{98}
Datianus the praetor in Prudentius*, where speaking to the Christians
he gives them the name of Nazarens.
Datianus the praetor in Prudentius*, where speaking to the Christians
he gives them the name of Nazarens.
Tacitus
How is it, then, that some under your government
disturb others equally under your government, and permit them not to
enjoy the common benefits of it? How do they not defeat your own care
and providence and labours, O Emperor? How do they not fight against
your law by what they do?
"But they say, 'We have only punished those who sacrifice, and thereby
transgress the law, which forbids sacrifices. ' O Emperor, when they
say this they lie. For no one is so audacious, and so ignorant of the
proceedings of the courts, as to think himself more powerful than the
law. When 1 say the law, I mean the law against sacrifice». Can it be
thought, that they who are not able to bear the sight of a collector s
cloak, should despise the power of your government? This is what
they say for themselves. And they have been often alleged to Flavian*
himself, and never have been confuted, no not yet. For I appeal to the
guardians of this law: Who has known any of those whom you have
* Bishop of Antioch
{81}
plundered to have sacrificed upon the altars, so as the law does not
permit? What young or old person, what man, what woman? Who of those
inhabiting the same country, and not agreeing with the sacrificers in
the worship of the gods? Who of their neighbours? For envy and jealousy
are common in neighbourhoods. Whence some would gladly come as an
evidence if any such thing had been done: and yet no one has appeared,
neither from the one nor from the other: [that is, neither from the
country, nor from the neighbourhood. ] Nor will there ever appear, for
fear of perjury, not to say the punishment of it. Where then is the
truth of this charge, when they accuse those men of sacrificing contrary
to law?
"But this shall not suffice for an excuse to the Emperor. Some one
therefore may say: 'They have not sacrificed. ' Let it be granted. But
oxen have been killed at feasts and entertainments and merry meetings.
Still there is no altar to receive the blood, nor a part burned, nor do
salt-cakes precede, nor any libation follow. But if some persons meeting
together in some pleasant field kill a calf, or a sheep, or both, and
roasting part and broiling the rest, have eat it under a shade upon the
ground, I do not know that they have acted contrary to any laws. For
neither have you, O Emperor, forbid
{82}
these things by your law; but mentioning one thing, which ought not to
be done, you have permitted every thing else. So that though they
should have feasted together with all sorts of incense, they have not
transgressed the law, even though in that feast they should all have
sung and invoked the gods. Unless you think fit to accuse even their
private method of eating, by which it has been customary for the
inhabitants of several places in the country to assemble together in
those [places] which are the more considerable, on holidays, and having
sacrificed, to feast together. This they did whilst the law permitted
them to do it. Since that, the liberty has continued for all the rest
except sacrificing. When, therefore, a festival day invited them, they
accepted the invitation, and with those things which might be done
without offence or danger, they have honoured both the day and the
place. But that they ventured to sacrifice, no one has said, nor heard,
nor proved, nor been credited: nor have any of their enemies pretended
to affirm it upon the ground of his own sight, nor any credible account
he has received of it.
"They will further say: 'By this means some have been converted, and
brought to embrace the same religious sentiments with themselves. '
Be not deceived by what they say; they only pretend it, but are not
convinced: for they are averse to
{83}
nothing more than this, though they say the contrary. For the truth is,
they have not changed the objects of their worship, but only appear
to have done so. They join themselves with them in appearance, and
outwardly perform the same things that they do: but when they are in a
praying posture, they address to no one, or else they invoke the gods;
not rightly indeed in such a place, but yet they invoke them. Wherefore
as in a tragedy he who acts the part of a king is not a king, but the
same person he was before he assumed the character, so every one of
these keeps himself the same he was, though he seems to them to be
changed. And what advantage have they by this, when the profession only
is the same with theirs, but a real agreement with them is wanting? for
these are things to which men ought to be persuaded, not compelled. And
when a man cannot accomplish that, and yet will practise this, nothing
is effected, and he may perceive the weakness of the attempt. It is said
that this is not permitted by their own laws, which commend persuasion,
and condemn compulsion. Why then do you run mad against the temples?
When you cannot persuade, you use force. In this you evidently
transgress your own laws.
"But they say: 'It is for the good of the world, and the men in it, that
there should be no temples. '
{84}
Here, O Emperor, I need freedom of speech; for I fear lest I should
offend. Let then any of them tell me, who have left the tongs and the
hammer and the anvil, and pretend to talk of the heavens, and of them
that dwell there, what rites the Romans followed, who arose from small
and mean beginnings, and went on prevailing, and grew great; theirs, or
these, whose are the temples and the altars, from whom they knew by
the soothsayers, what they ought to do, or not to do? [Here Libanius
instanceth in the successes of Agamemnon against Troy; and of Hercules
before, against the same place; and some other things. ] And many other
wars might be mentioned, which have been successfully conducted, and
after that peace obtained, by the favour and under the direction of
the gods. But, what is the most considerable of all, they who seemed to
despise this way of worship, have honoured it against their will. Who
are they? They who have not ventured to forbid sacrifices at Rome. But
if all this affair of sacrifices be a vain thing, why has not this vain
thing been prohibited? And if it be hurtful likewise, why not much more?
But if in the sacrifices there performed consists the stability of the
empire, it ought to be reckoned beneficial to sacrifice every where; and
to be allowed that the dæmonss at Rome confer greater benefits, these in
the country and other cities less. This is
{85}
what may be reasonably granted: for in an army all are not equal; yet in
a battle the help of each one is of use: the like may be said of rowers
in a vessel. So one [dæmons] defends the sceptre of Rome, another
protects a city subject to it, another preserves the country and gives
it felicity. Let there then be temples every where. Or let those men
confess, that you are not well affected to Rome in permitting her to do
things by which she suffers damage. But neither is it at Rome only that
the liberty of sacrificing remains, but also in the city of Serapis*,
that great and populous city, which has a multitude of temples, by which
it renders the plenty of Egypt common to all men. This [plenty] is the
work of the Nile. It therefore celebrates the Nile, and persuades him
to rise and overflow the fields. If those rites were not performed, when
and by whom they ought, he would not do so. Which they themselves seem
to be sensible of, who willingly enough abolish such things, but do not
abolish these; but permit the river to enjoy his ancient rites, for the
sake of the benefit he affords.
"'What then,' some will say: 'Since there is not in every country a
river to do what the Nile does
* i. e. Alexandria. The temple of Serapis was destroyed in 391.
