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translated
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work ir.
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Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
org/access_use#pd-google
? ION
received the name of Ionian*. It appears pul'ible that
the lomans, like the . Kolians, were a conquering tribe
from the rwuntains of Thessaly, and that at an un-
known period they migrated southward, and settled in
Attica and part of the Peloponnesus, probably mixing
with the native Pelasgi. The genealogy of'lon, the
reputed son of Xuthus, seems to be a legend under
which is veiled the early history of the Ionian occupa-
tion of Attica. Euripides, in order to flatter the Athe-
nians, makes Ton the son of Apollo. Whatever may
<<* the historical origin of the Ionian name, Athenians
and lomans came to be considered as one and the same
people. In the Peloponnesus the Ionians occupied the
northern coast of the peninsula, which was then called
Ionia, and also ^Egialaean Ionia, and the sea which
separates the Peloponnesus from Southern Italy as-
sumed the name of Ionian Sea, a circumstance which
would seem to indicate the eitent and prevalence of
the Ionian name. This appellation of Ionian Sea was
retained among the later Greeks and the Romans, and
is perpetuated to the present day among the Italians.
When the Dorians invaded the Peloponnesus, about
1100 years B. C. , the Achaai, being driven thence, gath-
ered towards the north, and took possession of Ionia,
which thenceforth was known by the name of Achaia.
The Ionians of the Peloponnesus, in consequence of
this, migrated to Attica, whence, being straitened for
space, and perhaps, also, harassed by the Dorians, they
resolved to seek their fortune beyond the sea, under
the guidance of Nelcus and Androclus, the two young-
er sons of Codrus, the last king of Athena. This was
the great Ionic migration, as it is called. The emi-
grants consisted of natives of Attica, as well as of Io-
nian fugitives from the Peloponnesus, and a motley
band from other parts of Greece. (Herod. , 1, 146. )
But this migration can, perhaps, hardly be considered
as one single event: there seem to have been many
and various migrations of Ionians, some of which were
probably anterior to the Dorian conquest. (Encycl.
Vs. Kernel. , vol. 13, p. 13, seq. )--For the history of
die Ionic coloniea in Asia Minor, consult the article
Ioms. --We hive already remarked, that the origin of
the name Ionian is altogether uncertain. It is gener-
ally thought to come from the Hebrew Iavan or (if
pronounced with the quiescent van) Ion; and in like
manner the Hellenes are thought to be the same with
Etisa. in the sacred writings, more especially their
country Hellas. Hence Bochart makes Iavan. the son
of Iaphet, the ancestor of tho Iones. The Persians,
moreover, would seem to have called the Greeks by a
similar appellation. Thus, in Aristophanes (Acharn. ,
v. 104), a Persian, who speaks broken Greek, is in-
troduced, expressing himself as follows: oi Tljjtfii xpv-
ao xawbTrpuxT' 'laovav, and the scholiast remarks, with
reference to the last word, 'laovav avrt rov ABnvaie
? "T rravrac rove 'EXXrrvac ol fiaptapoi Iku-
Aow. In the Coptic, also, the Greeks are styled, by a
name quite analogous, OHEININ, as at the end of the
Rosetta inscription. (Akerblad, sur Vitucrip. Egypt.
U Rosette. -- Kruse, Helta*, vol. 1, p, 3, in noiis. )
They, however, who favour such etymologies, should
6rst determine whether the Hebrew is to be regarded
as the primitive language or not; since, if the latter
>e the case, the names that aro given in Hebrew scrip-
ture to tho early rulers and leaders in tho family of
Noah, are mere translations from the primitive tongue,
and certainly can form no sure basis for the erection
even of the slightest superstructure of etymology.
? ? IonIa, a district of Asia Minor, where Ionians from
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? JOP
IONIUM MARE, a namo given to that part of the
Mediterranean which separates the Peloponnesus from
Southern Italy. It was fabled to have received its
appellation from the wanderings of lo in this quarter.
'. rid. lo. ) The more correct explanation, however,
deduces the name from tint of the great Ionic race.
I Vid. Jones. ) The statements of the ancient writers re-
? pectii. g the situation and extent of the Ionian Sea are
very fluctuating and uncertain. Scylax (p. 11) makes
'x the same with the Adriatic; and he may be correct
in so doing, since, according to Herodotus, the true
ind ancieit name of the Adriatic was the Ionian Gulf
(6, 127) Both the Adriatic and Ionian gulfs end,
iccording to Scylax, at the straits near Hydruntum (p.
6). Of the Ionian Sea he says nothing; Herodotus,
however, makes it extend as far south a# the Pelopon-
nesus. Thucydides keeps up the distinction just al-
luded to, calling the Adriatic by the name of the Io-
nian Gulf (being probably as ignorant as Herodotus of
any otner appellation for this arm of the sea), and
styling the rest, as far as the western coast of Greece,
the Ionian Sea (1, 24). In later times a change of
appellation took place. The limits of the Adriatic
were extended as far as the southern coast of Italy and
the western shores of Greece, and the Ionian Gulf was
considered to be now only a part of it. Eustathius
asserts (ad Dionys. Pcricg. , v. 92), that the more
accurate writers of his day maintained this distinction.
Hence the remark of Ptolemy is rendered intelligible,
who makes the Adriatic Sea extend along the whole
western coast of Greece down to the southernmost
? xtremity of the Peloponnesus. (Manncrt, Gcogr. ,
rol. 9, p. 12. )
IOPHON, the son of Sophocles, is described by Aris-
tophanes (Ran. , 73, seqq. ) as a man whose powers
were, at the time of his father's death, not yet suffi-
ciently proved to enable a critic to determine his lit-
erary rank. He appears, however, to have been a
creditable dramatist, and gained the second prize in
428 B. C. , when Euripides was first and Ion third.
(Arg. ad Eurip. , Hippol--Theattf of the Greeks, p.
94, seq. , 4th ed. )
JOPPA, an ancient city of Palestine, situate on the
coast, to the northwest of Jerusalem, and to the south
of Caesarea. In the Old Tesiament it is called Japho
(Joshua, 19, 46--2 Chron , 2, 16. --Jonah, 1, 3).
