No More Learning

1] L The more the Lacedaemonians got, the more, according to the nature of mankind, they coveted, and, not satisfied at their strength being doubled by the accession of the Athenian power, they began to aspire to the dominion of all Asia. But the greater part of it was under the government of the Persians; 2 and Dercyllidas, being chosen general to conduct the war against them, and seeing that he would be opposed to two satraps of Artaxerxes, Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, supported by the strength of powerful nations, resolved to make peace with one of them. 3 As Tissaphernes seemed the fitter of the two for his purpose, being more attentive to business, and better furnished with troops (having with him those of the late prince Cyrus), he was invited to a conference, and induced to lay down his arms on certain conditions. 4 This transaction Pharnabazus made matter of accusation to their common sovereign, acquainting him that "Tissaphernes had not taken arms to repel the Lacedaemonians on their invasion of Asia, but had maintained them at the king's charge, 5 and bargained with them as to what they should put off doing in the war, and what they should carry into execution, as if every loss did not affect the interest of the one empire in general," 6 adding that "it was disgraceful that war should not be decided by the sword, but bought off, and that the enemy should be induced to retire, not by arms, but by money. " 7 When by such charges he had irritated the king against Tissaphernes, he advised him to appoint in his place, as commander by sea, Conon the Athenian, who, having left his country on account of his ill success, was living in exile in Cyprus; 8 "for though the power of the Athenians," he said, "was reduced, their experience at sea was still left them, and that, were a choice to be made from them all, no one could be preferred to Conon. " Pharnabazus was accordingly furnished with five hundred talents and directed to set Conon over the fleet.

[6. 2] L When this arrangement was publicly known, the Lacedaemonians, through their ambassadors, requested aid for their efforts by sea from Hercynio, king of Egypt, 2 by whom a hundred triremes, and six hundred thousand modii of corn, were despatched to them, while from their other allies a great number of forces were also assembled. 3 But for such an army, and against such a leader, an efficient commander was wanting; 4 and when the auxiliaries desired Agesilaus, then king of the Lacedaemonians, for their general, the Lacedaemonians, in consequence of an answer from the oracle at Delphi, were long in doubt whether they should appoint him to the chief command, 5 as it was signified to them that "there would be an end of their power when the kingly authority should be lame;" and Agesilaus was lame of one foot. 6 At last they decided that "it was better for the king to halt in his gait than for the kingdom to halt in its power;" 7 and when they afterwards sent Agesilaus, with a large army into Asia, I cannot easily tell what other two generals were ever so well matched; 8 for the age, valour, conduct, and wisdom of both were nearly equal, as was also the fame of their achievements; 9 and fortune, who had given them equal qualifications, had kept the one from being conquered by the other. 10 Great preparations for war, therefore, were made by both, and great deeds were performed. 11 But a mutiny among his soldiers arose to trouble Conon, in consequence of the king's officers making it a practice to defraud them of their pay; and they demanded their arrears the more obstinately, as they anticipated that service under so great a general would be very severe. 12 Conon, having long importuned the king by letters to no purpose, went at last to him in person, 13 but was debarred from any interview or conference with him, because he would not do him homage after the manner of the Persians. 14 He, however, treated with him through his ministers, and complained that "the wars of the richest king in the world ended in nothing through want of pay; and that he who had an army equal to that of the enemy, was defeated by means of money in which he was their superior, and found inferior to them in that article of power in which he had far the advantage of them. " 15 He also desired that one paymaster might be appointed for his troops, as it was evidently detrimental to commit that office to several. 16 Money for his soldiers was then given him, and he returned to the fleet. Nor did he delay to enter on action; he executed many undertakings with resolution, many with success; he laid waste the enemy's country, stormed their towns, and bore down everything before him like a hurricane. 17 The Lacedaemonians were so alarmed at his progress, that they resolved on recalling Agesilaus from Asia to the support of his country.

[6. 3] L In the meantime Pisander, who had been left governor of his country by Agesilaus at his departure, fitted out a powerful fleet with the utmost exertion, determining to try the fortune of war. 2 Conon, too, on the other hand, being then to encounter the enemy's army for the first time, put his troops in order with the greatest care. 3 The emulation between the generals in the contest was not greater than that between the soldiers. 4 Conon himself, in his character of leader, did not so much regard the interest of the Persians as the honour of his own country; 5 and as, when the strength of the Athenians was reduced, he had occasioned the utter loss of their power, so he had a desire to be accounted its restorer, as well as to reinstate himself in his country by a victory from which he had been exiled through being defeated; 6 and this the more remarkably as he was not to fight with the aid of the Athenians themselves, but with that of a foreign state; he was going to contend at the risk of the king, but to conquer to the advantage of his country, acquiring glory by means dissimilar from those by which the former generals of Athens had obtained it, 7 for they had defended their country by defeating the Persians, but he would re-establish his country by making the Persians victorious. 8 Pisander too, from his relationship to Agesilaus, was also an emulator of his virtues, and endeavoured not to fall short of his exploits and the brilliancy of his renown, and not to overthrow, by the misconduct of a moment, a power which had been gained by so many wars through so many ages. 9 The anxiety of all the soldiers and sailors was similar, being not so much concerned that they might not lose the power which they had got, as that the Athenians might not recover their former eminence. 10 But the more spirited was the struggle, the more honourable was the victory of Conon. 11 The Lacedaemonians were routed and put to flight; the garrison of the enemy was withdrawn from Athens; 12 the people were restored to their rights, and their bondage was at an end; and several cities were reduced to their former state of obedience.

[6. 4] L To the Athenians this event was the beginning of their restoration to power; to the Lacedaemonians it was the termination of their authority; 2 for, as if they had lost their spirit with their pre-eminence, they began to be regarded with contempt by their neighbours. 3 The first people that made war upon them, with the aid of the Athenians, were the Thebans; 4 a state which, by the abilities of its general, Epaminondas, was raised from the most humble condition to the hope of governing Greece. 5 A battle was fought between the two powers by land, with the same fortune on the part of the Lacedaemonians as they had experienced against Conon by sea. 6 In this encounter Lysander, under whose conduct the Athenians had been defeated by the Lacedaemonians, was killed. 7 Pausanias also, the other general of the Lacedaemonians, went into exile in consequence of being accused of treachery.

8 The Thebans, on gaining the victory, led their whole force against Lacedaemon, expecting that it would be easy to reduce the city, as the Spartans were deserted by all their allies. 9 The Lacedaemonians, dreading the event, sent for their king Agesilaus out of Asia, where he was performing great exploits, to defend his country; 10 for since Lysander was slain, they had no confidence in any other general; 11 but, as he was tardy in coming, they raised an army, and proceeded to meet the enemy. 12 Having been once conquered, however, they had neither spirit nor strength to meet those who had recently vanquished them. They were accordingly routed in the very first onset. 13 But Agesilaus came up just when the forces of his countrymen were overthrown; and, having renewed the contest, he, with his fresh troops, invigorated by long service, snatched the victory from the enemy without difficulty, but was himself severely wounded.

[6. 5] L The Athenians, receiving intelligence of this event, and fearing that if the Lacedaemonians obtained another victory, they should be reduced to their former state of bondage, assembled an army, 2 and ordered that it should be conducted to the aid of the Boeotians by Iphicrates, a young man only twenty years of age, but of great abilities. 3 The conduct of this youth was above his years, and greatly to be admired; 4 nor had the Athenians ever before him, among so many and so great leaders, a captain of greater promise, or of talents that sooner came to maturity; 5 and he had not only the qualifications of a general, but also those of an orator.

6 Conon, having heard of the return of Agesilaus, came also himself from Asia to ravage the country of the Lacedaemonians; 7 who, while the terrors of war raged around them, were shut up within their walls, and reduced to the depths of despair. 8 After wasting the enemy's territories, Conon proceeded to Athens, where he was received with great joy on the part of his countrymen; but he felt more sorrow at the state of his native city, which had been burnt and laid in ruins by the Lacedaemonians, than joy at his return to it after so long an absence. 9 He accordingly repaired what had been burnt, and rebuilt what had been demolished, from the price of the spoil which he had taken, and with the help of the Persian troops. 10 Such was the fate of Athens, that having been first burnt by the Persians, it was restored by their labour; and having been afterwards wasted by the Lacedaemonians, it was re-adorned from their spoils; 11 and, the state of things being reversed, it had now for allies those whom it then had for enemies, and those for enemies with whom it had been joined in the closest bonds of alliance.

