijapur. When Shah Jahan came to the Deccan to suppress Khan
Jahan's rebellion, and if possible to crush Ahmadnagar, the rival
ministers of Bijapur were still divided over the attitude which the
kingdom should assume. Mustafa Khan, whose father-in-law had
-
been executed by Malik 'Ambar, was in favour of supporting the
Mughuls, but Randola Khan, the commander-in-chief, felt that the
Mughuls were the enemy most to be feared. A'zam Khan's reduction
of Dharur increased the hope that Bijapur might regain some of the
territory taken by Malikh 'Ambar and terms were considered. But
Randola Khan demanded an excessive area including Dharur, and
refused to furnish troops in aid of A'zam Khan when he was pursuing
Mugarrab Khan and the army of Ahmadnagar. Being in great
straits Muqarrab Khan offered to restore Sholapur to Bijapur, and
A'zam Khan feared an alliance between the two kingdoms. His
assaults on Parenda had failed, and the drought had so parched the
country that even grass for horses could not be found within a range
of forty miles. He therefore withdrew to Dharur, losing rear-guard
actions on the way. More success attended the other divisions of the
Mughul troops, as Nasiri Khan, though resisted by combined forces
of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar, took the strong fortress of Kandhar
on the eastern edge of Balaghat, Berar was cleared, and Khvaja
1 Now in the Banda district, U. P. , 25° 27' N. , 83° 24' E.
2 18° 16' N. , 75° 27' E,
3 See chap. IX.


## p. 189 (#223) ############################################

DEATH OF MUMTAZ MAHALL
189
Abu-'l-Hasan, though with great difficulty, had reduced Nasik and
Sangamner on the north-west of Ahmadnagar. In the midst of these
successes the emperor sustained a blow which left an impression
never effaced in the death of his favourite wife, Mumtaz Mahall,
on 17 June, 1631. She was buried at first in a garden called
Zainabad near Burhanpur, and afterwards her remains were re-
moved to Agra, where they lie with those of Shah Jahan in a
beautiful tomb.
The kingdom of Ahmadnagar, like that of Bijapur, was under a
nominal ruler, swayed against his will by factions among the nobles.
Muqarrab Khan had superseded and strictly confined his brother-
in-law, Fath Khan, who was a son of Malik 'Ambar. While Muqarrab
Khan was attempting to resist the Mughul forces, the king of Ahmad-
nagar asserted himself for a brief space and released Fath Khan.
Feeling that resistance was useless, Muqarrab Khan, who was of
Persian origin and had no hereditary connection with the kingdom,
changed sides and offered his services to the emperor, which were
accepted, and he was shortly afterwards transferred to Katehr (now
Rohilkhand) in northern India. Fath Khan himself, knowing his
master's changeable mood, placed the king in confinement, as his
father had done, and reported this to Asaf Khan, expecting some
mark of favour. Asaf Khan, who was ruthless in such matters, sug-
gested that his sincerity would be best proved by murder, and Fath
Khan poisoned the king and replaced him by Husain, a boy of ten.
With the hesitation usually found in traitors he delayed the surrender
of treasure and elephants he had agreed to give up, and Shah Jahan
despatched Muqarrab Khan, now dignified by the title of Rustam
Khan, to reduce Daulatabad which had become the actual head-
quarters of the Ahmadnagar kingdom. This fresh danger alarmed
Fath Khan, who submitted. Randola Khan, the Bijapur general,
had still shown opposition to the Mughuls and had detained an
envoy who was carrying presents to the emperor. Hearing of the
collapse of resistance in Ahmadnagar, he also offered peace and
promised allegiance to the emperor and that he would let the envoy
pass. A'zam Khan, however, rejected the terms and marched south
but suffered losses and fell back. In December, 1631, the emperor
deputed Asaf Khan to invade Bijapur. Taking a route farther east
than that followed by A'zam Khan in the earlier campaign, Asaf
Khan reached Bhalki and took it. A message of submission from
Bijapur was rejected and the Mughuls marched on, sacking Gulbarga
i The chronogram recording the date in the Hijri era is the single word Gham,
meaning sorrow, the numerical value of the two Arabic letters used in writing
it being equal to 1040.
The histories record that he struck coin in the name of Shah Jahan, but the
issue seems to have been confined to Ahmadnagar dated about October, 1631.
Shah Jahan's suzerainty at his accession had been recognised by striking coins
at Daulatabad in his name, dated 1037 Hijri, though the issue was not continued.
8 18° 3' N. , 77° 12' E.
3


## p. 190 (#224) ############################################

190
SHAH JAHAN
and massacring the population. The army camped between Nauras-
pur and Shahpur, a few miles north-west of Bijapur, and opened
the siege. Fresh negotiations were set on foot and Mustafa Khan,
who headed the party favourable to the Mughuls, came into the
camp of the besiegers to discuss terms. His offer seemed favourable,
but his colleague, Khavass Khan, declined to concur in them, and
made a fresh suggestion, which Asaf Khan was disposed to accept,
owing to his difficulties in obtaining supplies, as the Bijapur army,
while falling back, had destroyed whatever the famine had left.
During the truce and parley, however, the straitened circumstances
of the besiegers had become known to the garrison, and a letter
dropped in the Mughul camp by an adherent of Mustafa Khan
warned Asaf Khan that he was merely being played with till exhaus-
tion should overcome his force. During the short siege of twenty days
no grain had been brought in and the provisions which had been
carried with the army were almost finished. Asaf Khan therefore
retreated west to Miraj, seeking supplies, plundering the country
and killing or enslaving the population. He then struck north past
Sholapur, where the pursuing army of Bijapur turned back, and he
returned to the Mughul territories. The emperor was by this time
disgusted with the Deccan where his wife had died, his plans had not
succeeded and the desolation of famine still continued. He was per-
suaded by Mahabat Khan that the conquest of Bijapur was not im-
possible, and entrusted to him the command in the Deccan, recalling
to court Asaf Khan, who was more distinguished in political craft
than as a general in the field.
Although the Deccan had hitherto been the scene of the most
important events affecting the empire military operations had been
undertaken elsewhere, especially in Bengal. Nearly a century earlier
the Portuguese had obtained a footing at Hooghly, whence they
traded to other parts of India, to China, the Moluccas and Manilla.
They had a monopoly of the manufacture of salt and practically
exercised their own administration in the settlement. Converts and
half-castes were numerous, and the new port gained at the expense
of Satgaon a little higher up the river and Sonargaon in eastern
Bengal. Some of the inhabitants joined the half-castes of Chittagong,
descended from Portuguese refugees from Goa, who were notorious
pirates and ravaged the rich districts of eastern Bengal. During the
reign of Jahangir the Portuguese had been left very much to them-
selves by the Mughul governors, who moved their headquarters from
Sonargaon in 1608 to Dacca, calling it Jahangirnagar, after the
emperor. Qasim Khan, who became governor soon after the accession
of Shah Jahan, reported to the emperor that the Portuguese were a
danger as they had fortified their settlement, levied tolls on ships that
passed it, and had ruined Satgaon. He also called attention to their
1 16° 49' N. , 74° 41' E.