It was the only harbour possessed by the Jews, and
the wood for the temple, which was cut on Mount
Lebanon, was brought in floats to Joppa, thence to be
aent to Jerusalem. It subsequently became a Phoeni-
cian city, and fell under the power of the kings of
Syria, unlil the Maccabees conquered it, and restored
it to their nation. The Jews, not being a commercial
people, made no use of Joppa as a place of trade;
and hence it became a retreat for pirates. (Strabo,
759. ) Under the Roman power the pirates were
made to disappear. In the middle ages Joppa changed
its name to Jaffa or Yaffa. (Abulfed. , Tab. Syr. , p.
80. )--Joppa was made by the ancient mythologists the
? cene of the fable of Andromeda, and here Cepheus
was said to have reigned. (Strabo, I. c. ) Pliny (9,5)
even gravely informs us, that M. Scaurus brought
? way from this place to Rome the bones of the sea-
monster to which the princess had been exposed, and
which were of a remarkable s ze. They were probably
the remains of a large whale. The Jews saw in them
the bones of the whale that had swallowed Jonah; the
Greeks, on the other hand, connected them with one of
? ? the legends of their fanciful mythology. --Joppa was the
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? JOS
JOSEPHUS
in the mountains at its source would be most likely to
tccasion such an inundation. Travellers have given
different accounts of this celebrated stream. Maun-
irell assigns it a breadth of 20 yards; but represents
it as deep, and so rapid that a man could not swim
against the current. Volney calls it from 60 to 80
feet between the two principal lakes, and 10 or 12
feet deep; but makes it 60 pace* at its embouchure;
Chateaubriand, about the same point, 50 paces, and
in or seven feet deep close to the shore. Dr. Shaw
computed its breadth at 30 yards, and its depth at nine
feet; and that it daily discharges 6,090,000 tons of
water into the Dead Sea. Burckhardt, who crossed
it higher up, calls it 80 paces broad, and three feet
deep; but this was in the middle of summer. Mr.
Buckingham, who visited it in the month of January,
1816, states it to be little more at the part where he
crossed it, which was a short distance above the par-
allel of Jericho, than 25 yards in breadth, and so shal-
low as to be easily forded by the horses. A t another
point, higher up in its course, he describes it as 120
feet broad. From a mean of these and other accounts,
its average width may be computed at 30 yards. It
rolls so powerful a volume of water into the Dead Sea,
that the strongest and most expert m\ immer would be
foiled in any attempt to swim across it at its point of
entrance: he must inevitably be hurried down by the
stream into tho lake. The banks of the Jordan are in
many places covered with bushes, reeds, tamarisks,
willows, oleanders, &c. , which form an asylum for vari-
ous wild animals, who here concealed themselves till the
swelling of the river drove them from their coverts.
To this Jeremiah alludes (49, 19). Previously to the
destruction of the four cities of the plain, it is probable
that the Jordan flowed to the Red Sea, through the
valley of Ghor or Arabia. -- The etymology of its
name has been variously assigned. It is thought by
some to come from the Hebrew jarden, a descent,
Irom its rapid descent through that country. Another
class of etymologists deduce its name from the He-
brew and Syriac, importing the caldron of judgment.
Others make it come from Jor, a spring, and Dan, a
small town near its source; and a third class deduce
it from Jor and Dan, two rivulets. It most probably
derives its name from Yar-Dan, "the river of Dan,"
near which city it takes its rise. The Arabs call it
Arden or Harden, the Persians Aerdun, and the Ara-
bian geographer Edrisi, Zacckar, or swelling. (Mans-
fiird's Scripture Gazetteer, p. 251. )
Joknihdes or (as he is called in the Analecta of
Mabillon) Jordanes, a Goth by birth, secretary to
one of the kings of the Alans, and, as some believe, af-
terward bishop of Ravenna. In the year 552 of our
ero he wrote a history of the Goths (Re Rebus Gc-
ti. is). This is merely an abridgment of the history of
(Jassiodorus, and is written without judgment and
with great partiality. He composed also a work enti-
tled De regnorum ct temporum successione, or a Ro-
man history from Romulus to Augustus. It is only
? copy of the history of Florus, but with such altera-
tions and additions, however, as to enable us some-
times to correct by means of it the text of the Roman
historian. (Schfill, Hist. Lit. Lot. , vol. 3, p. 177. )
Ios, an island in the iEgean Sea, to the north of
Then. Here, according to some accounts, Homer
? rta interred. (Slrab. , 48i. --Plin. , 4, 13. ) It was
? Iso said, that the poet's mother was a native of this
? ? iaind. (Steph. Byz. , s. 'v. 'lot. ) The modern name
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? JOSEPHUS.
JOSEPHUS.
fcretenas. (ecogiiising the hand of God and the accom-
plishment of the prophecies ii the ruin of his country,
jo esteemed it impious as well as vain; whether he
was actuated by the baser motive of self-interest, or
the more geuerous desire of being of service to his
miserable countrymen, he was by no means held in
the same estimation by the Roman army as by Titus.
They thought a traitor to his country might be a trai-
ler ". o them; and they were apt to lay all their losses
to his charge, as if he kept up secret intelligence
vita the besieged. On the capture of the city, Titus
ollsred him any boon he would request. He chose
the sacred books, and the lives of his brother and fifty
friends. He was afterward permitted to select 190
of bis friends and relatives from the multitude who
were shut up in the Temple to be sold for slaves.
The estate of Josephus lying within the Roman en-
campment, Titus assigned him other lands in lieu of
t. Vespasian also conferred on him a considerable
property in land. Josephus lived afterward at Rome,
in high favour with Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian.
The latter punished certain Jews and a eunuch, the
tutor of his son, who had falsely accused him: ex-
empted his estate from tribute, and advanced him
to high honour. He was a great favourite with the
Empress Domitia. The time of his death is uncer-
tain; he was certainly alive at the end of the first cen-
tury, and probably at the beginning of the second.
