No More Learning

XII.
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164
Caroline Divines
>
he always handles his author as though he were familiar with him
and loved him. Whether it be the Greek Anthology, or Petronius,
or a Christian Father, he regards the book with a delicate appre-
a
ciation which comes of pure passion for literature in itself. His
taste is all-embracing, and he has an extraordinary aptitude for
applying it to the matter, however far away, which, for the moment,
is occupying his mind. Thus, you may often call his references, or his
analogies, far fetched: but, when you look more closely into the
texture of his argument, you will see how fitly as well as how
adroitly he has woven them in. This breadth of sympathy made
Mason call him the Shakespeare of English prose. ' The description
is an extremely happy one. He is rhetorical like a dramatist.
He abounds in arresting phrases, in haunting verbal felicities. He
can be magnificent, and he can be most deeply pathetic. And,
perhaps above all, his language is astoundingly popular and modern.
To compare his prose with Milton's is to find one's self in a world
of freedom as contrasted with the four walls of the scholar's
study.
You cannot read Jeremy Taylor without feeling that, in spite
of his preciosity, he is, in intention, before all things intensely
practical ; to this aim even his delight in expression and allusion
yields again and again. You come continually on passages, for
example, like that in which, after a list of diseases and a mention
of Maecenas, he writes thus :
It was a cruel mercy in Tamerlane, who commanded all the leprous
persons to be put to death, as we knock some beasts quickly on their head, to
put them quickly out of pain, and lest they should live miserably: the poor
men would rather have endured another leprosy, and have more willingly
taken two diseases than one death. Therefore Caesar wondered that the old
crazed soldier begged leave he might kill himself, and asked him, 'dost
thou think then to be more alive than now thou art? ' We do not die
suddenly, but we descend to death by steps and slow passages; and therefore
men, so long as they are sick, are unwilling to proceed and go forward in
the finishing that sad employment. Between a disease and death there are
many degrees, and all those are like the reserves of evil things, the declining
of every one of which is justly reckoned among those good things, which
alleviate the sickness and make it tolerable. Never account that sickness
intolerable, in which thou hadst rather remain than die: and yet if thou hadst
rather die than suffer it, the worst of it that can be said is this, that this
sickness is worse than death; that is, it is worse than that which is the best
of all evils, and the end of all troubles; and then you have said no great
harm against it1.
Taylor, it is true, had a variety of style. It is possible to
trace 'periods' in his literary manner, as it is to distinguish
a
1 Holy Dying, chap. III.


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Jeremy Taylor
165
the tone in which he dealt with different topics. He was a
controversialist and historian in The Sacred order and offices
of Episcopacy (1642); an advocate of toleration in The Liberty
of Prophesying (1647); purely a spiritual teacher in The
Great Exemplar (a life of Christ, 1649), Holy Living (1650),
Holy Dying (1651) and The Worthy Communicant (1660); an
opponent of Rome in many treatises, a defender of Anglicanism
in others; but, in all, he was a man of wide outlook, of temperate
mind and of warm heart. Why Taylor has always been popular,
has been, indeed, the Bunyan of the English church, is that he
obviously felt all he said, and was stirred by the very passion which
he sought to infuse into others. His work is not regular, his style
is hardly chastened; yet his feeling is restrained within limits
which not a few writers of his time transgressed to their peril. He
is intense in feeling, up to the very verge of legitimate expression;
he hardly ever oversteps it. His style is the servant, not the master,
of the conviction or the passion which breathes in every page that
he writes
When we survey the period of English prose of which Jeremy
Taylor is the brightest ornament, we are struck by the fact that
the divines of Charles I's day were conspicuously English Spanish
influence had passed by; French had hardly yet come, as it came
thirty years later; Latin and Greek were still potent, but chiefly
because they had taught men to write English. English they were,
and, though some of those of whom we have spoken had died before
'the troubles,' and the voices of almost all were temporarily silenced
during the years after Charles's death, their influence was powerful
in the next generation-a generation enthusiastic for both church
and king.