{86}
for the earth, there is no reason for temples in those places. Let
them therefore suffer what these good people think fit. ' Whom I would
willingly ask this question: Whether, changing their mind, they will
dare to say, Let there be an end of these things done by [or for] the
Nile: let not the earth partake of his waters: let nothing be sown nor
reaped: let him afford no corn, nor any other product, nor let the mud
overflow the whole land, as at present. If they dare not own this, by
what they forbear to say they confute what they do say: for they who do
not affirm that the Nile ought to be deprived of his honours, confess
that the honours paid to the temples are useful.
"And since they mention him* who spoiled the temples [of their revenues
and gifts], we shall omit observing that he did not proceed to the
taking away the sacrifices. But who ever suffered a greater punishment
for taking away the sacred money [out of the temples], partly in what
he brought upon himself; partly in what he suffered after his death,
insomuch that his family destroyed one another, till there were none
left? And it had been much better for him that some of his posterity
should reign, than to enlarge with buildings a city of
* Constantine
{87}
his own name: for the sake of which city itself all men still curse his
memory, except those who live there in wicked luxury, because by their
poverty these have their abundance.
"And since next to him they mention his son *, and how he destroyed the
temples, when they who polled them down took no less pains in destroying
them, than the builders had done in raising them,---so laborious a work
was it to separate the stones cemented by the strongest bands;--since,
I say, they mention these things, I will mention somewhat yet more
considerable. That he indeed made presents of the temples to those who
were about him, just as he might give a horse, or a slave, or a dog, or
a golden cup; but they were unhappy presents to both the giver and the
receivers of them: for he spent all his life in fear of the Persians,
dreading all their motions as children do bugbears. Of whom, some were
childless, and died miserably intestate; and others had better never
have had children: with such infamy and mutual discord do they live
together who descend from them, whilst they dwell among sacred pillars
taken from the temples. To whom I think these things are owing, who
knowing how to enrich themselves, have taught
* Constantius.
{88}
their children this way to happiness! And at this time their distempers
carry some of them to Cilicia, needing the help of Æsculapius. But
instead of obtaining relief, they meet with affronts only for the injury
done to the place. How can such return without cursing the author of
these evils? But let the conduct of this Emperor be such as to deserve
praises living and dead; such as we know he* was who succeeded him; who
had overturned the Persian empire if treachery had not prevented it.
Nevertheless he was great in his death, for he was killed by treachery,
as Achilles also was; and is applauded for that, as well as for what
he did before his death. This has he from the gods, to whom he restored
their rites, and honours, and temples, and altars, and blood: from whom
having heard,« that he should humble the pride of Persia, and then die,'
he purchased the glory of his life, taking many cities, subduing a large
tract of land, teaching his pursuers to fly; and was about to receive,
as all know, an embassy which would have brought the submission of the
enemy. Wherefore he was pleased with his wound, and looking upon it
rejoiced, and without any tears rebuked those who wept, for not thinking
that a wound was better to him than any old age. So that the embassies
sent after his death were all
* Julian.
{80}
his right. And the reason why the Achemenidæ* for the future made use
of entreaties instead of arms, was that the fear of him still possessed
their minds. Such an one was he who restored to us the temples of
the gods, who did things too good to be forgotten, himself above all
oblivion.
"But I thought that he** who reigned lately would pull down and burn
the temples of those who were of the opposite sentiment, as he knew how
to despise the gods. But he was better than expectation, sparing the
temples of the enemies, and not disdaining to run some hazards for
preserving those of his own dominions, which had long since been erected
with much labour and at vast expense. For if cities are to be preserved
every where, and some cities outshine others by means of their temples,
and these are their chief ornaments, next to the Emperor's palaces,--how
is it that no care must be taken of these, nor any endeavours used to
preserve them in the body of the cities?
"But it is said: 'There will be other edifices, though there should be
no temples. ' But I think tribute to be of importance to the treasury.
Let
* Another name for the Persians.
** Valens.
{90}
these stand then, and be taxed. Do we think it a cruel thing to cut off
a man's hand, and a small matter to pluck out the eyes of cities? And
do we not lament the ruins made by earthquakes? and when there are no
earthquakes, nor other accidents, shall we ourselves do what they are
wont to effect? Are not the temples the possession of the Emperors
as well as other things? Is it the part of wise men to sink their own
goods? Does not every one suppose him to be distracted, who throws his
purse into the sea? Or if the master of the ship was to cut those ropes
which are of use to the ship; or if any one should order a mariner to
throw away his oar,--would you think it an absurdity? and yet think it
proper for a magistrate to deprive a city of such a part of it? What
reason is there for destroying that, the use of which may be changed?
Would it not be shameful for an army to fight against its own walls? and
for a general to excite them against what they have raised with great
labour; the finishing of which was a festival for those who then
reigned? Let no man think, Emperor, that this is a charge brought
against you. For there lies in ruins, in the Persian borders, a temple*,
to which there is none like, as may be learned from those who saw it, so
magnificent the stone work, and in
* Probably the temple at Odessa.
{91}
compass equal to the city. Therefore in time of war the citizens thought
their enemies would gain nothing by taking the town, since they could
not take that likewise, as the strength of its fortifications bid
defiance to all their attacks. At length, however, it was attacked, and
with a fury equal to the greatest enemies, animated by the hopes of the
richest plunder. I have heard it disputed,by some, in which state it
was the greatest wonder; whether now that it is no more, or when it
had suffered nothing of this kind, like the temple of Serapis. But
that temple, so magnificent and so large, not to mention the wonderful
structure of the roof, and the many brass statues, now hid in darkness
out of the light of the sun, is quite perished; a lamentation to them
who have seen it, a pleasure to them who never saw it. For the eyes and
ears are not alike affected with these things. Or rather to those who
have not seen it, it is both sorrow and pleasure: the one because of its
fall, the other because their eyes never saw it. Nevertheless, if it be
rightly considered, this work is not yours, but the work of a man *
who has deceived you; a profane wretch, an enemy of the gods, base,
covetous, ungrateful to the earth that received him when born, advanced
without merit, and abusing his greatness, when advanced;
* Probably Cynegius, the Emperor's lieutenant.