After his surrender he had married a captive in Cajsa-
rea, but, in obedience, it may be presumed, to the law
which prohibited such marriages to a man of priestly
? ine, he discarded her, and married again in Alexan-
dre*. By his Alexandrean wife Josephus had three
sons; one only, Hyrcanus, lived to maturity. Dissat-
isfied with this wife's conduct, he divorced her also,
and married a Cretan woman, from a Jewish family,
of the first rank and opulence in the island, and of
admirable virtue. --At Rome Josephus first wrote the
History of the Jewish War ('IovAiuk? / loropia irtfil
4'miaeue), in the Syro-Chaldaic tongue, for the use
of his own countrymen in the East, particularly those
beyond the Euphrates.
He afterward translated the
work ir. to Greek, for the benefit of the Western Jews
and the Romans. Doth King Agrippa and Titus bore
testimony to its accuracy. The iatlcr ordered it to
be placed in the public library, and signed it with his
own hands as an authentic memorial of the times.
This work was translated into I. utin in the fifth cen-
tury by Rufinus of Aquileia, or rather by Cassiodorus
(Muratori, Antiq. //<</. , vol. 3, p. 920. ) Many years
afterward, about A. D. 93, Josephus published his great
work on the Anlii/nities of the Jews ('Iovdabn; 'Ap-
X<uoXoyia), in twenty books. It forms a history of the
chosen people from the creation to the reign of the
Emperor Nero. Josephus did not write this work for
the use of his countrymen, nor even for the Hellenistic
Jews: his object was to make his nation better known
to the Greeks and Romans, and to remove the con-
tempt in which it was accustomed to be held. The
books of the Old Testament, and, where these failed,
tiadilions and other historical monuments, were the
sources whence he drew the materials for his work;
but, in making use of these, he allowed himself an
unpardonable license, in removing from his narrative
all that the religion of the Jews regarded as most
worthy of veneration, in order not lo shock the preju-
dices of the nations lo whom he wrote. He not only
? ? treats the books of the Old Testament as if they were
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? JOV
tPH
>>aJW <<xarn/:icd both sides of the question, has pro-
nounced the passage to be supposititious, and adds,
that the silence of too historian respecting our Saviour
and the miracles which he wrought, affords a far more
eloquent testimony in favour of the truth of our Re-
deemer's mission than the must laboured statement
could have yielded, especially when we consider that
the father of Josephus, one of the priests of Jerusalem,
could not but have known our Saviour, and since Jo-
sephus himself lived in the midst of the apostles.
Had the latter been able, he would have refuted the
whole history of our Saviour's mission and works.
Hia silence is conclusive in their favour. The efforts
of deistica. 1 writers, therefore, to invalidate the authen-
ticity of this remarkable passage, have literally recoiled
upon themselves, and Christianity has achieved a tri-
umph with the very arms of infidelity. (Disputatio
super Josephi de Christo Testimon. , Gill. , 1781, 4to.
--Compare Olshaiucn, Histories Ecclts. Vet. pracip.
monumen/a, Berol. , 1820, 8vo, and Paulas, in the
Heidclb. Jahrb. , 1820, p. 733, as also Bohmcrt, Ueber
des Flew. Joseph. Zeugma* von Christo, Leipz. , 1823,
Bvo. )--The best editions of the works of Josephus are
Hudson's, 2 vols, fol. , Ozon. , 1720, and Havercamp's,
2 vols, fol. , Amst. , 1726. A new edition, however, is
much wanted. Oberthiir commenced one, of which
three volumes appeared, embracing the text of Haver-
camp with the I-atin version, in the 8vo form. The
editor had promised a commentary, in which was to be
contained the result of his own researches, and of those
iX others made at his request in the principal libraries
of Europe. The edition was to be accompanied also
? by a Lexicon of Josephus, in which the language of
tin* writer would be compared with that of Philo, of
the Alexandrean school, and of the writers of the
New Testament. His death prevented the comple-
ting of hia design, and the edition still remains imper-
fect. In 1825-1827, a 12mo edition, in 6 vols. , ap-
peared from the I. cipsic press, under the editorial care
ot Kichter. The text, however, is merely a reprint of
that of Hudson and Havercamp. (Hoffmann. Lex.
bibliogr. , vol. 2. p. 588. --Scholl, Gcsch. tier Gricch.
Lit. , vol. 2, p 383, scqq. )
Joviands, r'uvics Claudius, born AD. 331, was
the son of Veronianus, of an illustrious family of Moe-
aia, who had filled important offices under Constan-
tine. JovianuB served in the army of Julian, in bis
unlucky expedition against the Persians; and when
that emperor was killed, A. D. 363, the soldiers pro-
claimed him his successor. His first task was to save
the army, which was surrounded by the Persians, and
in great distress for provisions. After repelling re-
peated attacks of the enemy, ho wiilingly listened to
proposals for peace, which were, that the Romans
should give up the conquests of former emperors west-
ward oi the Tigris, and as far as the city of Nisibis,
which was still in their hands, but was included in the
territory to be given up to Persia, and that, moreover,
they should render no assistance to the king of Arme-
nia, then at war with the Persians. These conditions,
however offensive to Roman pride, Jovian was obliged
to submit to, as his soldiers were in the utmost desti-
tution. It is a remarkable instance of the Roman no-
tions of political honesty, that Eutropius reproaches
Jovian, not so much with having given up the territory
of the empire, as with having observed so humiliating
a treaty after he had come out of his dangerous posi-
? ? tion, instead cf renewing the war, as the Romans had
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? IPH
IRE
tared Movements of the lighter infantry. Ir. ths way
Iphicrates and his targeteers (peltastae), as . hey were
called, gained so many successes, that the Pelopon-
uesian infantry dared not encounter them, except the
Lacedaemonians, who said, in scofT, that their allies
feared the targeteers as children fear hobgoblins
They were themselves, however, taught the value of
this new force, B. C. 392, when Iphicrates waylaid anu
;ut off nearly the whole of a Lacedaemonian battalion.