[6. 6] L During the course of these proceedings, Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, sent deputies into Greece, with injunctions, "that they should all lay down their arms," and assurances "that he would treat as enemies those who should act otherwise. " He restored to the cities their liberty and all that belonged to them;2 a course which he did not adopt from concern for the troubles of the Greeks, and for their incessant and deadly enmities displayed in the field, 3 but from unwillingness that, while he was engaged in a war with Egypt (which he had undertaken because the Egyptians had sent aid to the Spartans against his satraps), his troops should be obliged to stay in Greece. 4 The Greeks, exhausted with so much fighting, eagerly obeyed his mandate.

5 This year was not only remarkable for a peace being suddenly made throughout Greece, but for the taking of the city of Rome at the same time by the Gauls.

6 But the Lacedaemonians, watching an opportunity of surprising the unguarded, and observing that the Arcadians were absent from their country, stormed one of their fortresses, and, having taken possession of it, placed a garrison in it. 7 The Arcadians in consequence, arming and equipping a body of troops, and calling the Thebans to their assistance, demanded in open war the restitution of what they had lost. 8 In the battle which followed, Archidamus, general of the Lacedaemonians, was wounded, 9 and, seeing his men cut down and apparently defeated, sent a herald to ask the bodies of the slain for burial; 10 this being a sign among the Greeks that the victory is yielded. The Thebans, satisfied with this acknowledgment, made the signal for giving quarter.

[6. 7] L After the lapse of a few days, while neither side was offering any hostility, and while, as the Lacedaemonians were engaged in other contentions with their neighbours, a truce was observed as it were by tacit consent, the Thebans, under the leadership of Epaminondas, conceived hopes of seizing the city of Sparta. 2 They accordingly proceeded thither secretly, in the early part of the night, but failed to take the inhabitants by surprise; 3 for the old men, and others of an age unfit for war, observing the approach of the enemy, met them in arms at the very entrance of the gates; 4 and not more than a hundred men, enfeebled with years, offered battle to fifteen thousand. 5 So much spirit and vigour does the sight of our country and homes inspire; and so much more confidence is afforded by the presence, than by the remembrance of them; 6 for when they considered where and for what they took their stand, they resolved either to conquer or die. 7 A few old men, in consequence, held out against an army, which, shortly before, the flower of their troops were unable to withstand. 8 In this battle two generals of the enemy were killed, 9 when, on intelligence being received that Agesilaus was approaching, the Thebans retreated. 10 But there was no long cessation of hostilities; for the Spartan youth, incited by the heroism and glorious deeds of the old men, could not be prevented from promptly engaging in the field. 11 Just as victory inclined to the Thebans, Epaminondas, while he was discharging the duty, not only of a general, but of a gallant soldier, was severely wounded. `2 When this was known, fear fell upon one side from deep concern, and stupefaction on the other from excess of joy; and both parties, as if by mutual agreement, retired from the field.

[6. 8] L A few days after, Epaminondas died, and with him fell the spirit of the Theban state. 2 For as, when you break off the point of a dart, you take from the rest of the steel the power of wounding, so when that general of the Thebans (who was, as it were, the point of their weapon) was taken off, the strength of their government was so debilitated, that they seemed not so much to have lost him as to have all died with him. 3 They neither carried on any memorable war before he became their leader, nor were they afterwards remarkable for their successes, but for their defeats; so that it is certain that with him the glory of his country both rose and fell. 4 Whether he was more estimable as a man or a general is undecided; 5 for he never sought power for himself, but for his country, 6 and was so far from coveting money, that he did not leave sufficient to pay for his funeral. 7 Nor was he more desirous of distinction than of wealth; for all the appointments that he held were conferred on him against his will, 8 and he filled his posts in such a manner that he seemed to add lustre to his honours rather than to receive it from them. 9 His application to learning, and his knowledge of philosophy, were such, that it seemed wonderful how a man bred up in literature could have so excellent a knowledge of war. 10 The manner of his death, too, was not at variance with his course of life; 11 for when he was carried back half dead into the camp, and had recovered his breath and voice, he asked only this question of those that stood about him, "whether the enemy had taken his shield from him when he fell? " 12 Hearing that it was saved, he kissed it, when it was brought to him, as the sharer of his toils and glory. He afterwards inquired which side had gained the victory, 13 and hearing that the Thebans had got it, observed, "It is well," and so, as it were congratulating his country, expired.

[6. 9] L With his death the spirit of the Athenians also declined. 2 For after he whom they were wont to emulate was gone, they sank into sloth and effeminacy, 3 and spent the public income, not, as formerly, upon fleets and armies, but upon festivals, and the celebration of games; 4 frequenting the theatres for the sake of eminent actors and poets, visiting the stage oftener than the camp, and praising men rather for being good versifiers than good generals. 5 It was then that the public revenues, from which soldiers and sailors used to be maintained, were distributed among the people of the city. 6 By which means it came to pass, that during the absence of exertion on the part of the Greeks, the name of the Macedonians, previously mean and obscure, rose into notice; 7 and Philippus, who had been kept three years as a hostage at Thebes, and had been imbued with the virtues of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, imposed the power of Macedonia, like a yoke of bondage, upon the necks of Greece and Asia.

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Justinus: Epitome of Pompeius Trogus' Philippic Histories
- books 7 to 10
Translated by Rev. J. S. Watson (1853). See key to translations for an explanation of the format.


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BOOK 7

[7. 1] L Macedonia was formerly called Emathia, from the name of king Emathion, of whose prowess the earliest proofs are extant in those parts. 2 As the origin of this kingdom was but humble, so its limits were at first extremely narrow. 3 The inhabitants were called Pelasgi, the country Paeonia. 4 But in process of time, when, through the ability of their princes and the exertions of their subjects, they had conquered, first of all, the neighbouring tribes, and afterwards other nations and peoples, their dominions extended to the utmost boundaries of the east. 5 In the region of Paeonia, which is now a portion of Macedonia, is said to have reigned Pelegonus, the father of Asteropaeus, whose name we find, in the Trojan war, among the most distinguished defenders of the city. 6 On the other side a king named Europus held the sovereignty in a district called Europa.

7 But Caranus, accompanied by a great multitude of Greeks, having been directed by an oracle to seek a settlement in Macedonia, and having come into Emathia, and followed a flock of goats that were fleeing from a tempest, possessed himself of the city of Edessa, before the inhabitants, on account of the thickness of the rain and mist, were aware of his approach; 8 and being reminded of the oracle, by which he had been ordered "to seek a kingdom with goats for his guides," he made this city the seat of his government, 9 and afterwards religiously took care, whithersoever he led his troops, to keep the same goats before his standards, that he might have those animals as leaders in his enterprises which he had had as guides to the site of his kingdom. 10 He changed the name of the city, in commemoration of his good fortune, from Edessa to Aegeae, and called the inhabitants Aegeatae. 11 Having subsequently expelled Midas (for he also occupied a part of Macedonia), and driven other kings from their territories, he established himself, as sole monarch, in the place of them all, 12 and was the first that, by uniting tribes of different people, formed Macedonia as it were into one body, and laid a solid foundation for the extension of his growing kingdom.

[7. 2] L After him reigned Perdiccas, whose life was distinguished, and the circumstances of whose death, as if ordered by an oracle, were worthy of record; 2 for when he was old and at the point of death, he made known to his son Argaeus a place in which he wished to be buried, and directed that not only his own bones, but those of the kings that should succeed him, should be deposited in the same spot; 3 signifying that, "as long as the relics of his posterity should be buried there, the crown would remain in his family;" 4 and the people believe, in consequence of this superstitious notion, that the line came to be extinct in Alexander, because he changed the place of burial. 5 Argaeus, having governed the kingdom with moderation, and gained the love of his subjects, left his son Philippus his successor, who, being carried off by an untimely death, made Aeropus, then quite a boy, his heir.