{93}
a slave to his wife, gratifying her in any thing, and esteeming her all
things, in perfect subjection to them* who direct these things, whose
only virtue lies in wearing the habit of mourners; but especially to
those of them who also weave coarse garments. This workhouse** deluded,
imposed upon him, and misled him; [and it is said that many gods have
been deceived by gods;] for they gave out, 'that the priests sacrificed,
and so near them that the smoke reached their noses:' and after the
manner of some simple people, they enlarge and heighten matters, and
vaunt themselves as if they thought nothing was above their power. By
such fiction, and contrivance, and artful stories, proper to excite
displeasure, they persuaded the mildest father [of his people] among the
Emperors***. For these were really his virtues, humanity, tenderness,
compassion, mildness, equity, who had rather save than destroy. But
there were those who gave lister counsel; that if such a thing had
been done, the attempt should be punished, and care taken to prevent
the like for time to come. Yet he who thought he ought to have a
Cadmean victory, carried on his conquest. But after he had taken his own
pleasures, he should have provided for his
* The monks.
**The monastery.
*** Probably Valens.
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people, and not have desired to appear great to those who shun the
labours of the country, and converse in the mountains *, as they say,
with the Maker of all things. But let your actions appear excellent and
praiseworthy to all men. There are at this time many, so far friends as
to receive and empty your treasures, and to whom your empire is dearer
than their own souls; but when the time comes that good counsel and real
services are wanted, they have no concern upon them but to take care of
themselves; and if any one comes to them, and inquires what this means,
they excuse themselves as free from all fault. They disown what they
have done, or pretend 'that they have obeyed the Emperor's order; and if
there is any blame, he must see to it. ' Such things they say, when it is
they who are found guilty, who can give no account of their actions.
For what account can be given of such mischiefs? These men before others
deny this to be their own work. But when they address you alone, without
witnesses, they say, 'they have been in this war serving your family. '
They would deliver your house from those who by land and sea endeavour
to defend your person; than which there is nothing greater you can
receive from them. For these men, under the name of friends and
protectors,
* He refers to the monks near Antioch,
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telling stories of those by whom they say they have been injured,
improve your credulity into an occasion of doing more mischief.
"But I return to them, to demonstrate their injustice by what they have
said: Say then, for what reason you destroyed that great temple? Not
because the Emperor approved the doing it. They who pull down a temple
have done no wrong if the Emperor has ordered it to be done. Therefore
they who pulled it down did not do wrong by doing what the Emperor
approved of. But he who does that which is not approved by the Emperor,
does Wrong; does he not? You, then, are the men who have nothing of this
to say for what you have done. Tell me why this temple of Fortune is
safe? and the temple of Jupiter, and of Minerva, and of Bacchus? Is it
because you would have them remain? No, but because no one has given
you power over them; which, nevertheless, you have assumed against those
which you have destroyed. How, then, are you not liable to punishment?
or how can you pretend that what you have done is right, when the
sufferers have done no wrong? Of which charge there would have been some
appearance, if you, O Emperor, had published an edict to their purpose:
'Let no man within my empire believe in the gods, nor worship them, nor
ask any
{95}
good thing of them, neither for himself, nor for his children, unless it
be done in silence and privately: but let all present themselves at the
places where I worship, and join in the rites there performed. And let
them offer the same prayers which they do, and bow the head at the hand
of him who directs the multitude. Whoever transgresses this law, shall
be put to death. ' It was easy for you to publish such a law as this; but
you have not done it; nor have you in this matter laid a yoke upon the
souls of men. But though you think one way better than the other, yet
you do not judge that other to be an impiety, for which a man may be
justly punished. Nor have you excluded those of that sentiment from
honours, but have conferred upon them the highest offices, and have
given them access to your table, to eat and drink with you. This you
have done formerly, and at this time; beside others, you have associated
to yourself (thinking it advantageous to your government) a man, who
swears by the gods, both before others, and before yourself: and you are
not offended at it; nor do you think yourself injured by those oaths:
nor do you account him a wicked man who placeth his best hopes in the
gods. When, therefore, you do not reject us, as neither did he who
subdued the Persians by arms reject those of his subjects who differed
from him in this matter, what pretence have these to reject us?
{96}
How can these men reject their fellow-subjects, differing from them in
this matter? By what right do they make these incursions? How do they
seize other men's goods with the indignation of the countries? How do
they destroy some things, and carry off others? adding to the injury of
their actions the insolence of glorying in them. We, O Emperor, if
you approve and permit these things, will bear them; not without grief
indeed; but yet we will show that we have learned to obey. But if you
give them no power, and yet they come and invade our small remaining
substance, or our walls: Know, that the owners of the countries will
defend themselves. "
EXTRACTS FROM BINGHAM'S ANTIQUITIES OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH*,
OF THE NAMES OF REPROACH WHICH THE JEWS, INFIDELS, AND HERETICS CAST
UPON THE CHRISTIANS.
"Besides the names already spoken of, there were some other reproachful
names cast upon them by their adversaries, which it will not be improper
here to mention. The first of these was Nazarens, a
* The edition from which these Extracts are taken it in one
vol. 8vo, London, 1708, and begins at p. 13.
{97}
name of reproach given them first by the Jews, by whom they are styled
the sect of the Nazarens, Acts xxiv. 5. There was indeed a particular
heresy, who called themselves [--------]: and Epiphanius* thinks the
Jews had a more especial spite at them, because they were a sort of
Jewish apostates, who kept circumcision and the Mosaical rites together
with the Christian religion: and therefore, he says, they were used
to curse and anathematize them three times a day, morning, noon, and
evening, when they met in their synagogues to pray, in this direful form
of execration,' [--------], 'Send thy curse, O God, upon the Nazarens. '
But St. Jerome** says this was levelled at Christians in general, whom
they thus anathematized under the name of Nazarens. And this seems
most probable, because both as St. Jerome*** and Epiphanius himself****
observe, the Jews termed all Christians by way of reproach, Nazarens.
And the Gentiles took it from the Jews, as appears from that of
* Epiphan. Haer. 29. n. 9.
** Hieron. Com. in Esa. xlix. t 5. p. 178. Ter per tingulos
dies sub nomine Nazaienorum maledicunt in synagogis suis.
*** Id. de loc. Hebr. t. 3. p. 289. Nos apnd veterei» quasi
opprobrio Nazaraei dicebamur, quos nunc Christianos vocant.
**** Epiphan. ibid.
{98}
Datianus the praetor in Prudentius*, where speaking to the Christians
he gives them the name of Nazarens. Some** think the Christians at first
were very free to own this name, and esteemed it no reproach, till such
time as the heresy of the Nazarens broke out, and then in detestation
of that heresy they forsook that name, and called themselves Christians.