The loss in men was of no great amount; but that
heavy-armed Lacedaemonians should be defeated by
light-armed mercenaries was a marvel to Greece, and
a severe blow to the national reputation and vanity of
Sparta. Accordingly, this action raised the credit of
Iphicrates extremely high. He commanded afterward
in the Hellespont, B. C. 389; in Egypt, at the request
of the Persians, B. C. 371; relieved Corcyra in 373,
and served with reputation on other less important oc-
casions. We have a life of this commander by Cor-
nelius Nepos. (Xen. , Hist. Gr. , 4, 5, 13. --Id. ib. , 4,
8, 34, scqq. --Id. i4? 6, 2, 13--Diod. Sic, 15, 41--
Id. , 15, 44 --Id. , 16, 85. --Corn. Nep. , Vit. Iphicr. )
Iphioenia, a daughter of Agamemnon and Clytcin-
nettra. The Grecian fleet against Troy had assem-
bled at Aulis; but Agaaiemnon, having killed a deer
in the chase, boasted that he was superior in skill to
Diana, and the offended goddess sent adverse winds to
detain the fleet. According to another account, the
stag itself had been a favourite one of Diana's. Cal-
chas thereupon announced, that the wrath of the god-
dess could only be appeased by the sacrifice of Iphige-
nia, the daughter of the offender, and the father,
though most reluctant, was compelled to obey. The
maiden was accordingly obtained from her mother Cly-
Irimnestra, under the pretence of being wanted for a
union with Achilles; and, having reached the Grecian
camp, was on the point of being sacrificed, when Di-
ana, moved with pity, snatched her away, leaving a
hind in her place. The goddess carried her to Tauris,
where she became a priostess in her temple. It was
the custom at Tauris to sacrifice all strangers to Di-
ana; and many had been thus immolated under the
ministration of Iphigenia, when Orestes and his friend
Pyladcs chanced to come thither, in obedience to the
oracle at Delphi, which had enjoined upon the son of
Agamemnon to convey to Argoa the etatue of the
Tauric Diana. When Orestes and Pylades were
brought as victims to the altar, Ipbigenia, perceiving
them to be Greeks, offered to spare the life of one of
them, provided he would convey a letter for her to
Greece. This occasioned a contest between them,
which should sacrifice himself for the other, and it was
ended in Pylades1 yielding to Orestes, and agreeing to
be the bearer of the letter: a discovery was the con-
sequence; and Iphigenia accordingly contrived to carry
off the statue of Diana, and to accompany her brother
and Pylades into Greece. --The story of Iphigenia has
been made by Euripides the subject of two plays, in
which, of course, several variations from the common
legend are introduced. --The name and story of Iphi-
genia are unnoticed by Homer. Iphigenia is probably
a mere epithet of Diana. She is the same with the
Diana-Orthia of Sparta, at whose altars the boys were
scourged. It was probably this rite that caused Iphi-
genia to be identified with the " Virgin," to whom hu-
man victims were offered by the Tauri. {Herod. , 4,
103. ) The story of Iphigenia would seem to have
? ? been then invented to account for the similarity. Mut-
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? 1RI
:s. t
Do j ar 103. Dupin says that he was born a little
oefore the year 140, and died a martyr in 203. On the
martyrdom of Photinua, his predecessor in the sec of
Lyons, Irencus, who had been a distinguished mem-
ber of the church in that quarter, was appointed his
successor in the diocese, A. D 174, and presided in
'hi*, capacity at two councils held at Lyons, in one of
wfcxh the Gnostic heresy was condemned, and in
another tho Quartodecimani. He also went to Rome,
and disputed there publicly with Valentinus, Florinus,
? nd Blastus, against whose opinions he afterward
wrote with much zeal and ability. Ho wrote on dif-
ferent subjects; but, as what remains is in Latin,
some supposed he composed in that language, and
not in Greek. Fragments of his works in Greek are,
however, preserved, which prove that his style was
simple, though clear and often animated. His opinions
concerning the soul are curious. He suffered martyr-
dom about A. D. 202. From the silence of Tertul-
lian, Eusebius, and others, concerning the manner of
his death, Cave, Basnage, and Dodwell have inferred
that he did not die by martyrdom, but in the ordinary
course of nature. With these Lardner coincides.
The best edition of his works is that of Grabe, Oxon. ,
fol. , 1702. Dodwell published a scries of six essays
on the writings of this father of the church, which he
Uustrates by many historical references and remarks.
lasses, a beautiful country in Libya, not far from
Cyrene. When Battus, in obedience to the oracle,
was seeking a place for a settlement, the Libyans, who
were his guides, managed so as to lead him through it
by night. Milton calls the name Irassa, for which he
has the authority of Pindar. (Find , Pyth. , 9, 185. --
Jierod. ,4, 158, seqq. )
Ibis, I. the goddess of the rainbow. Homer gives
not the slightest hint of who her parents were; He-
siod, however, makes her the daughter of Thaumas
(Wonder), by the ocean-nymph Electra (Brightness),
no unapt parentage for the brilliant and wonder-exci-
ting bow of the skies. (Theog. , 265. ) The office of
Iris in the Iliad is to act as the messenger of the king
and queen of Olympus; a duty which Mercury per-
forms in the Odyssey, in which poem there is not any
mention made of Iris. There is little mention, also,
cf the goddess in the subsequent Greek poets; but,
whenever she is spoken of, she appears quite distinct
from the celestial phenomenon of the same name. In
Callimachus (H. in Del. , 216, set] ) and the Latin
rts, Iris is appropriated to the service of Juno; and
these last she is invariably (and we may even say
clumsily) confounded with the rainbow. According
to the lyric poet Alcaeus, who is followed by Nonnus,
Ins was by Zephyrus the mother of Love. (Alcaus,
ap. Plut. , Amalor. , 20. --Nonnvi, 31,110, seq. ) Ho-
mer styles Iris "gold-winged 'II. , 8, 398. --lb. , 9,
185), the only line in the poet which makes against
Voss's theory, that none of Hornet's gods were winged.
(Mylhohg. Brufe, vol. 1, Br. 12, teqq. ) The name
Iris flp'f) >? usually derived from elpu, ipu, "to say,"
an etymology which suits the office of the goddess,
and which accords with the view taken of the rainbow
in the Book of Genesis. Hermann, however, renders
Ins by the Latin term Sertia, from elpu, "to unite"
the rainbow being formed of seven united or blended
colours: "'Ipic, Sertia, quod ex sept cm eoloribut con-
terta est. " (Opusc. , vol. 2, p. 179. --Keightley's
Mythology, p. 200.