## p. 191 (#225) ############################################

1
MUGHUL ATTACK ON HOOGHLY
191
complicity in piracy i and their practice of kidnapping or purchasing
children and disposing of them as slaves. These statements reminded
the emperor of his own personal reasons for disliking the foreigners.
During the first successes of Shah Jahan's rebellion against his father
the governor of Hooghly, who was afraid of an attack on that place
after Burdwan had fallen, visited the prince. Shah Jahan had a high
opinion of the value of the European gunners employed by the Portu-
guese and offered great rewards for their services. The governor,
while sensible of the immediate danger to his settlement during the
temporary collapse of imperial power in Bengal, did not believe in
the possibility of the ulitmate success of the rebel. Unfortunately for
the Portuguese the language of his refusal to help was reported to
have been very insulting. At a later stage the Portuguese gave some
assistance to Parviz. When Shah Jahan succeeded to the throne the
foreigners omitted to recognise the accession by the usual presents.
The late empress had also had a personal grievance during the fight,
as one of the Portuguese had first given some help and had then
deserted, carrying off boats one of which contained two slave girls
who belonged to her. A striking example of the lawlessness of the
time occurred in 1629, when a Portuguese from the Magh territory
in eastern Bengal plundered a village near Dacca and violently
assaulted a Mughul lady? Shah Jahan thus welcomed the proposal
of Qasim Khan that these troublesome aliens who did not conform
to Islam and who were actively injurious to the realm should be
suppressed.
An opportunity for action soon presented itself. A Portuguese
merchant at Satgaon named Afonso, who had made a claim to
certain land in Hooghly, applied to Qasim Khan in 1632 and held
out the promise of rich booty if the settlement were taken, which
would be an easy task. The governor acted cautiously, as the Portu-
guese were known to be capable soldiers, and he feared that if he
became involved in a long struggle the Magh king would take
advantage of his concentration of forces at Hooghly to attack and
plunder Dacca. He therefore assembled a considerable force under
the pretext of coercing refractory landholders near Murshidabad
north of Hooghly and Hijili to the south, and he also collected boats,
as the Portuguese were particularly redoubtable on the water.
Warnings had been received from priests at Dacca and Agra, but
were disregarded, and when the large Mughul army approached
Hooghly at the end of June, and it was known that the fleet was
not far away, barricades and palisades had to be improvised, and a
Jesuit was sent to parley. Bahadur Khan, who was in command,
detailed the offences described above and proposed to search for. Ben-
gali slaves and punish those who had purchased them. The Portu-
1 For the damage done by the pirates of eastern Bengal see J. A. S. B. 1907,
p. 422.
2 See Manrique, I, 318. She was subsequently
baptised and married a Portuguese.


## p. 192 (#226) ############################################

192
SHAH JAHAN
guese declined to allow a search, and after some preliminary skir-
mishing an attack was launched by both land and the river, which
was repulsed. A few days later the besieged sent out fresh envoys
to sue for peace, and were bidden to despatch four of the principal
residents with power to make terms. These agreed to give up the
slaves, but surrendered only a small number. Further hostages were
obtained and a large ransom demanded from the church with half
the property of the inhabitants, and the hostages were fettered and
threatened with death. The negotiations were being prolonged as
reinforcements were expected by the Mughuls, who soon attacked
again and obtained a footing in part of the settlement. For about
five weeks the siege continued till artillery was brought up and
trenches were dug. During a fresh armistice the Portuguese gave up
200,000 rupees with which the Mughuls paid their troops. Afonso
tried to block the river with a bridge of boats and a chain, and pre-
pared a number of fire-boats to burn the Portuguese ships. Finally
the Portuguese decided to evacuate the town in their boats, but
delayed and were attacked before the boats cast loose. A running
fight ensued, and about 3000 refugees escaped down the river, while
400 Christian prisoners were taken the long slow journey to Agra. ?
Most of them refused to apostasise and were imprisoned. While the
emperor had substantial reasons for coercing the Portuguese, evidence
of his religious intolerance at this period exists in orders issued for
the demolition of newly built Hindu temples, particularly in and near
the sacred city of Benares, where seventy-six were said to have been
destroyed.
Apart from a slight insurrection among the Bhils of Malwa, which
was easily suppressed, the internal peace of the empire was unbroken
at the end of 1632. The southern border was, however, far from quiet.
Shahji the Maratha chief, when he first made his submission to the
Mughuls, had been rewarded with grants of land which had been
held by Fath Khan of Ahmadnagar. These grants were restored to
Fath Khan as a reward for his murder of the king. Enraged by this
alienation Shahji offered his services to the king of Bijapur, promising
to take Daulatabad from Fath Khan if an army from Bijapur would
help him. Daulatabad was not ready to stand a siege and Fath Khan
addressed Mahabat Khan, offering to make it over to the imperial
forces, and to proceed himself for service at the court. A force under
Khan Zaman, son of Mahabat Khan, defeated the troops from
Bijapur, and their general Randola Khan, having lost in the field,
had resort to intrigue. He offered Fath Khan a considerable sum
of money and supplies, and was successful in getting him to break
his pledge to the Mughuls. On hearing of this treachery Mahabat
Khan decided to take Daulatabad by storm, a task which had never
been accomplished since the construction of the central fortress by
1 For a contemporary Portuguese account of the siege see Manrique, 11, App. 392.