6 The Macedonians had perpetual contests with the Thracians and Illyrians, and, being hardened by their arms, as it were by daily exercise, they struck terror into their neighbours by the splendour of their reputation for war. 7 The Illyrians, however, despising the boyhood of a king under age, attacked the Macedonians, 8 who, being worsted in the field, brought out their king with them in his cradle, and, placing him behind the front lines, renewed the fight with greater vigour, 9 as if they had been defeated before, because the fortune of their prince was not with them in the battle, 10 and would now certainly conquer, because, from this superstitious fancy, they had conceived a confidence of victory; 11 while compassion for the infant, also, moved them, as, if they were overcome, they seemed likely to transform him from a king into a captive. 12 Engaging in battle, therefore, they routed the Illyrians with great slaughter, and showed their enemies, that, in the former encounter, it was a king, and not valour, that was wanting to the Macedonians. 13 To Aeropus succeeded Amyntas, a prince eminently distinguished, both for his own personal valour, and for the excellent abilities of his son Alexander, 14 who had from nature such remarkable talents of every kind, that he contended for the prize in various species of exercises at the Olympic games.

[7. 3] L About this time Darius king of Persia, having been forced to quit Scythia in dishonourable flight, but not wishing to be thought everywhere contemptible from losses in war, despatched Megabazus, with a portion of his army, to subdue Thrace, and other kingdoms in those parts; to which Macedonia, he thought, would fall as an unimportant addition. 2 Megabazus, speedily executing the king's orders, and sending deputies to Amyntas king of Macedonia, demanded that hostages should be given him as a pledge of future peace. 3 The deputies, being liberally entertained, asked Amyntas, as their intoxication increased in the progress of a banquet, "to add to the magnificence of his board the privileges of friendship, by sending for his and his sons' wives to join the feast; a practice which is deemed, among the Persians, a pledge and bond of hospitality. " 4 The women having entered, and the Persians laying hands upon them too freely, Alexander, the son of Amyntas, begged his father, from regard to his age and dignity, to leave the banqueting-room, engaging that he himself would moderate the frolicsome spirit of their guests. 5 Amyntas having withdrawn, Alexander called the women from the apartment for a while, under pretext of having them dressed in better style, and bringing them back with greater attractions. 6 But in their place he put young men, clad in the habit of matrons, and ordered them to chastise the insolence of the deputies with swords which they were to carry under their garments. 7 All of them being thus put to death, Megabazus, not knowing what had happened, but finding that the deputies did not return, sent Bubares to Macedonia with a detachment of his forces, as to an easy and trifling contest; 8 disdaining to go himself, that he might not be disgraced by an encounter with so despicable a people. 9 But Bubares, before he came to an engagement, fell in love with the daughter of Amyntas; breaking off hostilities, he celebrated a marriage, and, all thoughts of war being abandoned, entered into bonds of affinity with the king.

[7. 4] L Soon after the departure of Bubares from Macedonia, king Amyntas died; but his relationship with Bubares not only secured to his son and successor, Alexander, peace during the reign of Darius, but also such favour with Xerxes, that, when that monarch overspread Greece like a tempest, he conferred upon him the sovereignty of all the country between the mountains of Olympus and Haemus. 2 But Alexander enlarged his dominions not less by his own valour than through the munificence of the Persians. 3 The throne afterwards descended, by the order of succession, to Amyntas, the son of his brother Menelaus. 4 This prince was remarkable for his application to business, and was endowed with all the accomplishments of a great general. 5 By his wife Eurydice he had three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philippus, the father of Alexander the Great, and one daughter, named Eurynoe; he had also by Gygaea Archelaus, Aridaeus, and Menelaus. 6 Subsequently he had formidable contests with the Illyrians and Olynthians. 7 He would have been cut off by a plot of his wife Eurydice, who, having engaged to marry her son-in-law, had undertaken to kill her husband, and to put the government into the hands of her paramour, had not her daughter betrayed the intrigue and atrocious intentions of her mother. 9 Having escaped so many dangers, he died at an advanced age, leaving the throne to Alexander, the eldest of his sons.

[7. 5] L Alexander, at the very beginning of his reign, purchased peace from the Illyrians with a sum of money, giving his brother Philippus to them as a hostage. 2 Sometime after, too, he made peace with the Thebans by giving the same hostage; a circumstance which afforded Philippus fine opportunities of improving his extraordinary abilities; 3 for, being kept as a hostage at Thebes three years, he received the first rudiments of education in a city distinguished for strictness of discipline, and in the house of Epaminondas, an eminent philosopher, as well as commander. 4 Not long afterwards Alexander fell by a plot of his mother Eurydice, 5 whom Amyntas, when she was convicted of a conspiracy against him, had spared for the sake of their children, little imagining that she would one day be the destroyer of them. 6 Perdiccas, also, the brother of Alexander, was taken off by similar treachery. 7 Horrible, indeed, was it, that children should have been deprived of life by a mother, to gratify her lust, whom a regard for those very children had saved from the punishment of her crimes. 8 The murder of Perdiccas seemed the more atrocious from the circumstance that not even the prayers of his little son could procure him pity from his mother. 9 Philippus, for a long time, acted, not as king, but as guardian to this infant; 10 but when dangerous wars threatened, and it was too long to wait for the co-operation of a prince who was yet a child, he was forced by the people to take the government upon himself.

[7. 6] L When he took possession of the throne, great hopes were formed of him by all, both on account of his abilities, which promised that he would prove a great man, and on account of certain old oracles respecting Macedonia, 2 which had foretold that "when one of the sons of Amyntas should be king, the state of the country would be extremely flourishing:" to fulfil which expectations the wickedness of his mother had left only him. 3 At the commencement of his reign, when, on the one hand, the murder of his brother, so atrociously put to death, and the dread of treachery; on the other, a multitude of enemies, and the poverty of his kingdom, exhausted by a series of wars, bore hard upon the young king's immature age, 4 thinking it proper to make distinct arrangements as to the wars, which, as if by a common conspiracy to crush Macedonia, rose around him from different nations and several quarters at the same time, to all of which he could not at once make resistance, 5 he put an end to some by offers of peace, and bought off others, but attacked such of his enemies as seemed easiest to be subdued, that, by a victory over them, he might confirm the wavering minds of his soldiers, and alter any feelings of contempt with which his adversaries might regard him. 6 His first conflict was with the Athenians, whom he surprised by a stratagem, but, though he might have put them all to the sword, he yet, from dread of a more formidable war, allowed them to depart uninjured and without ransom. 7 Afterwards, leading his army against the Illyrians, he killed several thousand of his enemies; and (? ) he captured the famous city of Larissa. 8 He then fell suddenly on Thessaly (when it apprehended anything rather than war), not from desire of spoil, but because he wished to add the strength of the Thessalian cavalry to his own troops; 9 and he thus incorporated a force of horse and foot in one invincible army. 10 His undertakings having been thus far successful, he married Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemus, afterwards king of the Molossians. 11 Her cousin Arrybas, then king of that nation, who had brought up the young princess, and had married her sister Troas, promoted the union; but this proceeding proved the cause of his ruin, and the beginning of all the evils that afterwards befell him;12 for while he hoped to strengthen his kingdom by this affinity with Philippus, he was by that monarch deprived of his crown, and spent his old age in exile.

13 After these proceedings, Philippus, no longer satisfied with acting on the defensive, boldly attacked even those who gave him no molestation. 14 While he was besieging Methone, an arrow, shot from the walls at him as he was passing by, struck out his right eye; 15 but by this wound he was neither rendered less active in the siege, nor more resentful towards the enemy; 16 so that, some days after, he granted them peace on their application for it, and was not only not severe, but even merciful, to the conquered.