Acts xi. 26. But whether this be said according to the exact rules of
chronology, I leave those that are better skilled to determine.
Another name of reproach was that of Galilæans, which was Julian's
ordinary style, whenever he spake of Christ or Christians. Thus in
his Dialogue with old Maris a blind Christian bishop, mentioned by
Sozomen***, he told him by way of scoff, "Thy Galilæan God will not cure
thee. " And again, in his epistle**** to Arsacius high-priest of Galatia,
"The Galilæans maintain their own poor and ours also. " The like may be
observed in Socrates(v), Theodoret (vi),
* Prudent. ---------]. Carm. 5. de S. Vincent.
Vos Nazareni assistite,
Rudemque ritum spernite.
Id. Hymno 9. de Rom. Mart.
** Junius, Parallel, lib. 1. c. 8. Godwyn, Jew.
Rites, lib. 1. c. 8.
*** Sozom. lib. 5. c. 4.
**** A p. Sozom. lib. 5. c. 16.
(v) Socrat. lib. 3. c. 12.
(vi) Theodor. lib. 3. c 7. & 31.
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Chrysostom*, and Gregory Nazianzen**, who adds, that he not only called
them Galilæans himself, but made a law that no one should call them by
any other name; thinking thereby to abolish the name of Christians.
They also called them Atheists, and their religion the Atheism or
Impiety, because they derided the worship of the heathen gods. Dio***
says, Acilius
Glabrio was put to death for atheism, meaning the Christian religion.
And the Christian apologists, Athenagoras**** Justin Martyr(v),
Arnobius(vi), and others, reckon this among the crimes which the
heathens usually lay to their charge. Eusebius says(vii) the name was
become so common, that when the persecuting magistrates would oblige
a Christian to renounce his religion, they bade him abjure it in
this form, by saying among other things, [--------] 'Confusion to the
atheists, Away with the impious,' meaning the Christians.
To this they added the name of Greeks and Impostors. Which is noted by
St. Jerome(viii) who says
* Chrys. Horn. 63. torn. 5.
** Naz. i. Invectiv.
*** Dio in Domitian.
**** Athen. Legat. pro Christ.
(v) Just. Apol. i. p. 47.
(vi) Arnob. lib. i.
(vii) Euseb. lib. iv. c. 15.
(viii) Hieron. Ep. 10. ad Furiara. Ubicunque viderint
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wheresoever they saw a Christian, they would presently cry out,
'[--------], 'Behold a Grecian impostor. ' This was the character which
the Jews gave our Saviour, [--------]' that deceiver*, Matt, xxvii. 63.
And Justin Martyr** says, they endeavoured to propagate it to posterity,
sending their apostles or emissaries from Jerusalem to all the
synagogues in the world, to bid them beware of a certain impious,
lawless sect, lately risen up under one Jesus, a Galilæan impostor.
Hence Lucian*** took occasion in his blasphemous raillery to style
him The crucified sophister. And Celsus**** commonly gives him and his
followers the name of [--------] 'deceivers. ' So Asclepiades the judge
in Prudentius**** compliments them with the appellation of sophisters;
and Ulpian(v) proscribes them in a law by the name of impostors.
The reason why they added the name of Greeks
* Christianum, statim illud de Trivio, [--------] vocant
Impostorem.
** Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. p. 335.
*** Lucian. Peregrin.
**** Cels. ap. Orig. lib. i. et lib. 6.
(v) Prudent. [--------]. Carm. 9. de Romano Marty. Quis hos
Sophistas error invexit novus, &c.
(vi) Digest, lib. 50. tit. 13. c 1. Si incantavit, si in-
precatus est, si (ut vulgari verbo Impostoruxn utar) si
exorcisavit
{101}
to that of impostors, was (as learned men* conjecture) because many of
the Christian philosophers took upon them the Grecian or philosophic
habit, which was the [--------] or pallium: whence the Greeks were
called Pallitati, as the Romans were called Togati, or Gens togata, from
their proper habit, which was the toga. Now it being some offence to the
Romans to see the Christians quit the Roman gown, to wear the Grecian
cloak; they thence took occasion, to mock and deride them with the
scurrilous names of Greeks, and Grecian impostors. Tertullian s book
_de Pallio_ was written to show the spiteful malice of this foolish
objection.
But the heathens went one step further in their malice; and because our
Saviour and his followers did many miracles, which they imputed to evil
arts and the power of magic, they therefore generally declaimed against
them as magicians, and under that character exposed them to the fury of
the vulgar. Celsus** and others pretended that our Saviour studied magic
in Egypt: and St. Austin*** says, it was generally believed among the
heathens, that he
* Kortholt de Morib. Christian, c. 3. p. 23. Baron an.
56. n. 11.
** Origen. cont. Cels. lib. 2. Arrobius, lib. 1. p. 36.
*** Aug. de Consensu Evang. lib. 1. c. 9.
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wrote some books about magic too, which he delivered to Peter and Paul
for the use of his disciples. Hence it was that Suetonius* speaking in
the language of his party, calls the Christians _Genus hominum
superstionis maleficae_, 'the men of the magical superstition. ' As
Asclepiades the judge in Prudentius** styles St. Romanus the martyr,
Arch-magician.
And St. Ambrose observes in the Passion of St. Agnes*** how the
people cried out against her, 'Away with the sorceress! Away with the
enchanter! 'Nothing being more common than to term all Christians,
especially such as wrought miracles, by the odious name of sorcerers
and magicians. '
The New Superstition was another name of reproach for the Christian
religion. Suetonius gives it that title****, and Pliny and Tacitus add
to it(v) the opprobrious terms of wicked and unreasonable
* Sueton. Neron. c. 16.
** Prudent. Hymn. 9. de S. Romano. Quousque tandem
su m m us hic nobis Magus illudit.
*** Ambr. Serm. 90. in S. Agnen. Tolle Magam! Tolle
Maleticam!
**** See Kortholt de Morib. Christ, c. 4.
(v) Sueton. Nero. c. 16.
(vi) Plin. lib. 10. ep. 97. Nihil aliud inveni, quam
superstitionem pravam et immodicara. Tacit. Annal. 15. c.
44. Exitiabilis superstitio.
{103}
superstition. By which name also Nero triumphed over it in his trophies
which he set up at Rome, when he had harassed the Christians with a
most severe persecution. He gloried that he had purged the country of
robbers, and those that obtruded and inculcated the new superstition*
upon mankind. By this, there can be no doubt he meant the Christians,
whose religion is called the superstition in other inscriptions of the
like nature. See that of Diocletian cited in Baronius, Ann. 304. from
Occo.
disturb others equally under your government, and permit them not to
enjoy the common benefits of it? How do they not defeat your own care
and providence and labours, O Emperor? How do they not fight against
your law by what they do?