## p. 193 (#227) ############################################

STORMING OF DAULATABAD
193
Muhammad bin Tughluq three centuries earlier. It was protected
by a number of later fortifications, especially the works known as
‘Ambar Kot, which had been built by Malik Ambar. The place was
invested under the direct supervision of Mahabat Khan who pro-
ceeded by sapping and mining. At the same time, having an army
of about 20,000 cavalry in the field against him, he maintained a
large mobile force to prevent the reinforcement of the garrison and
the entry of supplies which were badly needed. Within six weeks a
large mine was exploded which tore down a long stretch of the outer
wall and part of a bastion. As the explosion had been premature
the storming troops were not ready and a fierce struggle ensued
before the defences made by Malik 'Ambar. were taken. Diversions
made in Berar, and attempts by Randola Khan and Shahji to relieve
the garrison, all failed. The small contingent of Bijapur troops within
the fortress, dispirited alike by the straits to which they had been
reduced, and by the success and vigour of the besiegers, asked to be
allowed to escape secretly: Mahabat Khan sent a written consent
and received them kindly when they made their way down a ladder
and gave them presents. In less than two months after the penetra-
tion of the outworks, a mine was ready for exploding under the next
line of defences. Communications between opposing forces were more
frequent than in modern warfare, and Fath Khan, aware of the
instant danger, asked for a day to arrange for terms with his Bijapur
allies. His treachery had been exposed so often that Mahabat Khan
declined to allow any terms unless Fath Khan would send his son
as a hostage. The son did not appear and the mine was sprung,
tearing down a bastion and part of the wall. Fresh trenches were
started within the wall, and renewed attempts by the Bijapur army
were defeated. An epidemic had broken out in the fortress, and Fath
Khan was now alarmed for the safety and honour of his own ladies
and the harem of the king. To save them he sent his son with a
prayer for forgiveness and help to remove the women. Exulting in
his victory Mahabat Khan was generous, and not only provided his
own elephants and camels with several litters for the women, but
also restored some of the treasure already taken. At the end of June.
:633, after a siege of three and a half months, Fath Khan yielded
up the stronghold with all the guns and munitions of war, and
Mahabat Khan, entering, had prayers read in the name of the
empercr. Fath Khan and Husain Nizam Shah, the boy king, were
sent to court; their lives were spared but Husain was committed to
the state prison in the Gwalior fort for life, while Fath Khan was
allowed to live at Lahore with an ample pension.
Mahabat Khan's brilliant conduct of the siege was the last success
of a great soldier who, throughout his career, had excelled as . tactician
rather than strategist. The capture of Daulatabad. by no means won
1 See vol. m: . 141. -
13


## p. 194 (#228) ############################################

191
SHAH JAHAN
the whole territory of Ahmadnagar for the Mughuls. In the west the
Marathas had a firm hold over the northern half of the present Poona
district and the Konkan. Parts of the Balaghat were still in the hands
of Ahmadnagar officers who maintained their loyalty to a phantom
ruler or denied allegiance to the Mughuls for their own benefit.
Parenda, which A'zam Khan had failed to take two years before,
had been made over to Bijapur by its commander, and Mahabat
Khan now proposed to the prince Shah Shuja' that the Mughul forces
should take it in order to subdue the outlying portions of Ahmad-
nagar and to establish a base for the reduction of Bijapur. He
detached his son Khan Zaman to ravage the frontier district of
Bijapur and he established outposts along the line from Daulatabad
towards Parenda so as to shut off the Marathas. Shahji, however,
announced the succession of another member of the Nizamshahi
dynasty of Ahmadnagar and by raiding continually tried to break
the Mughul line and thus relieve the pressure on Parenda. To coun-
teract these movements a Mughul force was sent to force Shahji back
to Junnar and to sack or capture some of his strongholds.
As Khan Zaman's attempt to take Parenda was not successful,
Mahabat Khan himself with Shah Shuja' left the Mughul head-
quarters established at Malkapur. The effects of the great famine
had not yet passed away. Thousands of cultivators had perished, and
many of the survivors had moved to districts which had suffered less.
In the absence of proper organisation supplies for the army in the
field were lacking, and foraging parties had to go to distant places
where they were subject to attack. Mahabat Khan himself narrowly
escaped capture, being rescued by Nasiri Khan who had now received
the title of Khan Dauran for his services in the capture of Daulatabad.
The incident caused jealousy, as Khan Dauran continued to boast
of his exploit. The hot weather was well advanced, and as the rains
were due Mahabat Khan advised Shah Shuja', who was unable to
control his generals, to raise the siege and retire to Burhanpur. The
failure vexed the emperor, who recalled Shah Shuja' and Khan
Zaman to court and censured Mahabat Khan. The old general was
suffering from fistula, and distracted by his sufferings and the failure
of his enterprise behaved madly till his death in October, 1634.
While affairs had been progressing so badly in the Deccan the
emperor had been making his first visit to Lahore since his accession.
On his return to Agra he conferred on Asaf Khan the title of Khan
Khanan which had been held by Mahabat Khan. A fresh insurrec-
tion now broke out in Bundelkhand. For five years Jujhar Singh
had served in the Deccan and had assisted in the capture of Daulata-
bad. He then returned to Orchha, leaving his son and the Bundela
contingent with Mahabat Khan. Reviving his old ambition he sought
to extend his authority over Gondwana, the hilly tract lying south of
Bundelkhand, which had never been brought under direct Mughul