BOOK 8

[8. 1] L The states of Greece, while each sought to gain the sovereignty of the country for itself, lost it as a body. 2 Striving intemperately to ruin one another, they did not perceive, till they were oppressed by another power, that what each lost was a common loss to all; 3 for Philippus, king of Macedonia, looking, as from a watch-tower, for an opportunity to attack their liberties, and fomenting their contentions by assisting the weaker, obliged victors and vanquished alike to submit to his royal yoke. 4 The Thebans were the cause and origin of this calamity, who, obtaining power, and having no steadiness of mind to bear prosperity, insolently accused the Lacedaemonians and Phocians, when they had conquered them in the field, before the common council of Greece, as if they had not been sufficiently punished by the slaughters and depredations that they had suffered. 5 It was laid to the charge of the Lacedaemonians, that they had seized the citadel of Thebes during a time of truce, and to that of the Phocians, that they had laid waste Boeotia, 6 as if the Thebans themselves, after their conduct in the field, had left themselves any ground for resorting to law. 7 But as the cause was conducted according to the will of the more powerful, the Phocians were sentenced to pay such a fine as it was impossible for them to raise, 8 and in consequence, despoiled of their lands, children, and wives, and reduced to desperation, they seized, under the leadership of one Philomelus, on the temple of Apollo at Delphi, as if they were enraged at the god. 9 Being hence enriched with gold and treasure, and hiring mercenary troops, they made war upon the Thebans. 10 This proceeding of the Phocians, though all expressed detestation at the sacrilege, brought more odium upon the Thebans, by whom they had been reduced to such necessity, than on the Phocians themselves; 11 and aid was in consequence despatched to them both by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians. 12 In the first engagement, Philomelus drove the Thebans from their camp; 13 but in the next he was killed, fighting in front among the thickest of the enemy, and paid the penalty of his sacrilege by the effusion of his impious blood. 14 Onomarchus was made general in his stead.

[8. 2] L To oppose Onomarchus, the Thebans and Thessalians chose as general, not one of their own people, lest they should not be able to endure his rule if he should conquer, 2 but Philippus, king of Macedonia, voluntarily submitting to that power from a foreigner which they dreaded in the hands of their own countrymen. 3 Philippus, as if he were the avenger of the sacrilege, not the defender of the Thebans, ordered all his soldiers to assume crowns of laurel, and proceeded to battle as if under the leadership of the god. 4 The Phocians, seeing these symbols of the deity, and burdened with the consciousness of guilt, threw down their arms and fled, receiving punishment for their violation of religion by the bloodshed and slaughter that they suffered. 5 This affair brought incredibly great glory to Philippus in the opinion of all people, 6 who called him "the avenger of the god, and the defender of religion," and said that "he alone had arisen to require satisfaction for what ought to have been punished by the combined force of the world, 7 and was consequently worthy to be ranked next to the gods, as by him the majesty of the gods had been vindicated. "

8 The Athenians, hearing the result of the conflict, and fearing that Philippus would march into Greece, took possession of the straits of Thermopylae, as they had done on the invasion of the Persians, but by no means with like spirit, or in a similar cause; 9 for then they fought on behalf of the liberty of Greece, now, on behalf of public sacrilege; then to defend the temples of the gods from the ravages of an enemy, now, to defend the plunderers of temples against the avengers of their guilt, 10 acting as advocates of a crime of which it was dishonourable to them that others should have been the punishers, 11 and utterly unmindful that, in their dangers, they had often had recourse to this deity as a counsellor; that, under his guidance, they had entered on so many wars with success, had founded so many cities auspiciously, and had acquired so extensive a dominion by sea and land: and that they had never done anything, either of a public or private nature, without the sanction of his authority. 12 Strange that a people of such ability, improved by every kind of learning, and formed by the most excellent laws and institutions, should have brought such guilt upon themselves as to leave nothing with which they could afterwards justly upbraid barbarians.

[8. 3] L Nor did Philippus distinguish himself by more honourable conduct towards his allies; 2 for, as if he was afraid of being surpassed by his opponents in the guilt of sacrilege, he seized and plundered, like an enemy, cities of which he had just before been captain, which had fought under his auspices, and which had congratulated him and themselves on their victories; 3 he sold the wives and children of the inhabitants for slaves; 4 he spared neither the temples of the gods, nor other sacred structures, nor the penates, public or private, before whom he had recently presented himself as a guest; 5 so that he seemed not so much to avenge sacrilege as to seek a license for committing it.

6 In the next place, as if he had done everything well, he crossed over into Chalcidice, where, conducting his wars with equal perfidy, and treacherously capturing or killing the neighbouring princes, he united the whole of the province to the kingdom of Macedonia. 7 Afterwards, to throw a veil over his character for dishonesty, for which he was now deemed remarkable above other men, he sent persons through the kingdoms and the richest of the cities, 8 to spread a report that king Philippus was ready to contract, at a vast sum, for the re-building of the walls, temples, and sacred edifices, in the several towns, and to invite contractors by public criers; 9 but when those who were willing to undertake these works went to Macedonia, they found themselves put off with various excuses, and, from dread of the king's power, returned quietly to their homes. 10 Soon after he fell upon the Olynthians, because, after the death of one of his brothers, they had, from pity, afforded a refuge to two others, whom, being the sons of his step-mother, Philippus would gladly have cut off, as pretenders to a share in the throne. 11 For this reason he destroyed an ancient and noble city, consigning his brothers to the death long before destined for them, and delighting himself at the same time with a vast quantity of booty, and the gratification of his fratricidal inclinations. 12 Next, as if everything that he meditated was lawful for him to do, he seized upon the gold mines in Thessaly, and the silver ones in Thrace, 13 and, to leave no law or right unviolated, proceeded to engage in piracy. 14 While such was his conduct, it happened that two brothers, princes of Thrace, chose him as arbitrator in their disputes, not, indeed, from respect for his justice, but because each dreaded that he would unite his strength to that of the other. 15 Philippus, in accordance with his practice and disposition, came unexpectedly upon the brothers with an army in full array, not apparently to try a cause, but to fight a battle, and spoiled them both of their dominions, not like a judge, but with the perfidy and baseness of a robber.

[8. 4] L During the course of these transactions, ambassadors came to him from the Athenians to ask for peace. 2 Having listened to their request, he despatched ambassadors to Athens with terms, and a peace was concluded there to the advantage of both parties. 3 Embassies came to him also from other states of Greece, not from inclination for peace, but for fear of war; 4 for the Thessalians and Boeotians, with reviving wrath, entreated that he would prove himself the leader of Greece, as he had professed to be, against the Phocians; 5 such being the hatred with which they were inflamed towards that people, that they chose rather to perish themselves, than not to destroy them, and to submit to the known cruelty of Philippus, rather than spare their enemies. 6 On the other hand, ambassadors from the Phocians (the Lacedaemonians and Athenians joining with them) endeavoured to avert the war, forbearance from which they had thrice before purchased from Philippus. 7 It was a shameful and miserable sight, to behold Greece, even then the most distinguished country in the world for power and dignity, a country that had constantly been the conqueror of kings and nations, and was still mistress of many cities, waiting at a foreign court to ask or deprecate war;8 that the champions of the world should place all their hopes on assistance from another, and should be reduced, by their discords and civil feuds, to such a condition as to flatter a power which had lately been a humble portion of their dependencies; 9 and that the Thebans and Lacedaemonians should especially do this, who were formerly rivals for sovereignty, but now for the favour of a sovereign. 10 Philippus, to show his importance, assumed an air of disdain for these great cities, and deliberated to which of the two he should vouchsafe his favour. 11 Having heard both embassies privately, he promised to the one security from war, binding them by an oath to reveal his answer to nobody; to the other he engaged himself to come and bring them assistance. He charged them both neither to prepare for war, nor to fear it. 12 Different replies being thus given to each, he seized, while they were all free from apprehension, on the pass of Thermopylae.

[8. 5] L The Phocians in consequence, finding themselves overreached by the cunning of Philippus, were the first, in great trepidation, to take arms. 2 But there was no time to make due preparation for war, or to collect auxiliaries, and Philippus, unless a surrender should be made, threatened their destruction. 3 Overcome, accordingly, by necessity, they submitted, stipulating only for their lives. 4 But this stipulation was just as faithfully observed by Philippus as his promises had been respecting the war which they had deprecated. 5 They were everywhere put to the sword, or made prisoners; children were not left to their parents, nor wives to their husbands, nor the statues of the gods in the temples. 6 The sole comfort of the wretched people was, that as Philippus had defrauded his allies of their share of the spoil, they saw none of their property in the hands of their enemies.

