No More Learning

Vitellius expressed his gratitude to them and bade them sally
forth to protect the city. He then summoned a meeting of the senate,
at which envoys were appointed to go to the two armies and urge them
in the name of public welfare to accept peace. The fortunes of the
envoys varied. Those who approached Petilius Cerialis found themselves
in dire danger, for the soldiers indignantly refused their terms. The
praetor, Arulenus Rusticus,[218] was wounded. Apart from the wrong
done to a praetor and an envoy, the man's own acknowledged worth made
this seem all the more scandalous. His companions were flogged, and
the lictor nearest to him was killed for venturing to make a way
through the crowd. Indeed, if the guard provided by the general had
not intervened, a Roman envoy, the sanctity of whose person even
foreign nations respect, might have been wickedly murdered in the mad
rage of civil strife under the very walls of Rome. Those who went to
Antonius met with a more reasonable reception; not that the soldiers
were less violent, but the general had more authority.

A knight named Musonius Rufus had attached himself to the envoys. 81
He was a student of philosophy and an enthusiastic advocate of
Stoicism. He mingled with the armed soldiers offering them advice and
discoursing on the advantages of peace and the perils of war. This
amused many of them and bored still more. Some, indeed, wanted to
maul him and kick him out, but the advice of the more sober spirits
and the threats of others persuaded him to cut short his ill-timed
lecture. The Vestal Virgins, too, came in procession to bring Antonius
a letter from Vitellius, in which he demanded one day's postponement
of the final crisis, saying that everything could easily be settled,
if only they would grant this respite. Antonius sent the Virgins away
with all respect, and wrote in answer to Vitellius that the murder of
Sabinus and the burning of the Capitol had broken off all
negotiations. However, he summoned the legions to a meeting and 82
endeavoured to mollify them, proposing that they should pitch their
camp near the Mulvian Bridge and enter the city on the following day.
His motive for delay was a fear that the troops, when once their blood
was up after a skirmish, would have no respect for civilians or
senators, or even for the temples and shrines of the gods. But they
suspected every postponement as a hindrance to their victory.
Moreover, some colours which were seen glittering along the hills,
gave the impression of a hostile force, although none but peaceful
citizens accompanied them.

The attack was made in three columns. One advanced from its original
position on the Flaminian road, one kept near the bank of the Tiber,
and the third approached the Colline Gate along the Salarian road. The
cavalry rode into the mob and scattered them. But the Vitellian troops
faced the enemy, themselves, too, in three separate divisions. Again
and again they engaged before the walls with varying success. But the
Flavians had the advantage of being well led and thus more often won
success. Only one of the attacking parties suffered at all severely,
that which had made its way along narrow, greasy lanes to Sallust's
Gardens[219] on the left side of the city. Standing on the garden
walls, the Vitellians hurled stones and javelins down upon them and
held them back until late in the day. But at last the cavalry forced
an entrance by the Colline Gate and took the defenders in the rear.
Then the opposing forces met on the Martian Plain itself. Fortune
favoured the Flavians and the sense of victories won. The Vitellians
charged in sheer despair, but, though driven back, they gathered again
in the city.

The people came and watched the fighting, cheering and applauding 83
now one side, now the other, like spectators at a gladiatorial
contest. Whenever one side gave ground, and the soldiers began to hide
in shops or seek refuge in some private house, they clamoured for them
to be dragged out and killed, and thus got the greater part of the
plunder for themselves: for while the soldiers were busy with the
bloody work of massacre, the spoil fell to the crowd. The scene
throughout the city was hideous and terrible: on the one side fighting
and wounded men, on the other baths and restaurants: here lay heaps of
bleeding dead, and close at hand were harlots and their
companions--all the vice and licence of luxurious peace, and all the
crime and horror of a captured town. One might well have thought the
city mad with fury and mad with pleasure at the same time. Armies had
fought in the city before this, twice when Sulla mastered Rome,[220]
once under Cinna. [221] Nor were there less horrors then. What was now
so inhuman was the people's indifference. Not for one minute did they
interrupt the life of pleasure. The fighting was a new amusement for
their holiday. [222] Caring nothing for either party, they enjoyed
themselves in riotous dissipation and took a frank pleasure in their
country's disaster.