## p. 195 (#229) ############################################

REBELLION IN BUNDELKHAND
196
rule, though one of Akbar's generals had raided it and stormed the
extensive fortress of Chauragarh. Jujhar Singh laid siege to this
place and, though he received warnings from the emperor not to
persist, he took it and treacherously put to death the Gond Raja
Prem Narayan. The son of the dead raja appealed to Shah Jahan,
who called on Jujhar Singh to surrender the conquered territory to
the imperial officers, or to give up his own lands, and also to pay a
fine of a million rupees. Jujhar Singh refused to obey and sent a
message to his son to bring back his troops from the Balaghat. On
their way back they were attacked by imperial forces and lost heavily,
but the son escaped, though wounded, and joined his father. Prince
Aurangzib was now deputed with an army to suppress the rebellion.
The force concentrated at Bhander and marched south on Orchha,
which was surrounded by thick jungle not traversed by open roads.
Making slow progress through this, the troops were subject to con-
stant attacks by the Bundelas, but still pressed on. Alarmed by their
progress, Jujhar Singh left Orchha in charge of a garrison and with
his son, their families and valuables retreated south to Dhamoni. 1
Orchha was stormed and the prince drew near Dhamoni, when news
was received that Jujhar Singh had left for Chauragarh which he
hoped to be able to hold against áll attacks, if the Mughuls pursued
him into such difficult country. Dhamoni was stormed and the
imperial army still advanced. Dismayed at last, Jujhar Singh aban-
doned Chauragarh and hastened towards the Deccan with a force
about 6000 strong, and sixty elephants carrying his family and
valuables. The rebels had a fortnight's start and travelled speedily,
but were pursued and pressed. Jujhar Singh put to death several of
his women whose horses had foundered and turned on the Mughuls,
but was beaten and his men scattered in the jungles. The remnants
made for Golconda and were again taken by surprise. They had not
time to perform the full rites of jauhar (the Rajput sacrifice of women
in such an emergency) but stabbed a number, and were about to
fly when they were forced to fight. The Mughuls took several male
relatives of Jujhar Singh prisoners, and picked up the wounded
women. While they rested after their long marches news came that
Jujhar Singh and one of his sons had been murdered by the Gonds
in the jungles where they had sought to hide. Shah Jahan himself
had proceeded towards Orchha and just before Christmas, 1634,
came news of the capture of the strong fort of Jhansi, a few miles
away. For several years following these defeats the Orchha branch
of Bundelas had no chief recognised by the emperor.
The death of Mahabat Khan and the removal of Mughul forces
from the Deccan had the usual result of causing the rival factions in
the Bijapur state to renew their bickering. For a time, Khavass
Khan obtained the upper hand and imprisoned Mustafa Khan in
'1'24° 14' N. , 78° 45° E.


## p. 196 (#230) ############################################

196
SHAH JAHAN
1
the fort of Belgaum, as he had refused to give up the royal seals
when ordered by the king. An intrigue was started which ended in
the murder of Khavass Khan and his right-hand man Murari Pandit.
Mustafa Khan obtained his release and was restored to the position
of Peshwa or chief minister. The emperor now took the opportunity
of obtaining renewed pledges of allegiance from Bijapur and Gol-
conda, and himself came south to direct what operations might be
necessary, crossing the Narbada early in 1636, and proceeding to
Daulatabad. He called on the king of Bijapur to be regular in payment
of tribute and to make over to imperial officers the Ahmadnagar
territories which Bijapur had seized. In particular he demanded that
the Marathas and other supporters of the evicted Ahmadnagar
dynasty should be turned out of Bijapur. To strengthen his demands
he detached a force towards the Balaghat with instructions to take
the forts of Udgir and Ausa, which had belonged to Ahmadnagar.
Mustafa Khan, who had always favoured the Mughuls, agreed to
the terms, and sent apologies for recent contumacious behaviour for
which he had not been responsible. The envoy who returned to the
imperial camp reported that there were still dissensions among the
leading nobles and, as it was discovered that money had been sent
to the commandants of Udgir and Ausa, Shah Jahan decided to
invade Bijapur. This danger induced the general Randola to unite
with Mustafa Khan in suing for peace. Delay and secret contumacy
had made the emperor inclined to greater severity and his first im-
pulse was to execute the envoys to prove the reality of his intentions.
Asaf Khan, however, succeeded in dissuading him and the entreaties
of Mustafa Khan's son, who had come to court, appeased his anger.
The terms were, however, severe. Bijapur was to acknowledge
Mughul supremacy, to pay an annual tribute of two million rupees,
and to keep the peace with Golconda, submitting to the emperor's
arbitration any dispute with that kingdom. The boundary of the
old Ahmadnagar state, now Mughul, was settled, and Bijapur was
confirmed in the possession of Parenda, and of the Konkan, while
that state agreed to assist the Mughuls if Shahji did not surrender
his chief possessions near Junnar and Trimbak. The peace thus con-
cluded (May, 1636) continued till the death of Muhammad 'Adil
Shah of Bijapur in November, 1656, though Mughul authority had
to be asserted on one or two occasions.
The settlement of affairs with Golconda was an easier task as the
king had usually been more complaisant than the rulers of other
Deccan states. Friendship with Shah Jahan had been shown by help
given to him during his rebellion against his father, and his gratitude
was expressed in 1626 when 'Abdullah Qutb Shah succeeded his
father. The emperor on his arrival in the Deccan to crush the rebel
Khan Jahan sent an envoy to the Golconda court who returned with:
presents early in 1631. Some alarm was, however; felt at Golconda
1
1