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CHAPTER VII
JOHN BUNYAN.
ANDREW MARVELL
THE great civil war of the seventeenth century, while revo-
lutionising English constitutional government, effected, also, an
important break in the historical continuity of English literature.
The years between 1640 and 1660, being years of prolonged and
intense conflict, constitute, in the main, a distinct and well defined
interval between the writers of the days of Elizabeth and James
and those of the restoration. Above all other periods in our
history, it was the age of the pamphleteer, of the writer who is
concerned rather with the urgent needs of the hour than with
the purpose of creating or developing the higher forms of
literature. His aim was to reach the public mind directly and at
once, and so shape the national policy at critical moments in
the nation's life. What literature there might be of more per-
manent sort was the intellectual product of a generation which
had either disappeared or was fast disappearing. Even Milton, re-
cognised, as he is, as the great poet of the restoration, may, more
properly, be said to belong to an earlier time. For the educative
forces which shaped him, and the creative impulse which finally
determined his path to fame, had exercised their influence upon
him before ever the war began. All that is most characteristic of
his genius belongs to the time when books were written to be read
by scholars, and when classical learning gave form and pressure
to English style. Very much the same thing may be said of
Andrew Marvell. For, while his literary reputation rests mainly,
if not exclusively, on poems not published till 1681, or three
years after his death, they were actually composed, with few
exceptions, during the early years of his manhood. They were
the product of a time when Donne's poetry, with its elaborate
conceits and recondite analogies, was the fashion of the hour, and
Donne himself the accepted poet of the younger men of the time,


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John Bunyan
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6
the leader by whose style and manner they were consciously, or
unconsciously, influenced.
Taking into account, then, the effect of this hiatus in the
literary continuity of the seventeenth century, it is not surprising
that, in the succeeding period, we come upon writers who belong
to no special class or school, and whose literary genealogy cannot
be traced. Three names suggest themselves as furnishing illus-
trations of the kind: John Bunyan, who, with his vivid descriptions
of character, his quaint turns of thought and his racy English style,
stands alone ; Daniel Defoe, with his unrivalled power of clothing
with an air of reality the creations of his imagination; and
Jonathan Swift, whose style defies description or classification,
and, as he puts the case himself, whose English was his own. '
John Bunyan, in creative genius the most gifted of the three, was,
in educational advantages, the least favoured. Born in 1628, in
the Bedfordshire village of Elstow, the son of an artisan, a brasier
by trade, he was put to school, he tells us, to learn both to read
and write 'according to the rate of other poor men's children';
but, to his shame, he says, he has to confess he soon lost that
little he learnt, even almost utterly. ' Probably, if he had been
bent on continuing the modest acquirements of the village school,
he would have had small opportunity, for work at his father's
forge began early, and literature was as scanty as leisure. Most
likely, he was describing the kind of book within his own reach
in those days when, in after years, he represents one of his
characters as saying, 'Give me a ballad, a news-book, George on
horseback, or Bevis of Southampton; give me some book that
teaches curious arts, that tells old fables. ' And, even if books of
a higher class of literature had been within his reach, opportunity
for study scarcely could have been; for, during the civil war, the
army regulation age was from sixteen to sixty, and in the very
month in which Bunyan completed his sixteenth year he was
drafted into service as a soldier in the parliamentary army. As
we now know from the recently discovered muster-rolls of the
garrison, he was on military duty at Newport Pagnell from
November 1644 to June 1647. He was here under the command
of Sir Samuel Luke, parliamentary scout master general, the
puritan knight whom Butler, in his well known satire, lampooned
as Sir Hudibras. And it is curious to notice, by the way, that
Bunyan, the writer of puritan books, and Butler, the merciless
satirist of puritan types, were both of them, at one and the same
time, in the service of the same worthy of Cople Woodend—the
>