The storming of the Guards' camp was the most troublesome task. It 84
was still held by some of the bravest as a forlorn hope, which made
the victors all the more eager to take it, especially those who had
originally served in the Guards. They employed against it every means
ever devised for the storming of the most strongly fortified towns, a
'tortoise',[223] artillery, earthworks, firebrands. This, they cried,
was the crown of all the toil and danger they had undergone in all
their battles. They had restored the city to the senate and people of
Rome, and their Temples to the gods: the soldier's pride is his camp,
it is his country and his home. If they could not regain it at once,
they must spend the night in fighting. The Vitellians, for their part,
had numbers and fortune against them, but by marring their enemy's
victory, by postponing peace, by fouling houses and altars with their
blood, they embraced the last consolations that the conquered can
enjoy. Many lay more dead than alive on the towers and ramparts of the
walls and there expired. When the gates were torn down, the remainder
faced the conquerors in a body. And there they fell, every man of them
facing the enemy with all his wounds in front. Even as they died they
took care to make an honourable end.

When the city was taken, Vitellius left the Palace by a back way and
was carried in a litter to his wife's house on the Aventine. If he
could lie hid during the day, he hoped to make his escape to his
brother and the Guards at Tarracina. But it is in the very nature of
terror that, while any course looks dangerous, the present state of
things seems worst of all. His fickle determination soon changed and
he returned to the vast, deserted Palace, whence even the lowest of
his menials had fled, or at least avoided meeting him. Shuddering at
the solitude and hushed silence of the place, he wandered about,
trying closed doors, terrified to find the rooms empty; until at last,
wearied with his miserable search, he crept into some shameful
hiding-place. There Julius Placidus, an officer of the Guards, found
him and dragged him out. His hands were tied behind his back, his
clothes were torn, and thus he was led forth--a loathly spectacle at
which many hurled insults and no one shed a single tear of pity. The
ignominy of his end killed all compassion. On the way a soldier of the
German army either aimed an angry blow at him, or tried to put him
out of his shame, or meant, perhaps, to strike the officer in command;
at any rate, he cut off the officer's ear and was immediately stabbed.
With the points of their swords they made Vitellius hold up his 85
head and face their insults, forcing him again and again to watch his
own statues hurtling down, or to look at the Rostra and the spot where
Galba had been killed. At last he was dragged along to the Ladder of
Sighs,[224] where the body of Flavius Sabinus had lain. One saying of
his which was recorded had a ring of true nobility. When some officer
flung reproaches at him, he answered, 'And yet I was once your
emperor. ' After that he fell under a shower of wounds, and when he was
dead the mob abused him as loudly as they had flattered him in his
lifetime--and with as little reason.

Vitellius' home was at Luceria. [225] He was in his fifty-seventh 86
year, and had won the consulship, priesthoods, and a name and position
among Rome's greatest men, all of which he owed to no efforts of his
own, but solely to his father's eminence. [226] Those who offered him
the throne had not yet learnt to know him; and yet his slothful
cowardice won from his soldiers an enthusiasm which the best of
generals have rarely evoked. Still he had the qualities of candour and
generosity, which without moderation are liable to prove disastrous.
He had few friends, though he bought many, thinking to keep them, not
by showing moral stamina, but by giving liberal presents. It was
indubitably good for the country that Vitellius should be beaten. But
those who betrayed him to Vespasian can hardly make a merit of their
perfidy, for they were the very men who had deserted Galba for
Vitellius.

The day was already sinking into evening. The magistrates and senators
had fled in terror from the city, or were still in hiding at
dependants' houses: it was therefore impossible to call a meeting of
the senate. When all fear of violence was at an end, Domitian came
out[227] and presented himself to the generals of his party. The
crowds of soldiers at once hailed him as Caesar, and marched off,
still in full armour, to escort him to his father's house.

FOOTNOTES:

[212] The narrative is continued from chap. 63.

[213] December 17-23.

[214] Otricoli.

[215] i. e. for the delay which gave time for the burning of
the Capitol. The fact that he tried to shift the
responsibility seemed to argue an uncomfortable conscience.

[216] i. e. through the Colline Gate.

[217] Grotta Rosa.

[218] A well-known member of the Stoic opposition, executed by
Domitian's order, A. D. 94.