7 On his return to his kingdom, as shepherds drive their flocks sometimes into winter, sometimes into summer pastures, so he transplanted people and cities hither and thither, according to his caprice, as places appeared to him proper to be peopled or left desolate. 8 The aspect of things was everywhere wretched, like that of a country ravaged by an enemy. 9 There was not, indeed, that terror of a foe, or hurrying of troops through the cities, or seizure of property and prisoners, which are seen during a hostile invasion; but there prevailed a sorrow and sadness not expressed in words, 10 the people fearing that even their very tears would he thought signs of discontent 11 Their grief was augmented by the very concealment of it, sinking the deeper the less they were permitted to utter it. 12 At one time they contemplated the sepulchres of their ancestors, at another their old household gods, at another the homes in which they had been born, and in which they had had families; 13 lamenting sometimes their own fate, that they had lived to that day, and sometimes that of their children, that they were not born after it.

[8. 6] L Some people he planted upon the frontiers of his kingdom to oppose his enemies; others he settled at the extremities of it. Some, whom he had taken prisoners in war, he distributed among certain cities to fill up the number of inhabitants; 2 and thus, out of various tribes and nations, he formed one kingdom and people. 3 When he had settled and put in order the affairs of Macedonia, he reduced the Dardanians and others of his neighbours, who were overreached by his treacherous dealings. 4 Nor did he keep his hands even from his own relations; for he resolved on expelling Arrybas, king of Epirus, who was nearly related to his wife Olympias, out of his kingdom; 5 and he invited Alexander, a step-son of Arrybas, and brother of his wife Olympias (a youth of remarkable beauty), into Macedonia, in his sister's name, 6 and engaged him, after earnestly tempting him with hopes of his father's throne, and pretending violent love for him, in a criminal intercourse, thinking to find greater submission from him, whether through shame on account of his guilt, or through obligation for a kingdom conferred upon him. 7 When he was twenty years of age, accordingly, he took the kingdom from Arrybas, and gave it to the youth, acting a base part towards both, 8 for he disregarded the claims of kinship in him from whom he took the kingdom, and corrupted him to whom he gave it before he made him a king.

BOOK 9

[9. 1] L When Philippus had once come into Greece, allured by the plunder of a few cities, and had formed an opinion, from the spoil of such towns as were of less note, how great must be the riches of all its cities put together, he resolved to make war upon the whole of Greece. 2 Thinking that it would greatly conduce to the promotion of his design, if he could get possession of Byzantium, a noble city and seaport, which would be a station for his forces by land and sea, he proceeded, as it shut its gates against him, to lay close siege to it. 3 This city had been founded by Pausanias, king of Sparta, and held by him for seven years, but afterwards, as the fortune of war varied, it was regarded as at one time belonging to the Athenians, and at another to the Lacedaemonians; 4 and this uncertainty of possession was the cause that, while neither party supported it as its own, it maintained its liberty with the greater determination. 5 Philippus, exhausted by the length of the siege, had recourse to piracy for a supply of money, 6 and having captured a hundred and seventy ships, and sold off the cargoes, he was enabled for a while to relieve his craving wants. 7 But that so great an army might not be wasted in the siege of a single city, he marched away with his best troops, and stormed some towns of the Chersonese. 8 He also sent for his son Alexander, who was then eighteen years of age, to join him, and learn the rudiments of war in the camp of his father.
9 He made an expedition, too, into Scythia, to get plunder, that, after the practice of traders, he might make up for the expenses of one war by the profits of another.

[9. 2] L The king of the Scythians at that time was Atheas, who, being distressed by a war with the Istrians, sought aid from Philippus through the people of Apollonia, on the understanding that he would adopt him for his successor on the throne of Scythia. 2 But in the meantime, the king of the Istrians died, and relieved the Scythians both from the fear of war and the want of assistance. 3 Atheas, therefore, sending away the Macedonians, ordered a message to be sent to Philippus, that "he had neither sought his aid, nor proposed his adoption; 4 for the Scythians needed no protection from the Macedonians, to whom they were superior in the field, nor did he himself want an heir, as he had a son living. " 5 When Philippus heard this, he sent ambassadors to Atheas to ask him to defray at least a portion of the expense of the siege, that he might not be forced to raise it for want of money; 6 "a request," he said, "with which he ought the more readily to comply, as, when he sent soldiers to his assistance, he had not even paid their expenses on the march, to say nothing of remuneration for their service. " 7 Atheas, alluding to the rigour of their climate and the barrenness of their soil, which, far from enriching the Scythians with wealth, scarcely afforded them sustenance, replied, that "he had no treasury to satisfy so great a king, 8 and that he thought it less honourable to do little than to refuse altogether; 9 but that the Scythians were to be estimated by their valour and hardiness of body, not by their possessions. " 10 Philippus, mocked by this message, broke up the siege of Byzantium, and entered upon a war with the Scythians, first sending ambassadors to lull them into security, by telling Atheas that "while he was besieging Byzantium, he had vowed a statue to Hercules, 11 which he was going to erect at the mouth of the Ister, requesting an unobstructed passage to pay his vow to the god, since he was coming as a friend to the Scythians. " 12 Atheas desired him, "if his object was merely to fulfil his vow, to let the statue be sent to him," promising that "it should not only be erected, but should remain uninjured," but refusing "to allow an army to enter his territories," 13 and adding that, "if he should set up the statue in spite of the Scythians, he would take it down when he was gone, and turn the brass of it into heads for arrows. " 14 With feelings thus irritated on both sides, a battle was fought. Though the Scythians were superior in courage and numbers, they were defeated by the subtlety of Philippus. 15 Twenty thousand young men and women were taken, and a vast number of cattle, but no gold or silver. This was the first proof which they had of the poverty of Scythia. 16 Twenty thousand fine mares were sent into Macedonia to raise a breed.

[9. 3] L But as Philippus was returning from Scythia, the Triballi met him, and refused to allow him a passage, unless they received a share of the spoil. 2 Hence arose a dispute, and afterwards a battle, in which Philippus received so severe a wound through the thigh, that his horse was killed by it; 3 and while it was generally supposed that he was dead, the booty was lost. Thus the Scythian spoil, as if attended with a curse, had almost proved fatal to the Macedonians.

4 But as soon as he recovered from his wound, he made war upon the Athenians, of which he had long dissembled his intention. 5 The Thebans espoused their cause, fearing that if the Athenians were conquered, the war, like a fire in the neighbourhood, would spread to them. 6 An alliance being accordingly made between the two cities, which were just before at violent enmity with each other, they wearied Greece with embassies, stating that "they thought the common enemy should be repelled by their common strength, 7 for that Philippus would not rest, if his first attempts succeeded, until he had subjugated all Greece. " 8 Some of the cities were moved by these arguments, and joined themselves to the Athenians; but the dread of a war induced some to go over to Philippus. 9 A battle being brought on, though the Athenians were far superior in number of soldiers, they were conquered by the valour of the Macedonians, which was invigorated by constant service in the field. 10 They were not, however, in defeat, unmindful of their ancient valour; for, falling with wounds in front, they all covered the places which they had been charged by their leaders to defend, with their dead bodies. 11 This day put an end to the glorious sovereignty and ancient liberty of all Greece.