## p. 197 (#231) ############################################

PEACE TERMS ENFORCED ON GOLCONDA
197
when in the operations which ensued one of the Mughul divisions
took the fort of Kandhar, and troops were sent to patrol the frontier
in that direction. Further mistrust of the imperial designs was caused
by the governor of Orissa, who took a fort on the northern borders,
but the emperor stayed a further advance by him. When another
envoy was sent at the end of 1631 Asaf Khan was starting on his
unsuccessful expedition against Bijapur and the envoy was detained
in Golconda and finally dismissed without the usual presents on the
receipt of news of Asaf Khan's failure and return to the north. Either
the old friendship or fear of Mughul prowess held back the king two
years later from joining the Bijapur forces which tried to relieve the
Daulatabad garrison during the siege by Mahabat Khan. Fugitive
elatives of Jujhar Singh who succeeded in reaching Golconda when
he met his death in the jungles were made over to the Mughul
commander.
These bonds of friendship and complaisance were, however, strained
by the force of religious difference. While Shah Jahan was a strict
Sunni the kings of Golconda belonged to the Shiah sect and for
more than thirty years had included the name of the reigning Shah
of Persia in the weekly Friday prayers, as a recognition of his autho-
rity. The demands on Golconda thus included the abolition of
Shiah . practices and an explanation why the authority of the Shah
was respected, besides the usual request for presents. Some show of
resistance was made as had been the case with Bijapur. Judges of
the Islamic law and divines were assembled at Golconda and they
advised compliance. Shah Jahan's name was inserted in the Friday
prayers, and the Mughul troops were withdrawn from the frontiers,
without having to make the show of force which had been necessary
at Bijapur. As the Golconda kingdom was weaker than Bijapur the
terms imposed on it were harder. They included the abolition of the
Shiah formula and the use of the emperor's name on coins, payment
of an annual tribute of 200,000 huns, with arrears then due, con-
tinued loyalty, and the promise of help if Bijapur attacked the
imperial forces. Among the presents taken to the emperor with the
written treaty (May, 1636) were included coins of Mughul type
bearing his name for the first time. His return presents included his
portrait and a gold tablet on which the details of the treaty were
engraved.
While these arrangements were being concluded with the feeble
kings of Golconda and Bijapur, more trouble was being experienced
in subduing the hardy Marathas. As he approached Daulatabad
the emperor despatched one force under Khan Zaman to occupy
1 Golconda, unlike Bijapur, had very little distinctive coinage of Muham-
madan style, but appears to have used coins of the southern Indian Hindu types.
as did the Dutch, the Danes and the English. Cf. W. H. Moreland, Relations of
Golconda, p. 91 sq.
2 A well known gold coin in South India,
worth at this period about 78. to 7s. Bd. or three rupees.


## p. 198 (#232) ############################################

198
SHAH JAHAN
the home land of Shahji south and south-east of Ahmadnagar and
afterwards to clear the Konkan of Marathas. Another division under
Shayista Khan invaded the districts north and west of Ahmadnagar.
Shayista Khan's enterprise was successful and he rapidly won over
a Maratha leader and a Muslim commandant serving under the
nominal Ahmadnagar ruler, and his troops stormed or compelled
the surrender of a number of forts. Khan Zaman found himself
opposed to Shahji, who had crossed the line of his advance and was
making for Parenda to join the Bijapur forces, followed by Khan
Zaman. When Shahji passed over the Bhima and entered Bijapur
territory where Khan Zaman had been ordered not to follow him,
the latter halted. Receiving permission later, he took Kolhapur and
plundered Miraj and Raybag though constantly harassed by the
Bijapur troops. While he halted on his return journey northwards
he received news that Bijapur had submitted to terms and he was
ordered to take Junnar from Shahji, to whom an offer of service
was made by Bijapur if he would peacefully surrender his fortresses.
Shahji, however, continued to hold out after the treaty with Bijapur
had been concluded and a further campaign was necessary to reduce
him, which was prolonged by the setting in of the rainy season.
Khan Zaman invested Junnar, but Shahji made rapid marches and
counter-marches, evading both the Mughul troops and the Bijapur
forces which were now co-operating with them. Finally Shahji took
refuge in a small fort, and after sustaining a siege by the combined
armies, and haggling long over terms, he surrendered all his strong-
holds and agreed to enter the service of Bijapur. Early in 1637 when
Aurangzib returned to court to be married, he brought with him
the boy whom Shahji had set up as ruler of Ahmadnagar and had
made over to the Mughul general when he surrendered. The boy
was imprisoned in Gwalior, where there were already two of his
predecessors.
While affairs in the Deccan had been the chief preoccupation of
the Mughuls other projects for extension of territory had also been
launched. For a hundred years they had coveted the barren and
inhospitable country of Tibet, and in spite of the record of constant
disaster renewed their attempts from time to time. An expedition
under the governor of Kashmir failed in the preceding reign and was
obliged to retreat with great loss and much difficulty. Shah Jahan's
expedition was less ambitious and was directed against Abdal the
ruler of Paltistan or little Tibet, who had offended him by giving
refuge to the turbulent Chakks. Abdal had submitted in 1634 but
again showed a recalcitrant spirit and the governor of Kashmir was
directed to enforce his obedience. Baltistan lies among massive ranges
with lofty peaks and vast glaciers and a campaign is possible only
during two months of the year. A fort held by a young son of Abdal
1 For the earlier activities of this tribe see vol. bi, chap. XII.
1