[219] The historian. They now belonged to the emperor.

[220] 88 and 82 B. C.

[221] 87 B. C.

[222] The Saturnalia.

[223] See chap. 27, note 77.

[224] Cp. note 205.

[225] The words are uncertain. There is probably a lacuna.

[226] Cp. vol. i, note 99.

[227] He had taken refuge with a humble friend (see chap. 74).




BOOK IV

ROME AFTER THE FALL OF VITELLIUS

(January-July, A. D. 70)


The death of Vitellius ended the war without inaugurating peace. 1
The victors remained under arms, and the defeated Vitellians were
hunted through the city with implacable hatred, and butchered
promiscuously wherever they were found. The streets were choked with
corpses; squares and temples ran with blood. Soon the riot knew no
restraint; they began to hunt for those who were in hiding and to drag
them out. All who were tall and of youthful appearance, whether
soldiers or civilians, were cut down indiscriminately. [228] While
their rage was fresh they sated their savage cravings with blood; then
suddenly the instinct of greed prevailed. On the pretext of hunting
for hidden enemies, they would leave no door unopened and regard no
privacy. Thus they began to rifle private houses or else made
resistance an excuse for murder. There were plenty of needy citizens,
too, and of rascally slaves, who were perfectly ready to betray
wealthy householders: others were indicated by their friends. From all
sides came cries of mourning and misery. Rome was like a captured
city. People even longed to have the insolent soldiery of Otho and
Vitellius back again, much as they had been hated. The Flavian
generals, who had fanned the flame of civil war with such energy, were
incapable of using their victory temperately. In riot and disorder the
worst characters take the lead; peace and quiet call for the highest
qualities.

Domitian having secured the title and the official residence of a 2
Caesar,[229] did not as yet busy himself with serious matters, but in
his character of emperor's son devoted himself to dissolute intrigues.
Arrius Varus[230] took command of the Guards, but the supreme
authority rested with Antonius Primus. He removed money and slaves
from the emperor's house as though he were plundering Cremona. The
other generals, from excess of modesty or lack of spirit, shared
neither the distinctions of the war nor the profits of peace.

People in Rome were now so nervous and so resigned to despotism that
they demanded that Lucius Vitellius and his force of Guards should be
surprised on their way back from Tarracina,[231] and the last sparks
of the war stamped out. Some cavalry were sent forward to Aricia,
while the column of the legions halted short of Bovillae. [232]
Vitellius, however, lost no time in surrendering himself and his
Guards to the conqueror's discretion, and the men flung away their
unlucky swords more in anger than in fear. The long line of prisoners
filed through the city between ranks of armed guards. None looked like
begging for mercy. With sad, set faces they remained sternly
indifferent to the applause or the mockery of the ribald crowd. A few
tried to break away, but were surrounded and overpowered. The rest
were put in prison. Not one of them gave vent to any unseemly
complaint. Through all their misfortunes they preserved their
reputation for courage. Lucius Vitellius was then executed. He was as
weak as his brother, though during the principate he showed himself
less indolent. Without sharing his brother's success, he was carried
away on the flood of his disaster.

At this time Lucilius Bassus[233] was sent off with a force of 3
light horse to quell the disquiet in Campania, which was caused more
by the mutual jealousy of the townships than by any opposition to the
emperor. The sight of the soldiers restored order. The smaller
colonies were pardoned, but at Capua the Third legion[234] was left in
winter quarters and some of the leading families fined. [235]
Tarracina, on the other hand, received no relief. It is always easier
to requite an injury than a service: gratitude is a burden, but
revenge is found to pay. Their only consolation was that one of
Vergilius Capito's slaves, who had, as we have seen,[236] betrayed
the town, was hanged on the gallows with the very rings[237] on his
fingers which Vitellius had given him to wear.