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168
John Bunyan
one as a soldier in the garrison and the other as tutor or secretary
in his household
On his release from military service in 1647, Bunyan returned
to his native village, and married a year or two later. It is in
connection with this event in his life that he first refers to any
influence which books may have had over him. His wife, he
tells us,
had for her part The Plain Man's Pathway to Heaven and The Practice
of Piety which her father had left her when he died. In these two books I
should sometimes read with her, wherein I also found some things that were
somewhat pleasing to me.
A year or two later, he came under a more potent influence. One
day he happened to fall into the company of a poor man who
did talk pleasantly of the Scriptures. Wherefore, falling into some love and
liking to what he said, I betook me to my Bible and began to take great pleasure
in reading; but especially with the historical part thereof. For as for Paul's
Epistles, and such like Scriptures, I could not away with them.
As yet, he had not entered upon that deep religious experience,
those intense struggles of soul, which he has vividly depicted in
his Grace Abounding; but, when that time came to him, he
turned again to his Bible with more living purpose—the book
to which, more than any other, his literary style was indebted for
its English clearness and force. 'I began,' he says, 'to look into
it with new eyes and read as I never did before. I was never
out of the Bible either by reading or meditation. ' So far as his
native genius was shaped and directed by external influence, it is
here we come upon that influence.
‘Buyan's English,' writes J. R. Green, “is the simplest and homeliest
English that has ever been used by any great English writer, but it is the
English of the Bible. He had lived in the Bible till its words became his
own. '
Such was the main, and, so far as we know, the only influence
of a literary sort under which Bunyan ever came, until he appeared
before the world as an author. This was in 1656, when he was
twenty-eight years of age, and then only in response to what he
felt to be the call of duty. This first venture was brought about
in a somewhat unexpected way. When his intense and memorable
conflict of soul had passed into a more peaceful phase, he joined,
in 1653, the fellowship of a Christian church recently formed in
Bedford outside the national system. A year or two later, these
people prevailed upon him to exercise his gifts among them, and,
in this way, he came gradually into active service as a preacher


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Bunyan and the Quakers
169
9
in Bedford and the villages round. This brought him into collision
with some of the followers of George Fox, founder of the Society
of Friends, then a very aggressive body. Like Fox himself, his
followers went into places of worship and, in the presence of the
congregation, assailed the preacher. This they did with Bunyan,
at one of his services. He was not sufficiently mystical in his
teaching for them. They laid more stress upon the inward light
and less upon historic fact and external revelation. They would
have a Christ within, a resurrection within, a light within. He
also, was desirous of these, but he would not let go the historic
Christ, the historic facts of the Christian faith, or the Scriptures
of revelation by which to guide and test the inward light. A
A
Quaker sister, he says, 'did bid me in the audience of many “to
throw away the Scriptures. " To which I answered, “No, for then
the devil would be too hard for me. "
We are not here concerned with this controversy except in
80 far as to note the fact that, as its immediate result, it was re-
sponsible for the launching of Bunyan upon a career of authorship.
For the purpose of advancing what he held to be more scriptural
teaching on the subject in dispute, he published, in 1656, a duo-
decimo volume of 270 pages, entitled Some Gospel Truths Opened.
This book, written rapidly and in a heat, was published at Newport
Pagnell, and was immediately replied to by Edward Burrough, an
eminent Quaker. To this reply, Bunyan gave instant rejoinder in
a further volume of 280 pages, his second book following his first,
as he tells us, at only a few weeks' interval. These first literary
ventures are not specially characteristic of Bunyan's genius; but
they display the same ease of style, the same directness and
naturalness of speech, which he maintained to the end, and are
certainly remarkable as the productions of a working artisan of
scantiest education, who had not long left the distractions of a
soldier's life behind him.
Having thus ventured forth upon authorship in the interests
of theological controversy, in 1658 Bunyan appeared again with a
published treatise on the parable of the rich man and Lazarus,
in which we have foretokens of his matured style in such
characteristic touches as this: "The careless man lies like the
smith's dog at the foot of the anvil though the fire-sparks fly in
his face’; and this, “Some men despise the Lazaruses of our Lord
Jesus Christ because they are not gentlemen, because they cannot
with Pontius Pilate speak Hebrew, Greek and Latin. ' A further
work of no special note, issued by him in 1659, brings us to 1660,