"But they say, 'We have only punished those who sacrifice, and thereby
transgress the law, which forbids sacrifices. ' O Emperor, when they
say this they lie. For no one is so audacious, and so ignorant of the
proceedings of the courts, as to think himself more powerful than the
law. When 1 say the law, I mean the law against sacrifice». Can it be
thought, that they who are not able to bear the sight of a collector s
cloak, should despise the power of your government? This is what
they say for themselves. And they have been often alleged to Flavian*
himself, and never have been confuted, no not yet. For I appeal to the
guardians of this law: Who has known any of those whom you have
* Bishop of Antioch
{81}
plundered to have sacrificed upon the altars, so as the law does not
permit? What young or old person, what man, what woman? Who of those
inhabiting the same country, and not agreeing with the sacrificers in
the worship of the gods? Who of their neighbours? For envy and jealousy
are common in neighbourhoods. Whence some would gladly come as an
evidence if any such thing had been done: and yet no one has appeared,
neither from the one nor from the other: [that is, neither from the
country, nor from the neighbourhood. ] Nor will there ever appear, for
fear of perjury, not to say the punishment of it. Where then is the
truth of this charge, when they accuse those men of sacrificing contrary
to law?
"But this shall not suffice for an excuse to the Emperor. Some one
therefore may say: 'They have not sacrificed. ' Let it be granted. But
oxen have been killed at feasts and entertainments and merry meetings.
Still there is no altar to receive the blood, nor a part burned, nor do
salt-cakes precede, nor any libation follow. But if some persons meeting
together in some pleasant field kill a calf, or a sheep, or both, and
roasting part and broiling the rest, have eat it under a shade upon the
ground, I do not know that they have acted contrary to any laws. For
neither have you, O Emperor, forbid
{82}
these things by your law; but mentioning one thing, which ought not to
be done, you have permitted every thing else. So that though they
should have feasted together with all sorts of incense, they have not
transgressed the law, even though in that feast they should all have
sung and invoked the gods. Unless you think fit to accuse even their
private method of eating, by which it has been customary for the
inhabitants of several places in the country to assemble together in
those [places] which are the more considerable, on holidays, and having
sacrificed, to feast together. This they did whilst the law permitted
them to do it. Since that, the liberty has continued for all the rest
except sacrificing. When, therefore, a festival day invited them, they
accepted the invitation, and with those things which might be done
without offence or danger, they have honoured both the day and the
place. But that they ventured to sacrifice, no one has said, nor heard,
nor proved, nor been credited: nor have any of their enemies pretended
to affirm it upon the ground of his own sight, nor any credible account
he has received of it.
"They will further say: 'By this means some have been converted, and
brought to embrace the same religious sentiments with themselves. '
Be not deceived by what they say; they only pretend it, but are not
convinced: for they are averse to
{83}
nothing more than this, though they say the contrary. For the truth is,
they have not changed the objects of their worship, but only appear
to have done so. They join themselves with them in appearance, and
outwardly perform the same things that they do: but when they are in a
praying posture, they address to no one, or else they invoke the gods;
not rightly indeed in such a place, but yet they invoke them. Wherefore
as in a tragedy he who acts the part of a king is not a king, but the
same person he was before he assumed the character, so every one of
these keeps himself the same he was, though he seems to them to be
changed. And what advantage have they by this, when the profession only
is the same with theirs, but a real agreement with them is wanting? for
these are things to which men ought to be persuaded, not compelled. And
when a man cannot accomplish that, and yet will practise this, nothing
is effected, and he may perceive the weakness of the attempt. It is said
that this is not permitted by their own laws, which commend persuasion,
and condemn compulsion. Why then do you run mad against the temples?
When you cannot persuade, you use force. In this you evidently
transgress your own laws.
"But they say: 'It is for the good of the world, and the men in it, that
there should be no temples. '
{84}
Here, O Emperor, I need freedom of speech; for I fear lest I should
offend. Let then any of them tell me, who have left the tongs and the
hammer and the anvil, and pretend to talk of the heavens, and of them
that dwell there, what rites the Romans followed, who arose from small
and mean beginnings, and went on prevailing, and grew great; theirs, or
these, whose are the temples and the altars, from whom they knew by
the soothsayers, what they ought to do, or not to do? [Here Libanius
instanceth in the successes of Agamemnon against Troy; and of Hercules
before, against the same place; and some other things. ] And many other
wars might be mentioned, which have been successfully conducted, and
after that peace obtained, by the favour and under the direction of
the gods. But, what is the most considerable of all, they who seemed to
despise this way of worship, have honoured it against their will. Who
are they? They who have not ventured to forbid sacrifices at Rome. But
if all this affair of sacrifices be a vain thing, why has not this vain
thing been prohibited? And if it be hurtful likewise, why not much more?
But if in the sacrifices there performed consists the stability of the
empire, it ought to be reckoned beneficial to sacrifice every where; and
to be allowed that the dæmonss at Rome confer greater benefits, these in
the country and other cities less. This is
{85}
what may be reasonably granted: for in an army all are not equal; yet in
a battle the help of each one is of use: the like may be said of rowers
in a vessel. So one [dæmons] defends the sceptre of Rome, another
protects a city subject to it, another preserves the country and gives
it felicity. Let there then be temples every where. Or let those men
confess, that you are not well affected to Rome in permitting her to do
things by which she suffers damage. But neither is it at Rome only that
the liberty of sacrificing remains, but also in the city of Serapis*,
that great and populous city, which has a multitude of temples, by which
it renders the plenty of Egypt common to all men. This [plenty] is the
work of the Nile. It therefore celebrates the Nile, and persuades him
to rise and overflow the fields. If those rites were not performed, when
and by whom they ought, he would not do so. Which they themselves seem
to be sensible of, who willingly enough abolish such things, but do not
abolish these; but permit the river to enjoy his ancient rites, for the
sake of the benefit he affords.
"'What then,' some will say: 'Since there is not in every country a
river to do what the Nile does
* i. e. Alexandria. The temple of Serapis was destroyed in 391.