## p. 199 (#233) ############################################

QANDAHAR SURRENDERED TO MUGHULS 199
capitulated after a short siege and the failure of a sortie to drive off
the besiegers. The surrender of a second fort and the knowledge that
his people were not prepared to support him compelled Abdal to yield
and he agreed to pay an indemnity, while the leader of the Chakks
was also secured. A new governor was appointed, and a year later
sent news that Tibet proper was aggressive. In a short campaign,
however, the Tibetan forces were routed and peace was restored.
An event of greater importance was the recovery of Qandahar,
the possession of which was so long disputed by the rulers of Persia
and India, even after its importance on a trade route had diminished.
During the first ten years of Shah Jahan's reign he lost no opportunity
of trying to impress the Shah of Persia with his own prowess. Persian
envoys were received with great pomp and costly gifts were made
to them. After each success in putting down rebellions or coercing
the kings in the Deccan an Indian ambassador was sent to the Shah
to magnify the achievement. Shah 'Abbas, the great Persian monarch,
died a year after Shah Jahan ascended the throne. His young
successor was occupied for a number of years in contests with the
Turks, and in suppressing the revolts which inevitably followed the
death of a strong and merciless ruler. On the Indian border 'Ali
Mardan Khan upheld Persian interests as governor of Qandahar,
and was successful in subduing Sher Khan Tarin of Qoshanj who
had been oppressing travellers on the trade route. In 1632 Sher
Khan appealed to Shah Jahan, who granted him an interview and
gave him a post in the Punjab. Though the. Persian monarch was
gradually improving his position, the Turks on the west and the
Uzbegs on the north-east were still troublesome, and the Mughuls
followed up their Indian successes by intrigues with 'Ali Mardan.
He had a personal grievance against Saru Taqi, the minister of the
Shah, who had called him to account for his governorship and when
met by prevarication despatched a force to ensure compliance.
Alarmed by this insistence 'Ali Mardan Khan asked help from the
Mughul officers at Ghazni and Kabul, and impressed by Shah
Jahan's recent successes offered to surrender Qandahar to him. Early
in 1638 the commandant of Ghazni arrived and was allowed to enter
the fortress. He was followed in a few days by the governor of Kabul
and 'Ali Mardan Khan publicly acknowledged his change of alle-
giance by having the name of Shah Jahan recited in the Friday
prayers and stamped on the coinage of the city, while the fortress
was formally handed over to the Mughuls, though a party within it
was still in favour of the Persians and corresponded with the leader
of the force which had been sent to secure it. In a short campaign
the surrounding district was again brought under Mughul sway.
'Ali Mardan Khan was handsomely rewarded and later in the year
was made governor of Kashmir, and honoured by a visit from the
emperor.


## p. 200 (#234) ############################################

200
SHAH JAHAN
About the same time peace was effected on the north-eastern
frontier in Assam, where constant bickering and incursions had taken
place during the previous century. The north of Assam was occupied
by two groups of Mongoloid origin calling themselves respectively
Koch and Ahom. Intervention by the Muslims in Bengal had taken
place sometimes merely by way of aggression and sometimes when
invited by the Koch either through internal faction or as helpers
against the Ahom. During Jahangir's reign the Mughuls had obtained
a footing as far east as the Bar Nadi on the border between the
present districts of Darrang and Kamrup. The Ahoms were em-
broiled by a cousin of the Koch ruler who had taken refuge with
them, and foray and counter-raid continued for some years. In 1635
the Mughuls after several defeats made a last stand at Hajo, which
fell, and the Ahoms took the country west of the Bar Nadi. A fresh
Mughul expedition in 1637 was successful and the rebel Koch was
killed. By the peace established in the following year the imperial
boundary on the Bar Nadi was again restored.
This campaign, like others which occupied the forces in various
parts of the empire during the next few years, was of slight import-
ance. The ruler of Baglan, a fertile tract now in the Nasik district,
which lay on the route between Surat and Burhanpur, and was thus
familiar to the earlier European travellers, had successfully resisted
Akbar, but acknowledged the supremacy of Jahangir. Aurangzib,
when appointed governor of the Deccan, was directed to subdue it
completely and was successful at the end of 1637. Further west the
Mughuls besieged the Portuguese in Daman and Diu, but peace was
made through the mediation of Fremlin, the British chief at Surat.
In the north the affairs of Kangra were troublesome. The nominal
governor was Jagat Singh, who had given valuable assistance in the
reduction of the fortress. He had been sent in 1634 to coerce the
refractory Khattaks in the hilly country between Kabul and Peshawar,
and during his absence his son, Rajrup, was in charge of the Kangra
valley. The revenue due from the tract was not paid and the Mughul
officers failed to restore the administration. At his own request Jagat
Singh was deputed to bring the tract into order in 1640, but for a
year he did nothing and was deprived of his office as he had encroa-
ched on a neighbouring jurisdiction and had built a fortress. He
disobeyed a summons to return to court and prince Murad Bakhsh
was sent against him with three generals in the autumn of 1641.
Murad's fiery advance soon caused Jagat Singh to offer terms which
were refused, and the Mughul forces captured Nurpur and besieged
the new fortress of Taragarh. The demolition of the outer walls soon
brought about a final submission early in 1642.
In Bundelkhand Champat Rai, a new chief, had asserted his
leadership. He had been a friend of Bir Singh, had assisted Jujhar
Singh in his rebellion and after Jujhar Singh's death adopted one of