[9. 4] L Philippus' joy for this victory was artfully concealed. He abstained from offering the usual sacrifices on that day; he did not smile at table, or mingle any diversions with the entertainment; he had no chaplets or perfumes; and, as far as was in his power, he so managed his conquest that none might think of him as a conqueror. 2 He desired that he should not be called king, but general of Greece; 3 and conducted himself with such prudence, between his own secret joy on the one hand and the grief of the enemy on the other, that he neither appeared to his own subjects to rejoice, nor to the vanquished to insult them. 4 To the Athenians, whom he had found to be his bitterest enemies, he both sent back their prisoners without ransom, and gave up the bodies of the slain for burial; exhorting them to convey the relics of their dead to the sepulchres of their ancestors. 5 He also sent Alexander his son with his friend Antipater to Athens, to establish peace and friendship with them. 6 The Thebans, however, he compelled to purchase their prisoners, as well as the liberty of burying their dead. 7 Some of the chief men of their city, too, he put to death; others he banished, seizing upon the property of them all. 8 Afterwards, he reinstated in their country those that had been unjustly banished, of whom he made three hundred judges and governors of the city, 9 before whom when the most eminent citizens were arraigned on this very charge, that of having banished them unjustly, they had such spirit that they all acknowledged their participation in the fact, and affirmed that it was better with the state when they were condemned than when they were restored. 10 A wonderful instance of courage! They passed sentence, as far as they could, on those who had the disposal of them for life or death, and set at naught the pardon which their enemies could give them; and, as they could not avenge themselves by deeds, they manifested their boldness of spirit by words.

[9. 5] L War being at an end in Greece, Philippus directed deputies from all the states to be summoned to Corinth, to settle the condition of affairs. 2 Here he fixed terms of peace for the whole of Greece, according to the merits of each city; and chose from them all a council, to form a senate as it were for the country. 3 But the Lacedaemonians, standing alone, showed contempt alike for the terms and the king; regarding the state of things, which had not been agreed upon by the cities themselves, but forced upon them by a conqueror, as a state, not of peace, but of slavery. 4 The number of troops to be furnished by each state was then determined, whether the king, in case of being attacked, was to be supported by their united force, or whether war was to be made on any other power under him as their general. 5 In all these preparations for war it was not to be doubted that the kingdom of Persia was the object in view. 6 The sum of the force was two hundred thousand infantry and fifteen thousand cavalry. 7 Exclusive of this number there was also the army of Macedonia, and the adjacent barbarians of the conquered nations.

8 In the beginning of the next spring, he sent forward three of his generals into that part of Asia which was under the power of the Persians, Parmenion, Amyntas, and Attalus, 9 whose sister he had recently married, having divorced Olympias, the mother of Alexander, on suspicion of adultery.

[9. 6] L In the meantime, while the troops were assembling from Greece, he celebrated the marriage of his daughter Cleopatra with Alexander, whom he had made king of Epirus. 2 The day was remarkable for the pomp displayed on it, suitable to the magnificence of the two princes, him that gave his daughter in marriage, and him that married her. 3 Magnificent games were also celebrated, and as Philippus was going to view them, unattended by his guards, walking between the two Alexanders, his son and son-in-law, 4 Pausanias, a noble Macedonian youth, without being suspected by any one, posting himself in a narrow passage, killed him as he was going through it, and caused a day appointed for joy to be over-clouded with mourning for a death. 5 Pausanias, in the early part of his youth, had suffered gross violence at the hands of Attalus, to the indignity of which was added this further affront, 6 that Attalus had exposed him, after bringing him to a banquet and making him drunk, not only to insults from himself, but also to those of the company, as if he had been a common object for ill-treatment, and rendered him the laughing-stock of those of his own age. 7 Being impatient under this ignominy, Pausanias had often made complaints to Philippus, 8 but being put off with various excuses, not unattended with ridicule, and seeing his adversary also honoured with a general's commission, he turned his rage against Philippus himself, and inflicted on him, as an unjust judge, that revenge which he could not inflict on him as an adversary.

[9. 7] L It is even believed that he was instigated to the act by Olympias, Alexander's mother, and that Alexander himself was not ignorant that his father was to be killed; 2 as Olympias had felt no less resentment at her divorce, and the preferment of Cleopatra to herself, than Pausanias had felt at the insults which he had received. 3 As for Alexander, it is said that he feared his brother by his step-mother as a rival for the throne; and hence it happened that he had previously quarrelled at a banquet, first with Attalus, and afterwards with his father himself, 4 insomuch that Philippus pursued him even with his drawn sword, and was hardly prevented from killing him by the entreaties of his friends. 5 Alexander had in consequence retired with his mother into Epirus, to take refuge with his uncle, and from thence to the king of the Illyrians, 6 and was with difficulty reconciled to his father when he recalled him, and not easily induced by the prayers of his relations to return. 7 Olympias, too, was instigating her brother, the king of Epirus, to go to war with Philippus, and would have prevailed upon him to do so, had not Philippus, by giving him his daughter in marriage, disarmed him as a son-in-law. 8 With these provocations to resentment, both of them are thought to have encouraged Pausanias, when complaining of his insults being left unpunished, to so atrocious a deed. 9 Olympias, it is certain, had horses prepared for the escape of the assassin; 10 and, when she heard that the king was dead, hastening to the funeral under the appearance of respect, she put a crown of gold, the same night that she arrived, on the head of Pausanias, as he was hanging on a cross; an act which no one but she would have dared to do, as long as the son of Philippus was alive. 11 A few days after, she burnt the body of the assassin, when it had been taken down, upon the remains of her husband, and made him a tomb in the same place; she also provided that yearly sacrifices should be performed to his manes, possessing the people with a superstitious notion for the purpose. 12 Next she forced Cleopatra, for whose sake she had been divorced from Philippus, to hang herself, having first killed her daughter in her lap, and enjoyed the sight of her suffering this vengeance, to which she had hastened by procuring the death of her husband. 13 Last of all she consecrated the sword, with which the king had been killed, to Apollo, under the name of Myrtale, which was Olympias's own name when a child. 14 And all these things were done so publicly, that she seems to have been afraid lest it should not be evident enough that the deed was promoted by her.

[9. 8] L Philippus died at the age of forty-seven, after having reigned twenty-five years. 2 He had, by a dancing girl of Larissa, a son named Aridaeus, who reigned after Alexander. 3 He had also many others by several wives, as is not unusual with princes, some of whom died a natural death, and others by the sword. 4 As a king, he was more inclined to display in war, than in entertainments; 5 and his greatest riches were means for military operations. He was better at getting wealth than keeping it, 6 and, in consequence, was always poor amidst his daily spoliations. 7 Clemency and perfidy were equally valued by him; and no road to victory was, in his opinion, dishonourable. 8 He was equally pleasing and treacherous in his address, promising more than he could perform. He was well qualified either for serious conversation or for jesting. 9 He maintained friendships more with a view to interest than good faith. It was a common practice with him to pretend kindness where he hated, and to counterfeit dislike where he loved; to sow dissension among friends, and try to gain favour from both sides. 10 With such a disposition, his eloquence was very great, his language full of point and studied effect; so that neither did his facility fall short of his art, nor his invention of his facility, nor his art of his invention.

11 To Philippus succeeded his son Alexander, a prince greater than his father, both in his virtues and his vices. 12 Each of the two had a different mode of conquering; the one prosecuted his wars with open force, the other with subtlety; the one delighted in deceiving his enemies, the other in boldly repulsing them. 13 The one was more prudent in council, the other more noble in feeling. 14 The father would dissemble his resentment and often subdue it; when the son was provoked, there was neither delay nor bounds to his vengeance. 15 They were both too fond of wine, but the ill effects of their intoxication were totally different; the father would rush from a banquet to confront the enemy, fight with him, and rashly expose himself to dangers; the son vented his rage, not upon his enemies, but his friends. 16 A battle often sent away Philippus wounded; Alexander often left a banquet stained with the blood of his companions. 17 The one wished to reign with his friends, the other to reign over them. The one preferred to be loved, the other to be feared. 18 To literature both gave equal attention. The father had more cunning, the son more honour. 19 Philippus was more staid in his words, Alexander in his actions. 20 The son felt readier and nobler impulses to spare the conquered; the father showed no mercy even to his allies. The father was more inclined to frugality, the son to luxury. 21 By the same course by which the father laid the foundations of the empire of the world, the son consummated the glory of conquering the whole world.