At Rome the senate decreed to Vespasian all the usual prerogatives of
the principate. [238] They were now happy and confident. Seeing that
the civil war had broken out in the provinces of Gaul and Spain, and
after causing a rebellion first in Germany and then in Illyricum, had
spread to Egypt, Judaea, Syria,[239] and in fact to all the provinces
and armies of the empire, they felt that the world had been purged as
by fire and that all was now over. Their satisfaction was still
further enhanced by a letter from Vespasian, which at first sight
seemed to be phrased as if the war was still going on. Still his tone
was that of an emperor, though he spoke of himself as a simple citizen
and gave his country all the glory. The senate for its part showed no
lack of deference. They decreed that Vespasian himself should be
consul with Titus for his colleague, and on Domitian they conferred
the praetorship with the powers of a consul. [240]

Mucianus had also addressed a letter to the senate which gave rise 4
to a good deal of talk. [241] If he were a private citizen, why adopt
the official tone? He could have expressed the same opinions a few
days later from his place in the House. Besides, his attack on
Vitellius came too late to prove his independence, and what seemed
particularly humiliating for the country and insulting to the emperor
was his boast that he had held the empire in the hollow of his hand,
and had given it to Vespasian. However, they concealed their ill-will
and made a great show of flattery, decreeing to Mucianus in the most
complimentary terms full triumphal honours, which were really given
him for his success against his fellow countrymen, though they trumped
up an expedition to Sarmatia as a pretext. [242] On Antonius Primus
they conferred the insignia of the consulship, and those of the
praetorship on Cornelius Fuscus and Arrius Varus. Then came the turn
of the gods: it was decided to restore the Capitol. These proposals
were all moved by the consul-designate, Valerius Asiaticus. [243] The
others signified assent by smiling and holding up their hands, though
a few, who were particularly distinguished, or especially practised in
the art of flattery, delivered set speeches. When it came to the turn
of Helvidius Priscus, the praetor-designate, he expressed himself in
terms which, while doing honour to a good emperor, were perfectly
frank and honest. [244] The senate showed their keen approval, and it
was this day which first won for him great disfavour and great
distinction.

Since I have had occasion to make a second allusion[245] to a man 5
whom I shall often have to mention again,[246] it may be well to give
here a brief account of his character and ideals, and of his fortune
in life. Helvidius Priscus came from the country town of Cluviae. [247]
His father had been a senior centurion in the army. From his early
youth Helvidius devoted his great intellectual powers to the higher
studies, not as many people do, with the idea of using a philosopher's
reputation as a cloak for indolence,[248] but rather to fortify
himself against the caprice of fortune when he entered public life. He
became a follower of that school of philosophy[249] which holds that
honesty is the one good thing in life and sin the only evil, while
power and rank and other such external things, not being qualities of
character, are neither good nor bad. He had risen no higher than the
rank of quaestor when Paetus Thrasea chose him for his son-in-law,[250]
and of Thrasea's virtues he absorbed none so much as his independence.
As citizen, senator, husband, son-in-law, friend, in every sphere of
life he was thoroughly consistent, always showing contempt for money,
stubborn persistence in the right, and courage in the face of danger.
Some people thought him too ambitious, for even with philosophers 6
the passion for fame is often their last rag of infirmity. After
Thrasea's fall Helvidius was banished, but he returned to Rome under
Galba and proceeded to prosecute Eprius Marcellus,[251] who had
informed against his father-in-law. This attempt to secure a revenge,
as bold as it was just, divided the senate into two parties, for the
fall of Marcellus would involve the ruin of a whole army of similar
offenders. At first the struggle was full of recrimination, as the
famous speeches on either side testify; but after a while, finding
that Galba's attitude was doubtful and that many of the senators
begged him to desist, Helvidius dropped the prosecution. On his action
in this matter men's comments varied with their character, some
praising his moderation, others asking what had become of his
tenacity.

To return to the senate: at the same meeting at which they voted
powers to Vespasian they also decided to send a deputation to address
him. This gave rise to a sharp dispute between Helvidius Priscus and
Eprius Marcellus. The former thought the members of the deputation
ought to be nominated by magistrates acting under oath; Marcellus
demanded their selection by lot. The consul-designate had already 7
spoken in favour of the latter method, but Marcellus' motive was
personal vanity, for he was afraid that if others were chosen he
would seem slighted. Their exchange of views gradually grew into a
formal and acrimonious debate. Helvidius inquired why it was that
Marcellus was so afraid of the magistrates' judgement, seeing that he
himself had great advantages of wealth and of eloquence over many
others. Could it be the memory of his misdeeds that so oppressed him?
The fall of the lot could not discern character: but the whole point
of submitting people to the vote and to scrutiny by the senate was to
get at the truth about each man's life and reputation. In the interest
of the country, and out of respect to Vespasian, it was important that
he should be met by men whom the senate considered beyond reproach,
men who would give the emperor a taste for honest language. Vespasian
had been a friend of Thrasea, Soranus, and Sentius,[252] and even
though there might be no need to punish their prosecutors, still it
would be wrong to put them forward. Moreover, the senate's selection
would be a sort of hint to the emperor whom to approve and whom to
avoid. 'Good friends are the most effective instruments of good
government. Marcellus ought to be content with having driven Nero to
destroy so many innocent people. Let him enjoy the impunity and the
profit he has won from that, and leave Vespasian to more honest
advisers. '