? ION
received the name of Ionian*. It appears pul'ible that
the lomans, like the . Kolians, were a conquering tribe
from the rwuntains of Thessaly, and that at an un-
known period they migrated southward, and settled in
Attica and part of the Peloponnesus, probably mixing
with the native Pelasgi. The genealogy of'lon, the
reputed son of Xuthus, seems to be a legend under
which is veiled the early history of the Ionian occupa-
tion of Attica. Euripides, in order to flatter the Athe-
nians, makes Ton the son of Apollo. Whatever may
<<* the historical origin of the Ionian name, Athenians
and lomans came to be considered as one and the same
people. In the Peloponnesus the Ionians occupied the
northern coast of the peninsula, which was then called
Ionia, and also ^Egialaean Ionia, and the sea which
separates the Peloponnesus from Southern Italy as-
sumed the name of Ionian Sea, a circumstance which
would seem to indicate the eitent and prevalence of
the Ionian name. This appellation of Ionian Sea was
retained among the later Greeks and the Romans, and
is perpetuated to the present day among the Italians.
When the Dorians invaded the Peloponnesus, about
1100 years B. C. , the Achaai, being driven thence, gath-
ered towards the north, and took possession of Ionia,
which thenceforth was known by the name of Achaia.
The Ionians of the Peloponnesus, in consequence of
this, migrated to Attica, whence, being straitened for
space, and perhaps, also, harassed by the Dorians, they
resolved to seek their fortune beyond the sea, under
the guidance of Nelcus and Androclus, the two young-
er sons of Codrus, the last king of Athena. This was
the great Ionic migration, as it is called. The emi-
grants consisted of natives of Attica, as well as of Io-
nian fugitives from the Peloponnesus, and a motley
band from other parts of Greece. (Herod. , 1, 146. )
But this migration can, perhaps, hardly be considered
as one single event: there seem to have been many
and various migrations of Ionians, some of which were
probably anterior to the Dorian conquest. (Encycl.
Vs. Kernel. , vol. 13, p. 13, seq. )--For the history of
die Ionic coloniea in Asia Minor, consult the article
Ioms. --We hive already remarked, that the origin of
the name Ionian is altogether uncertain. It is gener-
ally thought to come from the Hebrew Iavan or (if
pronounced with the quiescent van) Ion; and in like
manner the Hellenes are thought to be the same with
Etisa. in the sacred writings, more especially their
country Hellas. Hence Bochart makes Iavan. the son
of Iaphet, the ancestor of tho Iones. The Persians,
moreover, would seem to have called the Greeks by a
similar appellation. Thus, in Aristophanes (Acharn. ,
v. 104), a Persian, who speaks broken Greek, is in-
troduced, expressing himself as follows: oi Tljjtfii xpv-
ao xawbTrpuxT' 'laovav, and the scholiast remarks, with
reference to the last word, 'laovav avrt rov ABnvaie
? "T rravrac rove 'EXXrrvac ol fiaptapoi Iku-
Aow. In the Coptic, also, the Greeks are styled, by a
name quite analogous, OHEININ, as at the end of the
Rosetta inscription. (Akerblad, sur Vitucrip. Egypt.
U Rosette. -- Kruse, Helta*, vol. 1, p, 3, in noiis. )
They, however, who favour such etymologies, should
6rst determine whether the Hebrew is to be regarded
as the primitive language or not; since, if the latter
>e the case, the names that aro given in Hebrew scrip-
ture to tho early rulers and leaders in tho family of
Noah, are mere translations from the primitive tongue,
and certainly can form no sure basis for the erection
even of the slightest superstructure of etymology.
? ? IonIa, a district of Asia Minor, where Ionians from
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? JOP
IONIUM MARE, a namo given to that part of the
Mediterranean which separates the Peloponnesus from
Southern Italy. It was fabled to have received its
appellation from the wanderings of lo in this quarter.
'. rid. lo. ) The more correct explanation, however,
deduces the name from tint of the great Ionic race.
I Vid. Jones. ) The statements of the ancient writers re-
? pectii. g the situation and extent of the Ionian Sea are
very fluctuating and uncertain. Scylax (p. 11) makes
'x the same with the Adriatic; and he may be correct
in so doing, since, according to Herodotus, the true
ind ancieit name of the Adriatic was the Ionian Gulf
(6, 127) Both the Adriatic and Ionian gulfs end,
iccording to Scylax, at the straits near Hydruntum (p.
6). Of the Ionian Sea he says nothing; Herodotus,
however, makes it extend as far south a# the Pelopon-
nesus. Thucydides keeps up the distinction just al-
luded to, calling the Adriatic by the name of the Io-
nian Gulf (being probably as ignorant as Herodotus of
any otner appellation for this arm of the sea), and
styling the rest, as far as the western coast of Greece,
the Ionian Sea (1, 24). In later times a change of
appellation took place. The limits of the Adriatic
were extended as far as the southern coast of Italy and
the western shores of Greece, and the Ionian Gulf was
considered to be now only a part of it. Eustathius
asserts (ad Dionys. Pcricg. , v. 92), that the more
accurate writers of his day maintained this distinction.
Hence the remark of Ptolemy is rendered intelligible,
who makes the Adriatic Sea extend along the whole
western coast of Greece down to the southernmost
? xtremity of the Peloponnesus. (Manncrt, Gcogr. ,
rol. 9, p. 12. )
IOPHON, the son of Sophocles, is described by Aris-
tophanes (Ran. , 73, seqq. ) as a man whose powers
were, at the time of his father's death, not yet suffi-
ciently proved to enable a critic to determine his lit-
erary rank. He appears, however, to have been a
creditable dramatist, and gained the second prize in
428 B. C. , when Euripides was first and Ion third.
(Arg. ad Eurip. , Hippol--Theattf of the Greeks, p.
94, seq. , 4th ed. )
JOPPA, an ancient city of Palestine, situate on the
coast, to the northwest of Jerusalem, and to the south
of Caesarea. In the Old Tesiament it is called Japho
(Joshua, 19, 46--2 Chron , 2, 16. --Jonah, 1, 3).