{86}
for the earth, there is no reason for temples in those places. Let
them therefore suffer what these good people think fit. ' Whom I would
willingly ask this question: Whether, changing their mind, they will
dare to say, Let there be an end of these things done by [or for] the
Nile: let not the earth partake of his waters: let nothing be sown nor
reaped: let him afford no corn, nor any other product, nor let the mud
overflow the whole land, as at present. If they dare not own this, by
what they forbear to say they confute what they do say: for they who do
not affirm that the Nile ought to be deprived of his honours, confess
that the honours paid to the temples are useful.
"And since they mention him* who spoiled the temples [of their revenues
and gifts], we shall omit observing that he did not proceed to the
taking away the sacrifices. But who ever suffered a greater punishment
for taking away the sacred money [out of the temples], partly in what
he brought upon himself; partly in what he suffered after his death,
insomuch that his family destroyed one another, till there were none
left? And it had been much better for him that some of his posterity
should reign, than to enlarge with buildings a city of
* Constantine
{87}
his own name: for the sake of which city itself all men still curse his
memory, except those who live there in wicked luxury, because by their
poverty these have their abundance.
"And since next to him they mention his son *, and how he destroyed the
temples, when they who polled them down took no less pains in destroying
them, than the builders had done in raising them,---so laborious a work
was it to separate the stones cemented by the strongest bands;--since,
I say, they mention these things, I will mention somewhat yet more
considerable. That he indeed made presents of the temples to those who
were about him, just as he might give a horse, or a slave, or a dog, or
a golden cup; but they were unhappy presents to both the giver and the
receivers of them: for he spent all his life in fear of the Persians,
dreading all their motions as children do bugbears. Of whom, some were
childless, and died miserably intestate; and others had better never
have had children: with such infamy and mutual discord do they live
together who descend from them, whilst they dwell among sacred pillars
taken from the temples. To whom I think these things are owing, who
knowing how to enrich themselves, have taught
* Constantius.
{88}
their children this way to happiness! And at this time their distempers
carry some of them to Cilicia, needing the help of Æsculapius. But
instead of obtaining relief, they meet with affronts only for the injury
done to the place. How can such return without cursing the author of
these evils? But let the conduct of this Emperor be such as to deserve
praises living and dead; such as we know he* was who succeeded him; who
had overturned the Persian empire if treachery had not prevented it.
Nevertheless he was great in his death, for he was killed by treachery,
as Achilles also was; and is applauded for that, as well as for what
he did before his death. This has he from the gods, to whom he restored
their rites, and honours, and temples, and altars, and blood: from whom
having heard,« that he should humble the pride of Persia, and then die,'
he purchased the glory of his life, taking many cities, subduing a large
tract of land, teaching his pursuers to fly; and was about to receive,
as all know, an embassy which would have brought the submission of the
enemy. Wherefore he was pleased with his wound, and looking upon it
rejoiced, and without any tears rebuked those who wept, for not thinking
that a wound was better to him than any old age. So that the embassies
sent after his death were all
* Julian.
{80}
his right. And the reason why the Achemenidæ* for the future made use
of entreaties instead of arms, was that the fear of him still possessed
their minds. Such an one was he who restored to us the temples of
the gods, who did things too good to be forgotten, himself above all
oblivion.
"But I thought that he** who reigned lately would pull down and burn
the temples of those who were of the opposite sentiment, as he knew how
to despise the gods. But he was better than expectation, sparing the
temples of the enemies, and not disdaining to run some hazards for
preserving those of his own dominions, which had long since been erected
with much labour and at vast expense. For if cities are to be preserved
every where, and some cities outshine others by means of their temples,
and these are their chief ornaments, next to the Emperor's palaces,--how
is it that no care must be taken of these, nor any endeavours used to
preserve them in the body of the cities?
"But it is said: 'There will be other edifices, though there should be
no temples. ' But I think tribute to be of importance to the treasury.
Let
* Another name for the Persians.
** Valens.
{90}
these stand then, and be taxed. Do we think it a cruel thing to cut off
a man's hand, and a small matter to pluck out the eyes of cities? And
do we not lament the ruins made by earthquakes? and when there are no
earthquakes, nor other accidents, shall we ourselves do what they are
wont to effect? Are not the temples the possession of the Emperors
as well as other things? Is it the part of wise men to sink their own
goods? Does not every one suppose him to be distracted, who throws his
purse into the sea? Or if the master of the ship was to cut those ropes
which are of use to the ship; or if any one should order a mariner to
throw away his oar,--would you think it an absurdity? and yet think it
proper for a magistrate to deprive a city of such a part of it? What
reason is there for destroying that, the use of which may be changed?
Would it not be shameful for an army to fight against its own walls? and
for a general to excite them against what they have raised with great
labour; the finishing of which was a festival for those who then
reigned? Let no man think, Emperor, that this is a charge brought
against you. For there lies in ruins, in the Persian borders, a temple*,
to which there is none like, as may be learned from those who saw it, so
magnificent the stone work, and in
* Probably the temple at Odessa.
{91}
compass equal to the city. Therefore in time of war the citizens thought
their enemies would gain nothing by taking the town, since they could
not take that likewise, as the strength of its fortifications bid
defiance to all their attacks. At length, however, it was attacked, and
with a fury equal to the greatest enemies, animated by the hopes of the
richest plunder. I have heard it disputed,by some, in which state it
was the greatest wonder; whether now that it is no more, or when it
had suffered nothing of this kind, like the temple of Serapis. But
that temple, so magnificent and so large, not to mention the wonderful
structure of the roof, and the many brass statues, now hid in darkness
out of the light of the sun, is quite perished; a lamentation to them
who have seen it, a pleasure to them who never saw it. For the eyes and
ears are not alike affected with these things. Or rather to those who
have not seen it, it is both sorrow and pleasure: the one because of its
fall, the other because their eyes never saw it. Nevertheless, if it be
rightly considered, this work is not yours, but the work of a man *
who has deceived you; a profane wretch, an enemy of the gods, base,
covetous, ungrateful to the earth that received him when born, advanced
without merit, and abusing his greatness, when advanced;
* Probably Cynegius, the Emperor's lieutenant.