Marcellus replied that the opinion which was being impugned was not 8
his own. The consul-designate had already advised them to follow the
established precedent, which was that deputations should be chosen by
lot, so that there should be no room for intrigue or personal
animosity. Nothing had happened to justify them in setting aside such
an ancient system. Why turn a compliment to the emperor into a slight
upon some one else? Anybody could do homage. What they had to avoid
was the possibility that some people's obstinacy might irritate the
emperor at the outset of his reign, while his intentions were
undecided and he was still busy watching faces and listening to what
was said.
'I have not forgotten,' he went on, 'the days of my youth or
the constitution which our fathers and grandfathers established. [253]
But while admiring a distant past, I support the existing state of
things. I pray for good emperors, but I take them as they come. As for
Thrasea, it was not my speech but the senate's verdict which did for
him. Nero took a savage delight in farces like that trial, and,
really, the friendship of such an emperor cost me as much anxiety as
banishment did to others. In fine, Helvidius may be as brave and as
firm as any Brutus or Cato; I am but a senator and we are all slaves
together. Besides, I advise my friend not to try and get an upper hand
with our emperor or to force his tuition on a man of ripe years,[254]
who wears the insignia of a triumph and is the father of two grown
sons. Bad rulers like absolute sovereignty, and even the best of them
must set some limit to their subjects' independence. '

This heated interchange of arguments found supporters for both views.
The party which wanted the deputies chosen by lot eventually
prevailed, since even the moderates were anxious to observe the
precedent, and all the most prominent members tended to vote with
them, for fear of encountering ill-feeling if they were selected.

This dispute was followed by another. The Praetors, who in those 9
days administered the Treasury,[255] complained of the spread of
poverty in the country and demanded some restriction of expenditure.
The consul-designate said that, as the undertaking would be so vast
and the remedy so difficult, he was in favour of leaving it for the
emperor. Helvidius maintained that it ought to be settled by the
senate's decision. When the consuls began to take each senator's
opinion, Vulcacius Tertullinus, one of the tribunes, interposed his
veto, on the ground that they could not decide such an important
question in the emperor's absence. Helvidius had previously moved that
the Capitol should be restored at the public cost, and with the
assistance of Vespasian. The moderates all passed over this suggestion
in silence and soon forgot it, but there were others who took care to
remember it. [256]

It was at this time that Musonius Rufus[257] brought an action 10
against Publius Celer on the ground that it was only by perjury that
he had secured the conviction of Soranus Barea. [258] It was felt that
this trial restarted the hue and cry against professional accusers.
But the defendant was a rascal of no importance who could not be
sheltered, and, moreover, Barea's memory was sacred. Celer had set up
as a teacher of philosophy and then committed perjury against his
pupil Barea, thus treacherously violating the very principles of
friendship which he professed to teach. The case was put down for the
next day's meeting. [259] But now that a taste for revenge was aroused,
people were all agog to see not so much Musonius and Publius as
Priscus and Marcellus and the rest in court.