## p. 201 (#235) ############################################

BUNDELKHAND, BAGHELKHAND AND MALWA 201
his sons named Prithvi Raj. When Shah Jahan travelled to Lahore
early in 1639 Champat Rai became more daring, and though
'Abdullah Khan was deputed to bring Bundelkhand into order his
efforts were not successful. One of his officers surprised the Bundela
forces between Orchha and Jhansi and took Prithvi Raj, who was
sent to be confined in the state prison of the Gwalior fort, but Champat
Rai escaped. Changes in the command produced no improvement till
in May, 1642, Pahar Singh, son of Bir Singh, secured the submission
of Champat Rai, who entered the Mughul service. Jealousy between
these two rivals for chieftainship induced Champat Rai to join
prince Dara, though even there he was pursued by the machinations
of Pahar Singh.
The wild hilly country lying south of the Ganges and east of
Bundelkhand also came under closer rule. Raja Rudra Pratap,
brother of, and successor to, the Ujjainiya chief who had assisted
Shah Jahan in his rebellion against Jahangir, had been less subser-
vient than his predecessor and was reduced to order by 'Abdullah
Khan, the governor of Bihar. 'Abdullah Khan then attacked Lachman
Singh, the Baghel chief of Ratanpur, and with the assistance of the
chief of Bandho 1 soon obtained his submission. The Cheros, an
aboriginal tribe in Palamau, whose recorded history dates only from
this period, were also troublesome and in 1641 the governor of Bihar
was ordered to invade their country. Passing south through Gaya
he invested Palamau and Pratap Rai, the Chero raja, offered terms,
which were accepted as the rainy season was approaching and further
campaigns would be arduous and dangerous. Other chiefs who were
dissatisfied with Pratap Rai arrested him, but failed to hold their
tribesmen and after several changes in the leadership Pratap Rai
was released and finally submitted to the Mughuls in 1643.
A minor insurrection in Malwa, where the Gonds and Bhils were
frequently unruly, required the concentration of considerable forces.
In April, 1643, the governor met the Gonds and scattered them, but
further operations were delayed by the rainy season and the need for
reinforcements. Early in the following year the stronghold held by
the rebels was besieged and occupied.
During this period of his reign Shah Jahan revived and extended
the irrigation works in northern India, which had been first con-
structed towards the end of the fourteenth century by Firuz Shah. ?
When the emperor arrived at Lahore towards the close of 1639 he
was visited by 'Ali Mardan Khan, who had been familiar with canal
systems at Qandahar and suggested tapping the Ravi where it
emerged from the hills to water the country as far as Lahore. 'Ali
Mardan Khan's works have been incorporated in the modern systems
known as the Bari Duab, the Rohtak and the western Jumna canals.
In 1641 the emperor lost his father-in-law, Asaf Khan, whose death
1 Now in the Rewa state.
2 Vol. I, p. 587.
2


## p. 202 (#236) ############################################

202
SHAH JAHAN
greatly affected him. Kinship and loyalty of service had bound ruler
and minister with ties that never weakened. A tomb was built for
Asaf Khan by that of Jahangir near Lahore, and his son succeeded
him as chief minister just as he had followed his own father. The
annalist of the time records that he had amassed great wealth, most
of which, as was the custom, reverted to the crown. A few years
later (1645) the dowager empress, Nur Jahan, his sister, died and
was also buried in the garden close to the tombs of her husband and
brother. Since the death of Jahangir she had abstained from politics
and lived a retired life, dressing plainly and spending on charitable
objects the ample income assigned by Shah Jahan.
Since his accession Shah Jahan had always cherished a desire to
win back for his house Samarqand, the home and first capital of
Timur, which had been taken from Timur's descendants by the
Uzbegs under Muhammad Shaibani. Since then another dynasty
had sprung up known as the Janids of Astrakhan, from which the
founders had been expelled by the Russians. One of these married
a daughter of the Shaibanid ruler and their son Baqi Muhammad
became chief of the Uzbegs. The offer of help by Imam Quli, who
was chief when Shah 'Abbas took Qandahar in 1622, has been men-
tioned in the previous chapter. Uzbeg cupidity was aroused by the
confusion in India during Jahangir's last years and shortly after th
accession of Shah Jahan Nazr Muhammad, brother of Imam Quli,
undertook the conquest of Kabul. He met with some success, but
as the summer advanced his troops melted and he withdrew. There
was still no breach between the Mughuls and Imam Quli, and a
second raid by Nazr Muhammad in May, 1629, ceased after his
capture of Bamian. A few years later Nazr Muhammad himself sent
apologies which were accepted and a return envoy carried the usual
vainglorious accounts of Shah Jahan's achievements.
By 1639 Shah Jahan felt that he was strong enough to pursue his
own aims and with his usual thoroughness went himself to Kabul
to enquire into the routes to Transoxiana. A small campaign against
the tribes who supported the nearest Uzbeg governor alarmed both
Imam Quli and Nazr Muhammad. Confusion among the Uzbegs was
increased by Nazr Muhammad deposing his brother, who had lost his
sight. The new ruler, less popular with his people than his prede-
cessor, weakened his position by sudden changes in the administra-
ticn, some of which affected the religious leaders. An attempt to annex
Khwarizm or Khiva on the death of its ruler led to a general insur-
rection early in 1645, and 'Abdul-´Aziz, son of Nazr Muhammad,
who was sent to quell it was induced to proclaim himself Khan of
Bukhara, his father taking refuge in Balkh, Shah Jahan felt that his
1 Manrique's return journey to Europe at this time was delayed at Multan and
Qandahar because the Mughul officials suspected that some of Asaf Khan's
wealth was being surreptitiously removed to Persia, 1, 249, 265.
1