{93}
a slave to his wife, gratifying her in any thing, and esteeming her all
things, in perfect subjection to them* who direct these things, whose
only virtue lies in wearing the habit of mourners; but especially to
those of them who also weave coarse garments. This workhouse** deluded,
imposed upon him, and misled him; [and it is said that many gods have
been deceived by gods;] for they gave out, 'that the priests sacrificed,
and so near them that the smoke reached their noses:' and after the
manner of some simple people, they enlarge and heighten matters, and
vaunt themselves as if they thought nothing was above their power. By
such fiction, and contrivance, and artful stories, proper to excite
displeasure, they persuaded the mildest father [of his people] among the
Emperors***. For these were really his virtues, humanity, tenderness,
compassion, mildness, equity, who had rather save than destroy. But
there were those who gave lister counsel; that if such a thing had
been done, the attempt should be punished, and care taken to prevent
the like for time to come. Yet he who thought he ought to have a
Cadmean victory, carried on his conquest. But after he had taken his own
pleasures, he should have provided for his
* The monks.
**The monastery.
*** Probably Valens.
{93}
people, and not have desired to appear great to those who shun the
labours of the country, and converse in the mountains *, as they say,
with the Maker of all things. But let your actions appear excellent and
praiseworthy to all men. There are at this time many, so far friends as
to receive and empty your treasures, and to whom your empire is dearer
than their own souls; but when the time comes that good counsel and real
services are wanted, they have no concern upon them but to take care of
themselves; and if any one comes to them, and inquires what this means,
they excuse themselves as free from all fault. They disown what they
have done, or pretend 'that they have obeyed the Emperor's order; and if
there is any blame, he must see to it. ' Such things they say, when it is
they who are found guilty, who can give no account of their actions.
For what account can be given of such mischiefs? These men before others
deny this to be their own work. But when they address you alone, without
witnesses, they say, 'they have been in this war serving your family. '
They would deliver your house from those who by land and sea endeavour
to defend your person; than which there is nothing greater you can
receive from them. For these men, under the name of friends and
protectors,
* He refers to the monks near Antioch,
{94}
telling stories of those by whom they say they have been injured,
improve your credulity into an occasion of doing more mischief.
"But I return to them, to demonstrate their injustice by what they have
said: Say then, for what reason you destroyed that great temple? Not
because the Emperor approved the doing it. They who pull down a temple
have done no wrong if the Emperor has ordered it to be done. Therefore
they who pulled it down did not do wrong by doing what the Emperor
approved of. But he who does that which is not approved by the Emperor,
does Wrong; does he not? You, then, are the men who have nothing of this
to say for what you have done. Tell me why this temple of Fortune is
safe? and the temple of Jupiter, and of Minerva, and of Bacchus? Is it
because you would have them remain? No, but because no one has given
you power over them; which, nevertheless, you have assumed against those
which you have destroyed. How, then, are you not liable to punishment?
or how can you pretend that what you have done is right, when the
sufferers have done no wrong? Of which charge there would have been some
appearance, if you, O Emperor, had published an edict to their purpose:
'Let no man within my empire believe in the gods, nor worship them, nor
ask any
{95}
good thing of them, neither for himself, nor for his children, unless it
be done in silence and privately: but let all present themselves at the
places where I worship, and join in the rites there performed. And let
them offer the same prayers which they do, and bow the head at the hand
of him who directs the multitude. Whoever transgresses this law, shall
be put to death. ' It was easy for you to publish such a law as this; but
you have not done it; nor have you in this matter laid a yoke upon the
souls of men. But though you think one way better than the other, yet
you do not judge that other to be an impiety, for which a man may be
justly punished. Nor have you excluded those of that sentiment from
honours, but have conferred upon them the highest offices, and have
given them access to your table, to eat and drink with you. This you
have done formerly, and at this time; beside others, you have associated
to yourself (thinking it advantageous to your government) a man, who
swears by the gods, both before others, and before yourself: and you are
not offended at it; nor do you think yourself injured by those oaths:
nor do you account him a wicked man who placeth his best hopes in the
gods. When, therefore, you do not reject us, as neither did he who
subdued the Persians by arms reject those of his subjects who differed
from him in this matter, what pretence have these to reject us?
{96}
How can these men reject their fellow-subjects, differing from them in
this matter? By what right do they make these incursions? How do they
seize other men's goods with the indignation of the countries? How do
they destroy some things, and carry off others? adding to the injury of
their actions the insolence of glorying in them. We, O Emperor, if
you approve and permit these things, will bear them; not without grief
indeed; but yet we will show that we have learned to obey. But if you
give them no power, and yet they come and invade our small remaining
substance, or our walls: Know, that the owners of the countries will
defend themselves. "
EXTRACTS FROM BINGHAM'S ANTIQUITIES OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH*,
OF THE NAMES OF REPROACH WHICH THE JEWS, INFIDELS, AND HERETICS CAST
UPON THE CHRISTIANS.
"Besides the names already spoken of, there were some other reproachful
names cast upon them by their adversaries, which it will not be improper
here to mention. The first of these was Nazarens, a
* The edition from which these Extracts are taken it in one
vol. 8vo, London, 1708, and begins at p. 13.
{97}
name of reproach given them first by the Jews, by whom they are styled
the sect of the Nazarens, Acts xxiv. 5. There was indeed a particular
heresy, who called themselves [--------]: and Epiphanius* thinks the
Jews had a more especial spite at them, because they were a sort of
Jewish apostates, who kept circumcision and the Mosaical rites together
with the Christian religion: and therefore, he says, they were used
to curse and anathematize them three times a day, morning, noon, and
evening, when they met in their synagogues to pray, in this direful form
of execration,' [--------], 'Send thy curse, O God, upon the Nazarens. '
But St. Jerome** says this was levelled at Christians in general, whom
they thus anathematized under the name of Nazarens. And this seems
most probable, because both as St. Jerome*** and Epiphanius himself****
observe, the Jews termed all Christians by way of reproach, Nazarens.
And the Gentiles took it from the Jews, as appears from that of
* Epiphan. Haer. 29. n. 9.
** Hieron. Com. in Esa. xlix. t 5. p. 178. Ter per tingulos
dies sub nomine Nazaienorum maledicunt in synagogis suis.
*** Id. de loc. Hebr. t. 3. p. 289. Nos apnd veterei» quasi
opprobrio Nazaraei dicebamur, quos nunc Christianos vocant.
**** Epiphan. ibid.
{98}
Datianus the praetor in Prudentius*, where speaking to the Christians
he gives them the name of Nazarens. Some** think the Christians at first
were very free to own this name, and esteemed it no reproach, till such
time as the heresy of the Nazarens broke out, and then in detestation
of that heresy they forsook that name, and called themselves Christians.
Acts xi. 26. But whether this be said according to the exact rules of
chronology, I leave those that are better skilled to determine.