Thus the senate quarrelled; the defeated party nursed their 11
grievances; the winners had no power to enforce their will; law was in
abeyance and the emperor absent. This state of things continued until
Mucianus arrived in Rome and took everything into his own hands. This
shattered the supremacy of Antonius and Varus, for, though Mucianus
tried to show a friendly face towards them, he was not very
successful in concealing his dislike. But the people of Rome, having
acquired great skill in detecting strained relations, had already
transferred their allegiance. Mucianus was now the sole object of
their flattering attentions. And he lived up to them. He surrounded
himself with an armed escort, and kept changing his house and gardens.
His display, his public appearances, the night-watch that guarded him,
all showed that he had adopted the style of an emperor while forgoing
the title. The greatest alarm was aroused by his execution of
Calpurnius Galerianus, a son of Caius Piso. [260] He had attempted no
treachery, but his distinguished name and handsome presence had made
the youth a subject of common talk, and the country was full of
turbulent spirits who delighted in revolutionary rumours and idly
talked of his coming to the throne. Mucianus gave orders that he
should be arrested by a body of soldiers, and to avoid a conspicuous
execution in the heart of the city, they marched him forty miles along
the Appian road, where they severed his veins and let him bleed to
death. Julius Priscus, who had commanded the Guards under Vitellius,
committed suicide, more from shame than of necessity. Alfenus Varus
survived the disgrace of his cowardice. [261] Asiaticus,[262] who was a
freedman, paid for his malign influence by dying the death of a
slave. [263]

FOOTNOTES:

[228] Because they were taken for members of Vitellius' German
auxiliary cohorts.

[229] Cp. iii. 86 sub fin.

[230] Cp. iii. 6.

[231] See iii. 76.

[232] These three towns are all on the Appian Way, Bovillae
ten miles from Rome, Aricia sixteen, Tarracina fifty-nine, on
the coast.

[233] Cp. iii. 12.

[234] Gallica.

[235] Capua had adhered to Vitellius. Tarracina had been held
for Vespasian (cp. iii. 57).

[236] See iii. 77.

[237] The insignia of equestrian rank (cp. i. 13).

[238] The chief of these were the powers of tribune,
pro-consul, and censor, and the title of Augustus (cp. i. 47,
ii. 55).

[239] Vindex had risen in Gaul; Galba in Spain; Vitellius in
Germany; Antonius Primus in the Danube provinces (Illyricum);
Vespasian and Mucianus in Judaea, Syria, and Egypt.

[240] This was necessary in the absence of Vespasian and Titus.

[241] See vol. i, note 339.

[242] A triumph could, of course, be held only for victories
over a foreign enemy. Here the pretext was the repulse of the
Dacians (iii. 46).

[243] Vitellius' son-in-law (cp. i. 59).

[244] In the text some words seem to be missing here, but the
general sense is clear.

[245] Cp. ii. 91.

[246] If Tacitus ever told the story of his banishment and
death, his version has been lost with the rest of his history
of Vespasian's reign.

[247] In Samnium.

[248] i. e. shirking the duties of public life.

[249] i. e. the Stoic.

[250] See ii. 91.

[251] Cp. ii. 53.

[252] Soranus, like Thrasea, was a Stoic who opposed the
government mainly on moral grounds. The story of their end is
told in the _Annals_, Book XVI. Sentius was presumably another
member of their party.

[253] He refers to Augustus' regularization of the principate.

[254] Fifty-nine.

[255] The administration of this office was changed several
times in the first century of the empire. Here we have a
reversion to Augustus' second plan. Trajan restored Augustus'
original plan--also adopted by Nero--of appointing special
Treasury officials from the ex-praetors.

[256] His offence lay in assigning to the emperor a merely
secondary position.

[257] His ill-timed advocacy of Stoicism is mentioned iii. 81.

[258] Described in the _Annals_, xvi. 32.

[259] The description of this is postponed to chap. 40. Celer
was convicted.

[260] C. Piso had conspired against Nero, A. D. 65.

[261] They had both abandoned their camp at Narnia (cp. iii. 61).

[262] Cp. ii. 57.

[263] i. e. he was crucified.


THE REVOLT OF CIVILIS AND THE BATAVI

The growing rumour of a reverse in Germany[264] had not as yet 12
caused any alarm in Rome. People alluded to the loss of armies, the
capture of the legions' winter quarters, the defection of the Gallic
provinces as matters of indifference. I must now go back and explain
the origin of this war, and of the widespread rebellion of foreign and
allied tribes which now broke into flame.