It was the only harbour possessed by the Jews, and
the wood for the temple, which was cut on Mount
Lebanon, was brought in floats to Joppa, thence to be
aent to Jerusalem. It subsequently became a Phoeni-
cian city, and fell under the power of the kings of
Syria, unlil the Maccabees conquered it, and restored
it to their nation. The Jews, not being a commercial
people, made no use of Joppa as a place of trade;
and hence it became a retreat for pirates. (Strabo,
759. ) Under the Roman power the pirates were
made to disappear. In the middle ages Joppa changed
its name to Jaffa or Yaffa. (Abulfed. , Tab. Syr. , p.
80. )--Joppa was made by the ancient mythologists the
? cene of the fable of Andromeda, and here Cepheus
was said to have reigned. (Strabo, I. c. ) Pliny (9,5)
even gravely informs us, that M. Scaurus brought
? way from this place to Rome the bones of the sea-
monster to which the princess had been exposed, and
which were of a remarkable s ze. They were probably
the remains of a large whale. The Jews saw in them
the bones of the whale that had swallowed Jonah; the
Greeks, on the other hand, connected them with one of
? ? the legends of their fanciful mythology. --Joppa was the
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? JOS
JOSEPHUS
in the mountains at its source would be most likely to
tccasion such an inundation. Travellers have given
different accounts of this celebrated stream. Maun-
irell assigns it a breadth of 20 yards; but represents
it as deep, and so rapid that a man could not swim
against the current. Volney calls it from 60 to 80
feet between the two principal lakes, and 10 or 12
feet deep; but makes it 60 pace* at its embouchure;
Chateaubriand, about the same point, 50 paces, and
in or seven feet deep close to the shore. Dr. Shaw
computed its breadth at 30 yards, and its depth at nine
feet; and that it daily discharges 6,090,000 tons of
water into the Dead Sea. Burckhardt, who crossed
it higher up, calls it 80 paces broad, and three feet
deep; but this was in the middle of summer. Mr.
Buckingham, who visited it in the month of January,
1816, states it to be little more at the part where he
crossed it, which was a short distance above the par-
allel of Jericho, than 25 yards in breadth, and so shal-
low as to be easily forded by the horses. A t another
point, higher up in its course, he describes it as 120
feet broad. From a mean of these and other accounts,
its average width may be computed at 30 yards. It
rolls so powerful a volume of water into the Dead Sea,
that the strongest and most expert m\ immer would be
foiled in any attempt to swim across it at its point of
entrance: he must inevitably be hurried down by the
stream into tho lake. The banks of the Jordan are in
many places covered with bushes, reeds, tamarisks,
willows, oleanders, &c. , which form an asylum for vari-
ous wild animals, who here concealed themselves till the
swelling of the river drove them from their coverts.
To this Jeremiah alludes (49, 19). Previously to the
destruction of the four cities of the plain, it is probable
that the Jordan flowed to the Red Sea, through the
valley of Ghor or Arabia. -- The etymology of its
name has been variously assigned. It is thought by
some to come from the Hebrew jarden, a descent,
Irom its rapid descent through that country. Another
class of etymologists deduce its name from the He-
brew and Syriac, importing the caldron of judgment.
Others make it come from Jor, a spring, and Dan, a
small town near its source; and a third class deduce
it from Jor and Dan, two rivulets. It most probably
derives its name from Yar-Dan, "the river of Dan,"
near which city it takes its rise. The Arabs call it
Arden or Harden, the Persians Aerdun, and the Ara-
bian geographer Edrisi, Zacckar, or swelling. (Mans-
fiird's Scripture Gazetteer, p. 251. )
Joknihdes or (as he is called in the Analecta of
Mabillon) Jordanes, a Goth by birth, secretary to
one of the kings of the Alans, and, as some believe, af-
terward bishop of Ravenna. In the year 552 of our
ero he wrote a history of the Goths (Re Rebus Gc-
ti. is). This is merely an abridgment of the history of
(Jassiodorus, and is written without judgment and
with great partiality. He composed also a work enti-
tled De regnorum ct temporum successione, or a Ro-
man history from Romulus to Augustus. It is only
? copy of the history of Florus, but with such altera-
tions and additions, however, as to enable us some-
times to correct by means of it the text of the Roman
historian. (Schfill, Hist. Lit. Lot. , vol. 3, p. 177. )
Ios, an island in the iEgean Sea, to the north of
Then. Here, according to some accounts, Homer
? rta interred. (Slrab. , 48i. --Plin. , 4, 13. ) It was
? Iso said, that the poet's mother was a native of this
? ? iaind. (Steph. Byz. , s. 'v. 'lot. ) The modern name
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? JOSEPHUS.
JOSEPHUS.
fcretenas. (ecogiiising the hand of God and the accom-
plishment of the prophecies ii the ruin of his country,
jo esteemed it impious as well as vain; whether he
was actuated by the baser motive of self-interest, or
the more geuerous desire of being of service to his
miserable countrymen, he was by no means held in
the same estimation by the Roman army as by Titus.
They thought a traitor to his country might be a trai-
ler ". o them; and they were apt to lay all their losses
to his charge, as if he kept up secret intelligence
vita the besieged. On the capture of the city, Titus
ollsred him any boon he would request. He chose
the sacred books, and the lives of his brother and fifty
friends. He was afterward permitted to select 190
of bis friends and relatives from the multitude who
were shut up in the Temple to be sold for slaves.
The estate of Josephus lying within the Roman en-
campment, Titus assigned him other lands in lieu of
t. Vespasian also conferred on him a considerable
property in land. Josephus lived afterward at Rome,
in high favour with Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian.
The latter punished certain Jews and a eunuch, the
tutor of his son, who had falsely accused him: ex-
empted his estate from tribute, and advanced him
to high honour. He was a great favourite with the
Empress Domitia. The time of his death is uncer-
tain; he was certainly alive at the end of the first cen-
tury, and probably at the beginning of the second.