BOOK 10

[10. 1] L Artaxerxes, king of Persia, had a hundred and fifteen sons by his concubines, but only three begotten in lawful wedlock, Darius, Ariarathes, and Ochus. 2 Of these the father, from paternal fondness, made Darius king during his own lifetime, contrary to the usage of the Persians, among whom the king is changed only by death; 3 for he thought nothing taken from himself that he conferred upon his son, and expected greater enjoyment from having progeny, if he saw the insignia of royalty adorning his son while he lived. 4 But Darius, after such an extraordinary proof of his father's affection, conceived the design of killing him. 5 He would have been bad enough, if he had meditated the parricide alone, but he became so much the worse, by enticing fifty of his brothers to a participation in his crime, and making them parricides in intention as well as himself. 6 It was certainly a kind of prodigy, that, among so great a number, the assassination should not only have been plotted, but concealed, and that of fifty children there should not have been found one, whom either respect for their father's dignity, or reverence for an old man, or gratitude for paternal kindness, could deter from so horrible a purpose. 7 Was the name of father so contemptible among so many sons, that he who should have been secured even against enemies by their protection, should be beset by their treason, and find it easier to defend himself against his foes than his children?

[10. 2] L The cause of the intended parricide was even more atrocious than the crime itself; 2 for after Cyrus was killed in the war against his brother, of which mention has been previously made, Artaxerxes had married Aspasia, the concubine of Cyrus; 3 and Darius had required that his father should resign her to him as he had resigned the kingdom. Artaxerxes, from fondness for his children, said at first that he would do so, 4 but afterwards, from a change of mind, and in order plausibly to refuse what he had inconsiderately promised, made her a priestess of the sun, an office which obliged her to perpetual chastity. 5 The young Darius, being incensed at this proceeding, broke out at first into reproaches against his father, and subsequently entered into this conspiracy with his brothers. But while he was meditating destruction for his father, he was discovered and apprehended with his associates, and paid the penalty of his guilt to the gods who avenge paternal authority. 6 The wives of them all, too, together with their children, were put to death, that no memorial of such execrable wickedness might be left. 7 Soon after Artaxerxes died of a disease contracted by grief, having been happier as a king than as a father.

[10. 3] L Possession of the throne was given to Ochus, who, dreading a similar conspiracy, filled the palace with the blood and dead bodies of his kinsmen and the nobility, being touched with compassion neither for consanguinity, nor sex, nor age, lest, apparently, he should be thought less wicked than his brothers that had meditated parricide.

2 Having thus, as it were, purified his kingdom, he made war upon the Cadusii; 3 in the course of which one Codomannus, followed by applause from all the Persians, engaged with one of the enemy that offered himself for single combat, and, having killed his antagonist, regained the victory for his fellow soldiers, as well as the glory which they had almost lost. 4 For this honourable service Codomannus was made governor of Armenia. 5 Sometime after, on the death of Ochus, he was chosen king by the people from regard to his former merits, and, that nothing might be wanting to his royal dignity, honoured with the name of Darius. 6 He maintained a long war, with various success, but with great efforts, against Alexander the Great. 7 But being at last overcome by Alexander, and slain by his relations, he terminated his life and the kingdom of the Persians together.

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Justinus: Epitome of Pompeius Trogus' Philippic Histories
- books 11 to 12
Translated by Rev. J. S. Watson (1853). See key to translations for an explanation of the format.


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BOOK 11

[11. 1] L In the army of Philippus there were various nations, and after his death different feelings prevailed among them. 2 Some, oppressed with an unjust yoke, were excited with hopes of recovering their liberty; 3 others, from dislike of going to war in a distant country, rejoiced that the expedition was broken off; 4 others grieved that the torch, kindled at the daughter's nuptials, should have been applied to the funeral pile of the father. 5 It was no small fear, too, that possessed his friends on so sudden a change, contemplating at one time Asia that had been provoked, at another Europe that was not yet pacified, 6 at another the Illyrians, Thracians, Dardanians, and other barbarous nations, who were of wavering faith and perfidious dispositions, and whom, if they should all rebel at once, it would be utterly impossible to resist.

7 To all these apprehensions the succession of Alexander was a relief, 8 who, in a public assembly, so effectually soothed and encouraged the people, as to remove all uneasiness from those that were afraid, and to fill every one with favourable expectations. 9 He was now twenty years old; at which age he gave great promise of what he would be, but with such modesty, that it was evident he reserved the further proofs of his ability for the time of action. 10 He granted the Macedonians relief from all burdens, except that of service in war; by which conduct he gained such popularity with his subjects, that they said they had changed only the person, not the virtues, of their king.

[11. 2] L His first care was about his father's funeral, when he caused all who had been privy to his murder to be put to death at his burial-place. 2 The only one that he spared was Alexander Lyncestes his brother, preserving in him the man who had first acknowledged his royal authority, for he had been the first to salute him king. 3 His brother Caranus, a rival for the throne, as being the son of his step-mother, he ordered to be slain.

4 In the beginning of his reign he put down many tribes that were revolting, and quelled some seditions in their birth. 5 Encouraged by his success, he marched with haste into Greece, where, after his father's example, having summoned the states to meet at Corinth, he was appointed general in his place. 6 He then turned his attention to the war with Persia, of which a commencement had been made by Philippus; 7 but, as he was engaged in preparations for it, he received intelligence that "the Thebans and Athenians had gone over from his side to that of the Persians, and that the author of the defection was the orator Demosthenes, who had been bribed by the Persians with a large sum of money, 8 and who had asserted that the whole army of the Macedonians, with their king, had been cut off by the Triballi, producing the author of the information before an assembly of the people, a man who said that he had been wounded in the battle in which the king had fallen. 9 In consequence of which statement," it was added, "the feelings of almost all the cities were changed, and the garrisons of the Macedonians besieged. " 10 To repress these commotions, he marched upon Greece with an army in full array, and with such speed, that they could scarcely believe they saw him of whose approach they were so little aware.

[11. 3] L In the course of his march he had exhorted the Thessalians to peace, reminding them of the kindnesses shown them by his father Philippus, and of his mother's connection with them by the family of the Aeacidae. 2 The Thessalians gladly listening to such an address, he was chosen, like his father, supreme commander of the whole nation, and they resigned into his hand all their customs and public revenues. 3 The Athenians, as they had been the first to rebel, were also the first to repent of their rebellion, 4 turning their contempt for their enemy into admiration of him, and extolling the youth of Alexander, which they had previously despised, above the merits of old generals. 5 Sending ambassadors, therefore, they deprecated war; and Alexander, listening to their treaties, and severely reproving them for their conduct, laid aside hostilities against them. 6 He then directed his march towards Thebes, intending to show similar indulgence, if he found similar penitence. 7 But the Thebans had recourse, not to prayers or in treaties, but to arms, and, being conquered, suffered the severest hardships of the most wretched state of subjugation. 8 It being debated in a council of war whether the city should be destroyed, the Phocians, Plataeans, Thespians, and Orchomenians, who were the allies of Alexander and sharers in his victory, dwelt upon the destruction of their own cities and the cruelty of the Thebans, 9 urging against them not only their present, but former, defection to the Persians, to the prejudice of the common liberty of Greece; 10 "on which account," they said, "they were an object of general hatred, as was manifest from the fact that all the Greeks had bound themselves by an oath to demolish Thebes as soon as they had conquered the Persians. " 11 They brought forward also the fabulous accounts of their old crimes, with which they had filled every theatre, to make them odious not only for their recent perfidy, but for their ancient infamy.

[11. 4] L Cleadas, one of those who had been taken prisoners, being permitted to speak in their behalf, said, that "they had not revolted from the king, whom they understood to be killed, but from the king's heirs; 2 that what had been done in the matter was the fault, not of treachery, but of credulity; for which, however, they had already suffered severely by the loss of the flower of their soldiery; 3 that there was left them only a multitude of old men and women, equally weak and harmless, but who had been so harassed by contumelies and insults, that they had never endured anything more grievous; 4 and that he did not now intercede for his countrymen, of whom so few survived, but for their unoffending natal soil, and for a city which had given birth, not only to men, but to gods. " 5 He endeavoured to work upon the king, too, from his superstitious regard for Hercules, who had been born at Thebes, and from whom the family of the Aeacidae was descended, and from the reflection that the youth of his father Philippus had been spent at Thebes; 6 and he conjured him "to spare a city which adored some of his ancestors, who had been born in it, as gods, and saw others who had been brought up in it, princes of the highest dignity. " 7 But resentment was more powerful than entreaty. The city was in consequence demolished, the lands divided among the conquerors, 8 and the prisoners publicly sold, their price being settled not for the profit of those who bought them, but according to the hatred of their enemies. 9 Their fate seemed to the Athenians deserving of pity; and they therefore, though contrary to the king's prohibition, opened their gates for the reception of the exiles. 10 At this proceeding Alexander was so displeased, that when they deprecated war by a second embassy, he forbore from hostilities only on condition that their orators and leaders, through confidence in whom they had so often rebelled, should be delivered up to him. 11 The Athenians preparing to comply, lest they should be compelled to abide a war, the matter ended in this arrangement, that the orators should be retained and the generals banished; 12 when the latter immediately went over to Darius, and formed no inconsiderable addition to the strength of the Persians.