The Batavi were once a tribe of the Chatti,[265] living on the further
bank of the Rhine. But an outbreak of civil war had driven them across
the river, where they settled in a still unoccupied district on the
frontier of Gaul and also in the neighbouring island, enclosed on one
side by the ocean and on the other three sides by the Rhine. [266]
There they fared better than most tribes who ally themselves to a
stronger power. Their resources are still intact, and they have only
to contribute men and arms for the imperial army. [267] After a long
training in the German wars, they still further increased their
reputation in Britain, where their troops had been sent, commanded
according to an ancient custom by some of the noblest chiefs. There
still remained behind in their own country a picked troop of horsemen
with a peculiar knack of swimming, which enabled them to make a
practice[268] of crossing the Rhine with unbroken ranks without losing
control of their horses or their weapons.

Of their chieftains two outshone the rest. These were Julius 13
Paulus and Julius Civilis, both of royal stock. Paulus had been
executed by Fonteius Capito on a false charge of rebellion. [269] On
the same occasion Civilis was sent in chains to Nero. Galba, however,
set him free, and under Vitellius he again ran great risk of his life,
when the army clamoured for his execution. [270] This gave him a motive
for hating Rome, and our misfortunes fed his hopes. He was, indeed,
far cleverer than most barbarians, and professed to be a second
Sertorius or Hannibal, because they all three had the same physical
defect. [271] He was afraid that if he openly rebelled against the
Roman people they would treat him as an enemy, and march on him at
once, so he pretended to be a keen supporter of Vespasian's party.
This much was true, that Antonius Primus had written instructing him
to divert the auxiliaries whom Vitellius had summoned, and to delay
the legions on the pretence of a rising in Germany. Moreover,
Hordeonius Flaccus[272] had given him the same advice in person, for
Flaccus was inclined to support Vespasian and anxious for the safety
of Rome, which was threatened with utter disaster, if the war were to
break out afresh and all these thousands of troops come pouring into
Italy.

Having thus made up his mind to rebel, Civilis concealed in the 14
meantime his ulterior design, and while intending to guide his
ultimate policy by future events, proceeded to initiate the rising as
follows. The young Batavians were by Vitellius' orders being pressed
for service, and this burden was being rendered even more irksome than
it need have been by the greed and depravity of the recruiting
officers. They took to enrolling elderly men and invalids so as to get
bribes for excusing them: or, as most of the Batavi are tall and
good-looking in their youth, they would seize the handsomest boys for
immoral purposes. This caused bad feeling; an agitation was organized,
and they were persuaded to refuse service. Accordingly, on the pretext
of giving a banquet, Civilis summoned the chief nobles and the most
determined of the tribesmen to a sacred grove. Then, when he saw them
excited by their revelry and the late hour of the night, he began to
speak of the glorious past of the Batavi and to enumerate the wrongs
they had suffered, the injustice and extortion and all the evils of
their slavery. 'We are no longer treated,' he said, 'as we used to be,
like allies, but like menials and slaves. Why, we are never even
visited by an imperial Governor[273]--irksome though the insolence of
his staff would be. We are given over to prefects and centurions; and
when these subordinates have had their fill of extortion and of
bloodshed, they promptly find some one to replace them, and then there
are new pockets to fill and new pretexts for plunder. Now conscription
is upon us: children are to be torn from parents, brother from
brother, never, probably, to meet again. And yet the fortunes of Rome
were never more depressed. Their cantonments contain nothing but loot
and a lot of old men. Lift up your eyes and look at them. There is
nothing to fear from legions that only exist on paper. [274] And we are
strong. We have infantry and cavalry: the Germans are our kinsmen: the
Gauls share our ambition. Even the Romans will be grateful if we go to
war. [275] If we fail, we can claim credit for supporting Vespasian: if
we succeed, there will be no one to call us to account. '

His speech was received with great approval, and he at once bound 15
them all to union, using the barbarous ceremonies and strange oaths of
his country. They then sent to the Canninefates to join their
enterprise. This tribe inhabits part of the Island,[276] and though
inferior in numbers to the Batavi, they are of the same race and
language and the same courageous spirit. Civilis next sent secret
messages to win over the Batavian troops, which after serving as Roman
auxiliaries in Britain had been sent, as we have already seen,[277] to
Germany and were now stationed at Mainz. [278]