After his surrender he had married a captive in Cajsa-
rea, but, in obedience, it may be presumed, to the law
which prohibited such marriages to a man of priestly
? ine, he discarded her, and married again in Alexan-
dre*. By his Alexandrean wife Josephus had three
sons; one only, Hyrcanus, lived to maturity. Dissat-
isfied with this wife's conduct, he divorced her also,
and married a Cretan woman, from a Jewish family,
of the first rank and opulence in the island, and of
admirable virtue. --At Rome Josephus first wrote the
History of the Jewish War ('IovAiuk? / loropia irtfil
4'miaeue), in the Syro-Chaldaic tongue, for the use
of his own countrymen in the East, particularly those
beyond the Euphrates.
He afterward translated the
work ir. to Greek, for the benefit of the Western Jews
and the Romans. Doth King Agrippa and Titus bore
testimony to its accuracy. The iatlcr ordered it to
be placed in the public library, and signed it with his
own hands as an authentic memorial of the times.
This work was translated into I. utin in the fifth cen-
tury by Rufinus of Aquileia, or rather by Cassiodorus
(Muratori, Antiq. //<</. , vol. 3, p. 920. ) Many years
afterward, about A. D. 93, Josephus published his great
work on the Anlii/nities of the Jews ('Iovdabn; 'Ap-
X<uoXoyia), in twenty books. It forms a history of the
chosen people from the creation to the reign of the
Emperor Nero. Josephus did not write this work for
the use of his countrymen, nor even for the Hellenistic
Jews: his object was to make his nation better known
to the Greeks and Romans, and to remove the con-
tempt in which it was accustomed to be held. The
books of the Old Testament, and, where these failed,
tiadilions and other historical monuments, were the
sources whence he drew the materials for his work;
but, in making use of these, he allowed himself an
unpardonable license, in removing from his narrative
all that the religion of the Jews regarded as most
worthy of veneration, in order not lo shock the preju-
dices of the nations lo whom he wrote. He not only
? ? treats the books of the Old Testament as if they were
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? JOV
tPH
>>aJW <<xarn/:icd both sides of the question, has pro-
nounced the passage to be supposititious, and adds,
that the silence of too historian respecting our Saviour
and the miracles which he wrought, affords a far more
eloquent testimony in favour of the truth of our Re-
deemer's mission than the must laboured statement
could have yielded, especially when we consider that
the father of Josephus, one of the priests of Jerusalem,
could not but have known our Saviour, and since Jo-
sephus himself lived in the midst of the apostles.
Had the latter been able, he would have refuted the
whole history of our Saviour's mission and works.
Hia silence is conclusive in their favour. The efforts
of deistica. 1 writers, therefore, to invalidate the authen-
ticity of this remarkable passage, have literally recoiled
upon themselves, and Christianity has achieved a tri-
umph with the very arms of infidelity. (Disputatio
super Josephi de Christo Testimon. , Gill. , 1781, 4to.
--Compare Olshaiucn, Histories Ecclts. Vet. pracip.
monumen/a, Berol. , 1820, 8vo, and Paulas, in the
Heidclb. Jahrb. , 1820, p. 733, as also Bohmcrt, Ueber
des Flew. Joseph. Zeugma* von Christo, Leipz. , 1823,
Bvo. )--The best editions of the works of Josephus are
Hudson's, 2 vols, fol. , Ozon. , 1720, and Havercamp's,
2 vols, fol. , Amst. , 1726. A new edition, however, is
much wanted. Oberthiir commenced one, of which
three volumes appeared, embracing the text of Haver-
camp with the I-atin version, in the 8vo form. The
editor had promised a commentary, in which was to be
contained the result of his own researches, and of those
iX others made at his request in the principal libraries
of Europe. The edition was to be accompanied also
? by a Lexicon of Josephus, in which the language of
tin* writer would be compared with that of Philo, of
the Alexandrean school, and of the writers of the
New Testament. His death prevented the comple-
ting of hia design, and the edition still remains imper-
fect. In 1825-1827, a 12mo edition, in 6 vols. , ap-
peared from the I. cipsic press, under the editorial care
ot Kichter. The text, however, is merely a reprint of
that of Hudson and Havercamp. (Hoffmann. Lex.
bibliogr. , vol. 2. p. 588. --Scholl, Gcsch. tier Gricch.
Lit. , vol. 2, p 383, scqq. )
Joviands, r'uvics Claudius, born AD. 331, was
the son of Veronianus, of an illustrious family of Moe-
aia, who had filled important offices under Constan-
tine. JovianuB served in the army of Julian, in bis
unlucky expedition against the Persians; and when
that emperor was killed, A. D. 363, the soldiers pro-
claimed him his successor. His first task was to save
the army, which was surrounded by the Persians, and
in great distress for provisions. After repelling re-
peated attacks of the enemy, ho wiilingly listened to
proposals for peace, which were, that the Romans
should give up the conquests of former emperors west-
ward oi the Tigris, and as far as the city of Nisibis,
which was still in their hands, but was included in the
territory to be given up to Persia, and that, moreover,
they should render no assistance to the king of Arme-
nia, then at war with the Persians. These conditions,
however offensive to Roman pride, Jovian was obliged
to submit to, as his soldiers were in the utmost desti-
tution. It is a remarkable instance of the Roman no-
tions of political honesty, that Eutropius reproaches
Jovian, not so much with having given up the territory
of the empire, as with having observed so humiliating
a treaty after he had come out of his dangerous posi-
? ? tion, instead cf renewing the war, as the Romans had
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? IPH
IRE
tared Movements of the lighter infantry. Ir. ths way
Iphicrates and his targeteers (peltastae), as . hey were
called, gained so many successes, that the Pelopon-
uesian infantry dared not encounter them, except the
Lacedaemonians, who said, in scofT, that their allies
feared the targeteers as children fear hobgoblins
They were themselves, however, taught the value of
this new force, B. C. 392, when Iphicrates waylaid anu
;ut off nearly the whole of a Lacedaemonian battalion.