[11. 5] L When he set out to the Persian war, he put to death all his step-mother's relations whom Philippus had advanced to any high dignity, or appointed to any command. 2 Nor did he spare such of his own kinsmen as seemed qualified to fill the throne, lest any occasion for rebellion should be left in Macedonia during his absence; 3 and of the tributary princes he took such as were distinguished for ability to the war with him, leaving the less able at home for the defence of his dominions. 4 Having then assembled his troops, he put them on shipboard, where, excited with incredible animation at the sight of Asia, he erected altars to the twelve gods to offer prayers for success in the war. 5 He divided all his private property, which he had in Macedonia and the rest of Europe, among his friends, saying, "that for himself Asia was sufficient. " 6 Before any ship left the shore, he offered sacrifices, praying for "victory in that war, in which he had been chosen the avenger of Greece so often assailed by the Persians, 7 to whom," he said, "a reign sufficiently long had been granted, a reign that had now reached maturity, and it was time that others, who would conduct themselves better, should take their place. " 8 Nor were the anticipations of the army different from those of the prince; 9 for all the soldiers, unmindful of their wives and children, and of the length of the expedition from home, contemplated the Persian gold, and the wealth of the whole east, as already their own prey, thinking neither of the war nor its perils, but of riches only. 10 When they arrived at the continent of Asia, Alexander first of all threw a dart into the enemy's country, and leaped on the shore in full armour, like one dancing the tripudium. He then proceeded to offer sacrifices, 11 praying that "those countries might not unwillingly receive him as their king. " 12 He also sacrificed at Troy, at the tombs of the heroes who had fallen in the Trojan war.

[11. 6] L Marching forward in quest of the enemy, he kept the soldiers from ravaging Asia, telling them that "they ought to spare their own property, and not destroy what they came to possess. " 2 His army consisted of thirty-two thousand infantry, and four thousand five hundred cavalry, with a hundred and eighty-two ships. 3 Whether, with this small force, it is more wonderful that he conquered the world, or that he dared to attempt its conquest, is difficult to determine. 4 When he selected his troops for so hazardous a warfare, he did not choose robust young men, or men in the flower of their age, but veterans, most of whom had even passed their term of service, and who had fought under his father and his uncles; 5 so that he might be thought to have chosen, not soldiers, but masters in war. 6 No one was made an officer who was not sixty years of age; so that he who saw the captains assembled at head-quarters, would have declared that he saw the senate of some ancient republic. 7 None, on the field of battle, thought of flight, but every one of victory; none trusted in his feet, but everyone in his arms.

8 King Darius, on the other hand, from confidence in his strength, abstained from all artifice in his operations; observing that "clandestine measures were fit only for a stolen victory;" he did not attempt to repel the enemy from his frontiers, 9 but admitted them into the heart of his kingdom, thinking it more honourable to drive war out of his kingdom than not to give it entrance. 10 The first engagement, in consequence, was fought on the plains of Adrastia. 11 The Persian army consisted of six hundred thousand men, who were conquered not less by the valour of the Macedonians than by the conduct of Alexander, and took to flight. The slaughter among the Persians was great. 12 Of the army of Alexander there fell only nine foot-soldiers, and a hundred and twenty horse, 13 whom the king buried sumptuously as an encouragement to the rest, honouring them also with equestrian statues, and granting privileges to their relatives. 14 After this victory the greater part of Asia came over to his side. 15 He had also several encounters with Darius's lieutenants, whom he conquered, not so much by his arms, as by the terror of his name.

[11. 7] L During the course of these proceedings, he was acquainted, on the information of a certain prisoner, that a conspiracy was forming against him by Alexander Lyncestes the son-in-law of Antipater, who had been made governor of Macedonia. 2 Fearing, therefore, that, if he were put to death, some disturbance might arise in Macedonia, he only kept him in prison.

3 He soon after marched to a city called Gordium, which is situated between the Greater and Lesser Phrygia, 4 and which he earnestly desired to take, not so much for the sake of plunder, as because he had heard that in that city, in the temple of Jupiter, was deposited the yoke of Gordius's cart; the knot of which, if anyone should loose, the oracles of old had predicted that he should rule all Asia. 5 The cause and origin of the matter was as follows. When Gordius was ploughing in these parts, with oxen that he had hired, birds of every kind began to fly about him. 6 Going to consult the augurs of the next town on the occurrence, he met at the gate a virgin of remarkable beauty, and asked her "which of the augurs he had best consult. " 7 When she, having heard his reason for consulting them, and knowing something of the art from the instruction of her parents, replied, that "a kingdom was portended to him," and offered to become his wife and the sharer of his expectations. 8 So fair a match seemed the chief felicity of a throne. 9 After his marriage a civil war arose among the Phrygians; 10 and when they consulted the oracles how their discord might be terminated, the oracles replied that "a king was required to settle their disputes. " 11 Inquiring a second time as to the person of the king, they were directed to regard him as their king whom they should first observe, on their return, going to the temple of Jupiter on a cart. 12 The person who presented himself to them was Gordius, and they at once saluted him king. 13 He dedicated the cart, in which he was riding when the throne was offered him, "to kingly majesty," and it was placed in the temple of Jupiter. 14 After him reigned his son Midas, who, having been instructed by Orpheus in sacred rites, filled all Phrygia with ceremonies of religion, by which he was better protected, during his whole life, than by arms. 15 Alexander, having taken the city, and gone to the temple of Jupiter, requested to see the yoke of Gordius's cart, 16 and, when it was shown him, not being able to find the ends of the cords, which were hidden within the knots, he put a forced interpretation on the oracle, and cut the cords with his sword; and thus, when the coils were opened out, discovered the ends concealed in them.

[11. 8] L While he was thus engaged, intelligence was brought him that Darius was approaching with a vast army. 2 Fearing the defiles, he crossed Mount Taurus with the utmost speed, advancing, in one of his forced marches, five hundred stades. 3 Arriving at Tarsus, and being charmed with the pleasantness of the river Cydnus, which flows through the midst of the city, he threw off his armour, and, covered as he was with dust and sweat, plunged himself into the water, which was then excessively cold; 4 when, on a sudden, such a numbness seized his nerves, that his voice was lost, and not only was there no hope of saving his life, but not even a means of delaying death could be found. 5 One of his physicians, named Philippus, was the only person that promised a cure; but a letter from Parmenion, which arrived the day before from Cappadocia, rendered him an object of suspicion; 6 for Parmenion, knowing nothing of Alexander's illness, had written to caution him against trusting Philippus, as he had been bribed by Darius with a large sum of money. 7 Alexander, however, thought it better to trust the doubtful faith of the physician, than to perish of certain disease. 8 Taking the cup from Philippus, therefore, he gave him Parmenion's letter to read, and, as he drank, fixed his eyes upon the physician's countenance while he was reading. 9 Seeing him unmoved, he became more cheerful, and recovered his health on the fourth day after.

[11. 9] L Meantime Darius advanced to battle with four hundred thousand foot and a hundred thousand horse. 2 So vast a multitude of enemies caused some distrust in Alexander, when he contemplated the smallness of his own army; but he called to mind, at the same time, how much he had already done, and how powerful people he had overthrown, with that very moderate force. 3 His hopes, therefore, prevailing over his apprehensions, and thinking it more hazardous to defer the contest, lest dismay should fall upon his men, he rode round among his troops, and addressed those of each nation in an appropriate speech.