One of the Canninefates, Brinno by name, was a man of distinguished
family and stubborn courage. His father had often ventured acts of
hostility, and had with complete impunity shown his contempt for
Caligula's farcical expedition. [279] To belong to such a family of
rebels was in itself a recommendation. He was accordingly placed on a
shield, swung up on the shoulders of his friends, and thus elected
leader after the fashion of the tribe. Summoning to his aid the
Frisii[280]--a tribe from beyond the Rhine--he fell upon two cohorts
of auxiliaries whose camp lay close to the neighbouring shore. [281]
The attack was unexpected, and the troops, even if they had foreseen
it, were not strong enough to offer resistance: so the camp was taken
and looted. They then fell on the Roman camp-followers and traders,
who had gone off in all directions as if peace were assured. Finding
the forts now threatened with destruction, the Roman officers set fire
to them, as they had no means of defence. All the troops with their
standards and colours retired in a body to the upper end of the
island, led by Aquilius, a senior centurion. But they were an army in
name only, not in strength, for Vitellius had withdrawn all the
efficient soldiers and had replaced them by a useless mob, who had
been drawn from the neighbouring Nervian and German villages and were
only embarrassed by their armour. [282]

Civilis thought it best to proceed by guile, and actually ventured 16
to blame the Roman officers for abandoning the forts. He could, he
told them, with the cohort under his command, suppress the outbreak of
the Canninefates without their assistance: they could all go back to
their winter-quarters. However, it was plain that some treachery
underlay his advice--it would be easier to crush the cohorts if they
were separated--and also that Civilis, not Brinno, was at the head of
this war. Evidence of this gradually leaked out, as the Germans loved
war too well to keep the secret for long. Finding his artifice
unsuccessful, Civilis tried force instead, forming the Canninefates,
Frisii and Batavi into three separate columns. [283] The Roman line
faced them in position near the Rhine bank. [284] They had brought
their ships there after the burning of the forts, and these were now
turned with their prows towards the enemy. Soon after the engagement
began a Tungrian cohort deserted to Civilis, and the Romans were so
startled by this unexpected treachery that they were cut to pieces by
their allies and their enemies combined. Similar treachery occurred in
the fleet. Some of the rowers, who were Batavians, feigning clumsiness
tried to impede the sailors and marines in the performance of their
functions, and after a while openly resisted them and turned the
ships' sterns towards the enemy's bank. Finally, they killed the
pilots and centurions who refused to join them, and thus all the
twenty-four ships of the flotilla either deserted to the enemy or were
captured by them.

This victory made Civilis immediately famous and proved 17
subsequently very useful. Having now got the ships and the weapons
which they needed, he and his followers were enthusiastically
proclaimed as champions of liberty throughout Germany and Gaul. The
German provinces immediately sent envoys with offers of help, while
Civilis endeavoured by diplomacy and by bribery to secure an alliance
with the Gauls. He sent back the auxiliary officers whom he had taken
prisoner, each to his own tribe, and offered the cohorts the choice of
either going home or remaining with him. Those who remained were given
an honourable position in his army: and those who went home received
presents out of the Roman spoil. At the same time Civilis talked to
them confidentially and reminded them of the miseries they had endured
for all these years, in which they had disguised their wretched
slavery under the name of peace. 'The Batavi,' he would say, 'were
excused from taxation, and yet they have taken arms against the common
tyrant. In the first engagement the Romans were routed and beaten.
What if Gaul throws off the yoke? What forces are there left in Italy?
It is with the blood of provincials that their provinces are won.
Don't think of the defeat of Vindex. Why, it was the Batavian cavalry
which trampled on the Aedui and Arverni,[285] and there were Belgic
auxiliaries in Verginius' force. The truth is that Gaul succumbed to
her own armies. But now we are all united in one party, fortified,
moreover, by the military discipline which prevails in Roman camps:
and we have on our side the veterans before whom Otho's legions lately
bit the dust. Let Syria and Asia play the slave: the East is used to
tyrants: but there are many still living in Gaul who were born before
the days of tribute. [286] Indeed, it is only the other day[287] that
Quintilius Varus was killed, when slavery was driven out of Germany,
and they brought into the field not the Emperor Vitellius but Caesar
Augustus himself. Why, liberty is the natural prerogative even of dumb
animals: courage is the peculiar attribute of man. Heaven helps the
brave.