The loss in men was of no great amount; but that
heavy-armed Lacedaemonians should be defeated by
light-armed mercenaries was a marvel to Greece, and
a severe blow to the national reputation and vanity of
Sparta. Accordingly, this action raised the credit of
Iphicrates extremely high. He commanded afterward
in the Hellespont, B. C. 389; in Egypt, at the request
of the Persians, B. C. 371; relieved Corcyra in 373,
and served with reputation on other less important oc-
casions. We have a life of this commander by Cor-
nelius Nepos. (Xen. , Hist. Gr. , 4, 5, 13. --Id. ib. , 4,
8, 34, scqq. --Id. i4? 6, 2, 13--Diod. Sic, 15, 41--
Id. , 15, 44 --Id. , 16, 85. --Corn. Nep. , Vit. Iphicr. )
Iphioenia, a daughter of Agamemnon and Clytcin-
nettra. The Grecian fleet against Troy had assem-
bled at Aulis; but Agaaiemnon, having killed a deer
in the chase, boasted that he was superior in skill to
Diana, and the offended goddess sent adverse winds to
detain the fleet. According to another account, the
stag itself had been a favourite one of Diana's. Cal-
chas thereupon announced, that the wrath of the god-
dess could only be appeased by the sacrifice of Iphige-
nia, the daughter of the offender, and the father,
though most reluctant, was compelled to obey. The
maiden was accordingly obtained from her mother Cly-
Irimnestra, under the pretence of being wanted for a
union with Achilles; and, having reached the Grecian
camp, was on the point of being sacrificed, when Di-
ana, moved with pity, snatched her away, leaving a
hind in her place. The goddess carried her to Tauris,
where she became a priostess in her temple. It was
the custom at Tauris to sacrifice all strangers to Di-
ana; and many had been thus immolated under the
ministration of Iphigenia, when Orestes and his friend
Pyladcs chanced to come thither, in obedience to the
oracle at Delphi, which had enjoined upon the son of
Agamemnon to convey to Argoa the etatue of the
Tauric Diana. When Orestes and Pylades were
brought as victims to the altar, Ipbigenia, perceiving
them to be Greeks, offered to spare the life of one of
them, provided he would convey a letter for her to
Greece. This occasioned a contest between them,
which should sacrifice himself for the other, and it was
ended in Pylades1 yielding to Orestes, and agreeing to
be the bearer of the letter: a discovery was the con-
sequence; and Iphigenia accordingly contrived to carry
off the statue of Diana, and to accompany her brother
and Pylades into Greece. --The story of Iphigenia has
been made by Euripides the subject of two plays, in
which, of course, several variations from the common
legend are introduced. --The name and story of Iphi-
genia are unnoticed by Homer. Iphigenia is probably
a mere epithet of Diana. She is the same with the
Diana-Orthia of Sparta, at whose altars the boys were
scourged. It was probably this rite that caused Iphi-
genia to be identified with the " Virgin," to whom hu-
man victims were offered by the Tauri. {Herod. , 4,
103. ) The story of Iphigenia would seem to have
? ? been then invented to account for the similarity. Mut-
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? 1RI
:s. t
Do j ar 103. Dupin says that he was born a little
oefore the year 140, and died a martyr in 203. On the
martyrdom of Photinua, his predecessor in the sec of
Lyons, Irencus, who had been a distinguished mem-
ber of the church in that quarter, was appointed his
successor in the diocese, A. D 174, and presided in
'hi*, capacity at two councils held at Lyons, in one of
wfcxh the Gnostic heresy was condemned, and in
another tho Quartodecimani. He also went to Rome,
and disputed there publicly with Valentinus, Florinus,
? nd Blastus, against whose opinions he afterward
wrote with much zeal and ability. Ho wrote on dif-
ferent subjects; but, as what remains is in Latin,
some supposed he composed in that language, and
not in Greek. Fragments of his works in Greek are,
however, preserved, which prove that his style was
simple, though clear and often animated. His opinions
concerning the soul are curious. He suffered martyr-
dom about A. D. 202. From the silence of Tertul-
lian, Eusebius, and others, concerning the manner of
his death, Cave, Basnage, and Dodwell have inferred
that he did not die by martyrdom, but in the ordinary
course of nature. With these Lardner coincides.
The best edition of his works is that of Grabe, Oxon. ,
fol. , 1702. Dodwell published a scries of six essays
on the writings of this father of the church, which he
Uustrates by many historical references and remarks.
lasses, a beautiful country in Libya, not far from
Cyrene. When Battus, in obedience to the oracle,
was seeking a place for a settlement, the Libyans, who
were his guides, managed so as to lead him through it
by night. Milton calls the name Irassa, for which he
has the authority of Pindar. (Find , Pyth. , 9, 185. --
Jierod. ,4, 158, seqq. )
Ibis, I. the goddess of the rainbow. Homer gives
not the slightest hint of who her parents were; He-
siod, however, makes her the daughter of Thaumas
(Wonder), by the ocean-nymph Electra (Brightness),
no unapt parentage for the brilliant and wonder-exci-
ting bow of the skies. (Theog. , 265. ) The office of
Iris in the Iliad is to act as the messenger of the king
and queen of Olympus; a duty which Mercury per-
forms in the Odyssey, in which poem there is not any
mention made of Iris. There is little mention, also,
cf the goddess in the subsequent Greek poets; but,
whenever she is spoken of, she appears quite distinct
from the celestial phenomenon of the same name. In
Callimachus (H. in Del. , 216, set] ) and the Latin
rts, Iris is appropriated to the service of Juno; and
these last she is invariably (and we may even say
clumsily) confounded with the rainbow. According
to the lyric poet Alcaeus, who is followed by Nonnus,
Ins was by Zephyrus the mother of Love. (Alcaus,
ap. Plut. , Amalor. , 20. --Nonnvi, 31,110, seq. ) Ho-
mer styles Iris "gold-winged 'II. , 8, 398. --lb. , 9,
185), the only line in the poet which makes against
Voss's theory, that none of Hornet's gods were winged.
(Mylhohg. Brufe, vol. 1, Br. 12, teqq. ) The name
Iris flp'f) >? usually derived from elpu, ipu, "to say,"
an etymology which suits the office of the goddess,
and which accords with the view taken of the rainbow
in the Book of Genesis. Hermann, however, renders
Ins by the Latin term Sertia, from elpu, "to unite"
the rainbow being formed of seven united or blended
colours: "'Ipic, Sertia, quod ex sept cm eoloribut con-
terta est. " (Opusc. , vol. 2, p. 179. --Keightley's
Mythology, p. 200.