## p. 203 (#237) ############################################

CAPTURE OF BADAKHSHAN AND BALKH
203
opportunity had arrived and at once began to concert his plans.
A Mughul commandant north of Kabul took the fort of Kahmard
but lost it and winter closed the operations, though troops from India
were collected. Nazr Muhammad and his son were contending for
the possession of Bukhara and agreed that the former should hold
Balkh and the latter Bukhara. An appeal by Nazr Muhammad to
Shah Jahan was met by an offer of help in dubious terms. The em-
peror himself again visited Kabul. Free from anxiety elsewhere he
was able to collect a large force, to staff it with his best officers, and
to plan detailed instructions. His son, Murad, who was placed in
command, though brave and dashing, was not enthusiastic about his
mission. His first objective was the reduction of Badakhshan, and
his entry into that tract was delayed by snow on the passes till the
middle of June. He advanced into Narin and Qunduz was taken
His instructions were to be generous to Nazr Muhammad and to
assist him to recapture Bukhara with Samarqand, the real intention
being to add them to the Mughul dominions. Nazr Muhammad did
not fail to see through this thinly veiled design, and tried to stop the
advance of the Mughul army, which was now rapid, by asking for
time to prepare for a contemplated pilgrimage to Mecca. Murad,
however, advanced and early in July, 1646, began his last march
into Balkh. As he approached the city Nazr Muhammad fled west
and Murad's army was free to enter and plunder the city, where a
large treasure was secured. Tirmiz, on the Oxus, was captured and
Nazr Muhammad after sustaining a defeat at Shibarghan escaped
to Mary and then to Persia. The rapid success of the expedition
caused great delight to Shah Jahan, who marked the conquest by
striking money at Balkh. Murad, however, was already disgusted
with his position in a country the climate of which was rigorous,
while it offered none of the pleasures which he was accustomed to
enjoy. He asked to be recalled, and when the offered post of gover-
nor of Transoxiana (which had still to be conquered) and the .
arguments of the able minister sent to advise him failed to alter his
views, he was recalled.
Light is thrown on Shah Jahan's diplomatic methods by his letter
to Shah 'Abbas II of Persia, which ostensibly was to congratulate
him on his accession but was meant to secure his neutrality. And he
wrote to Nazr Muhammad asserting that Murad had acted impe-
tuously through youth and inexperience and his own object was
merely to clear Balkh of dangerous people and hand it over to Nazr
Muhammad. If this had indeed been his object he failed to secure
it. The local Uzbegs were turbulent and the omission to guard the
1 He took this opportunity to reorganise the army of the empire, reducing
the nominal strength and the emoluments of the commanders.
2 The short duration of his triumph is attested by the fact that only a single
specimen is now known.


## p. 204 (#238) ############################################

201
SHAH JAHAN
line of the Oxus left the north of Balkh and Badakhshan open to raids.
No commander-in-chief had been appointed and the four generals
could neither combine nor agree. In the spring of 1647 the prince
Aurangzib, who was summoned from Gujarat to govern Balkh, found
his march impeded by tribesmen. 'Abdul-Aziz had consolidated
his position and collected an army on the Oxus. He despatched a
force across it to hold the country west of Balkh, and when Aurangzib
shortly after his arrival at the city marched out to meet it, news came
of another force advancing direct on Balkh. Aurangzib returned
to meet this and defeated it in a pitched battle where 'Abdul-Aziz
was present. The Uzbeg forces, largely consisting of nomads, fierce
.
in predatory attacks, but with little cohesion in face of a reverse,
scattered after the losses of the day. They had been impressed by the
calm bravery of Aurangzib, who dismounted from his horse at sunset
to repeat the obligatory prayer. 'Abdul-Aziz offered to place his
brother in charge of Bukhara, while Nazr Muhammad, who had fled
to Persia, offered to abdicate.
Successful as the Mughul enterprise had appeared it had no stabi-
lity, and it was never pushed beyond the Oxus as Shah Jahan
had hoped and intended. Murad's distaste for service in a more
rigorous climate than that of the plains of India was shared by all
other officers. ' Balkh itself, a city with ancient glories, had never
recovered from its destruction by Timur and could not be attractive
even to a prince like Aurangzib whose asceticism was coupled with
strong ambitions. War had desolated the country and nomads raided
it and prevented the revival of cultivation. Moreover, Nazr Muham-
mad had received help and encouragement from the Shah of Persia,
who was attaining manhood and desired to weaken Mughul authority.
Nazr Muhammad was too wary to venture on an attempt to recover
Bukhara, but he advanced into what is now Afghanistan and even
attacked the Mughul outposts. Aurangzib marched out to repel these
but was directed by the emperor to accept an apology if one was
offered. The close of the short summer made it necessary to be
content with a message carried by a grandson instead of the personal
submission of Nazr Muhammad. Officers from the outlying garrisons
were abandoning their posts in the belief that Nazr Muhammad was
to be restored and Aurangzib returned to Kabul, harassed through-
out the march by bands of Uzbegs, who cut off stragglers.
In the following year (1648) Shah 'Abbas II assumed full powers
and at once prepared to recover Qandahar, to the loss of which the
Persians had never been resigned. His reply to Shah Jahan's crafty
messages was a summons to give up that city and to restore Balkh
to Nazr Muhammad. Balkh had been abandoned, but Qandahar
. 1 "For the Mogors were weaklings and luxurious and enervated rather than
fighters or warlike soldiers", Manrique, ni, 266.
2 Early in 1642 Manrique heard of attempts to retake it, II, 266.


## p. 205 (#239) ############################################

LOSS OF QANDAHAR
205
might still be saved. When news arrived that the Shah himself had
marched into Khurasan with an army it was too late to send rein-
forcements from Kabul and Multan across the mountains. By
Christmas the Shah had invested the city and Aurangzib, who on
his return from Balkh had been made governor of Multan, was
appointed to command a large army. Extra allowances were sanc-
tioned to encourage the troops in a campaign which would be
fiercely contested and would extend to an inhospitable terrain. All
these efforts failed, however, to save Qandahar. A detachment of
the Persian army invested the fortress of Bist while the main body
commanded by the Shah marched on to Qandahar. Bist surrendered
after a siege of two months and some of its garrison were treacherously
murdered. Daulat Khan, the governor of Qandahar, when making
his dispositions to guard the citadel overlooked a vital point, which
was soon occupied by the Persians. Dispirited by the belief that
renforcements could not arrive, and by the energy of the invaders
the garrison soon lost heart. An Uzbeg captain began to correspond
with the Persians and the Mughul officials began to think that their
own lives and the safety of their families from enslavement might
best be ensured by surrender. Daulat Khan tried to suppress the
weakness by mere advice instead of the use of strong measures. The
traitors received letters from the Shah which were accepted also by
Daulat Khan.