Another name of reproach was that of Galilæans, which was Julian's
ordinary style, whenever he spake of Christ or Christians. Thus in
his Dialogue with old Maris a blind Christian bishop, mentioned by
Sozomen***, he told him by way of scoff, "Thy Galilæan God will not cure
thee. " And again, in his epistle**** to Arsacius high-priest of Galatia,
"The Galilæans maintain their own poor and ours also. " The like may be
observed in Socrates(v), Theodoret (vi),
* Prudent. ---------]. Carm. 5. de S. Vincent.
Vos Nazareni assistite,
Rudemque ritum spernite.
Id. Hymno 9. de Rom. Mart.
** Junius, Parallel, lib. 1. c. 8. Godwyn, Jew.
Rites, lib. 1. c. 8.
*** Sozom. lib. 5. c. 4.
**** A p. Sozom. lib. 5. c. 16.
(v) Socrat. lib. 3. c. 12.
(vi) Theodor. lib. 3. c 7. & 31.
{90}
Chrysostom*, and Gregory Nazianzen**, who adds, that he not only called
them Galilæans himself, but made a law that no one should call them by
any other name; thinking thereby to abolish the name of Christians.
They also called them Atheists, and their religion the Atheism or
Impiety, because they derided the worship of the heathen gods. Dio***
says, Acilius
Glabrio was put to death for atheism, meaning the Christian religion.
And the Christian apologists, Athenagoras**** Justin Martyr(v),
Arnobius(vi), and others, reckon this among the crimes which the
heathens usually lay to their charge. Eusebius says(vii) the name was
become so common, that when the persecuting magistrates would oblige
a Christian to renounce his religion, they bade him abjure it in
this form, by saying among other things, [--------] 'Confusion to the
atheists, Away with the impious,' meaning the Christians.
To this they added the name of Greeks and Impostors. Which is noted by
St. Jerome(viii) who says
* Chrys. Horn. 63. torn. 5.
** Naz. i. Invectiv.
*** Dio in Domitian.
**** Athen. Legat. pro Christ.
(v) Just. Apol. i. p. 47.
(vi) Arnob. lib. i.
(vii) Euseb. lib. iv. c. 15.
(viii) Hieron. Ep. 10. ad Furiara. Ubicunque viderint
{100}
wheresoever they saw a Christian, they would presently cry out,
'[--------], 'Behold a Grecian impostor. ' This was the character which
the Jews gave our Saviour, [--------]' that deceiver*, Matt, xxvii. 63.
And Justin Martyr** says, they endeavoured to propagate it to posterity,
sending their apostles or emissaries from Jerusalem to all the
synagogues in the world, to bid them beware of a certain impious,
lawless sect, lately risen up under one Jesus, a Galilæan impostor.
Hence Lucian*** took occasion in his blasphemous raillery to style
him The crucified sophister. And Celsus**** commonly gives him and his
followers the name of [--------] 'deceivers. ' So Asclepiades the judge
in Prudentius**** compliments them with the appellation of sophisters;
and Ulpian(v) proscribes them in a law by the name of impostors.
The reason why they added the name of Greeks
* Christianum, statim illud de Trivio, [--------] vocant
Impostorem.
** Justin. Dial. c. Tryph. p. 335.
*** Lucian. Peregrin.
**** Cels. ap. Orig. lib. i. et lib. 6.
(v) Prudent. [--------]. Carm. 9. de Romano Marty. Quis hos
Sophistas error invexit novus, &c.
(vi) Digest, lib. 50. tit. 13. c 1. Si incantavit, si in-
precatus est, si (ut vulgari verbo Impostoruxn utar) si
exorcisavit
{101}
to that of impostors, was (as learned men* conjecture) because many of
the Christian philosophers took upon them the Grecian or philosophic
habit, which was the [--------] or pallium: whence the Greeks were
called Pallitati, as the Romans were called Togati, or Gens togata, from
their proper habit, which was the toga. Now it being some offence to the
Romans to see the Christians quit the Roman gown, to wear the Grecian
cloak; they thence took occasion, to mock and deride them with the
scurrilous names of Greeks, and Grecian impostors. Tertullian s book
_de Pallio_ was written to show the spiteful malice of this foolish
objection.
But the heathens went one step further in their malice; and because our
Saviour and his followers did many miracles, which they imputed to evil
arts and the power of magic, they therefore generally declaimed against
them as magicians, and under that character exposed them to the fury of
the vulgar. Celsus** and others pretended that our Saviour studied magic
in Egypt: and St. Austin*** says, it was generally believed among the
heathens, that he
* Kortholt de Morib. Christian, c. 3. p. 23. Baron an.
56. n. 11.
** Origen. cont. Cels. lib. 2. Arrobius, lib. 1. p. 36.
*** Aug. de Consensu Evang. lib. 1. c. 9.
{102}
wrote some books about magic too, which he delivered to Peter and Paul
for the use of his disciples. Hence it was that Suetonius* speaking in
the language of his party, calls the Christians _Genus hominum
superstionis maleficae_, 'the men of the magical superstition. ' As
Asclepiades the judge in Prudentius** styles St. Romanus the martyr,
Arch-magician.
And St. Ambrose observes in the Passion of St. Agnes*** how the
people cried out against her, 'Away with the sorceress! Away with the
enchanter! 'Nothing being more common than to term all Christians,
especially such as wrought miracles, by the odious name of sorcerers
and magicians. '
The New Superstition was another name of reproach for the Christian
religion. Suetonius gives it that title****, and Pliny and Tacitus add
to it(v) the opprobrious terms of wicked and unreasonable
* Sueton. Neron. c. 16.
** Prudent. Hymn. 9. de S. Romano. Quousque tandem
su m m us hic nobis Magus illudit.
*** Ambr. Serm. 90. in S. Agnen. Tolle Magam! Tolle
Maleticam!
**** See Kortholt de Morib. Christ, c. 4.
(v) Sueton. Nero. c. 16.
(vi) Plin. lib. 10. ep. 97. Nihil aliud inveni, quam
superstitionem pravam et immodicara. Tacit. Annal. 15. c.
44. Exitiabilis superstitio.
{103}
superstition. By which name also Nero triumphed over it in his trophies
which he set up at Rome, when he had harassed the Christians with a
most severe persecution. He gloried that he had purged the country of
robbers, and those that obtruded and inculcated the new superstition*
upon mankind. By this, there can be no doubt he meant the Christians,
whose religion is called the superstition in other inscriptions of the
like nature. See that of Diocletian cited in Baronius, Ann. 304. from
Occo.