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John Bunyan
6
when he entered upon the second and most important part of
his life and literary history.
The restoration of monarchy to the state and of episcopacy to
the church vitally affected the social and religious condition of
nonconformists, and Bunyan was almost the first man among them
to feel the change. In the November following the king's return in
May, he was committed to Bedford gaol for preaching at a farm-
house in the south of the county, and, as he was convicted under
the unrepealed Conventicle act of 1593, which required public
confession and promise of submission before release could follow
the term of imprisonment, he remained a prisoner for twelve
years, that is, till the king's declaration of indulgence in 1672.
So far as his literary history is concerned, these twelve years fall
into two equal parts of six years each, during the first of which
he published no fewer than nine of his books. The last of these,
Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners, which appeared in
1666, is the first of the four outstanding creations of his genius.
It is really his own autobiography, an intense record, written after
he had 'tarried long at Sinai to see the fire and the cloud and the
darkness,' and it has been recognised as one of the great books of
the world on religious experience, and not unworthy to take its
place by the side of the Confessions of Augustine. Another book
which preceded this by a year, entitled The Holy City, or the
New Jerusalem, is of interest to us as being a kind of foregleam
of that celestial city to which, in after days, he conducted the
pilgrims of his dream. At one time, there were no fewer than
sixty other nonconformists in prison with him under the new
Conventicle act of 1664, and they were accustomed to hold
religious services among themselves in the common room of the
county gaol. As he tells us in his preface to the book in question,
it was his turn one Sunday morning to speak to the rest; but he
felt so empty and spiritless that he thought he would not be able
to speak among them so much as five words of truth with light
and evidence. ' However, as he turned over the pages of his Bible,
in the book of Revelation, his eye lit upon the glowing picture of
the city of God coming down out of heaven, her light like unto
a stone most precious as it were a jasper stone clear as crystal.
Musing upon this glowing vision, seen by that other prisoner in
Patmos, Bunyan says, “Methought I perceived something of that
jasper in whose light this holy city is said to come or descend';
and the Lord helped him to set this great hope before his brethren:
we did all eat and were well-refreshed. ' But the matter did not
6


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Bunyan's Language
171
6
end there. When the sermon was over, the vision splendid rose
before his mind again :
the more I cast mine eye upon it the more I saw lie in it. Wherefore setting
myself to a more narrow search, through frequent prayer to God, what first
with doing and then with undoing, and after that with doing again, I thus did
finish it.
It has been truly said that, while Bunyan possessed in a
remarkable degree the gift of expressing himself in written words,
he had no appreciation of literature as such. In the preface
of the book before us, he explains his mental attitude. He
thinks his learned reader may blame him because he has ‘not
beautified his matter with acuteness of language,' and has not,
'either in the line or in the margent, given a cloud of sentences
from the learned fathers. ' As for the language of the learned, the
sentences and words which others use, he does not give them
because he has them not, nor has he read them : 'had it not been
for the Bible, I had not only not thus done it, but not at all. '
That is reason enough, but there is another behind it. Even if
he had had the learning of the learned Fathers,
'I durst not make use of ought thereof,' he says, "and that for fear lest that
grace and these gifts that the Lord hath given me, should be attributed to
their wits rather than the light of the Word and Spirit of God. '
This way of regarding the literary gift as heaven-descended,
therefore to be reverently used and not perverted to unworthy
ends, was Milton's as well as Bunyan's. When he put in print
a public pledge to execute his design of a great poem, Milton, at
the same time, said that he conceived of it
as being a work not to be raised from the heat of youth or the vapours of
wine, nor to be obtained by the invocation of Dame Memory and her Siren
daughters, but by devout prayer to the Eternal Spirit who can enrich with all
utterance and Knowledge, and sends out his Seraphim with all the hallowed
fire of his altar to touch and purify the lips of whom he pleases.
This may not be the common way, but it was the puritan way
of regarding the endowments of man's richer nature as gifts of the
Spirit of God, as signs of his wider operation on the imagination
and heart of the world. In the preface to his Grace Abounding,
a book which, in some passages, seems as if it had been written
with a pen of fire, Bunyan touches again upon the question of the
relation of conscience to literature :
'I could,' he says, ' have stepped into a style much higher than this in which
I have bere discoursed, and could have adorned all things more than here I
have seemed to do; but I dare not. God did not play in convincing of me
wherefore I may not play in my relating of these experiences, but be plain and


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172
John Bunyan
simple, and lay down the thing as it was. He that liketh it let him receive it;
and he that does not, let him produce a better. '
While during the first six years of his prison life, as we have
said, no fewer than nine books came from Bunyan's pen, for the
next five years, so far as we know, that pen was laid aside. It
was not till 1671 that he broke this long silence and published a
book which he entitled A Confession of my Faith, and a Reason
of my Practice. This work, while giving a reasoned statement of
his religious opinions, was, at the same time, a kind of apologia
pro vita sua, a vindication of his conduct in resolutely standing
by his convictions for a long time, while so weighty an argument
as over eleven years' imprisonment was continually urging him
to pause and consider again and again the grounds and foundation
of those principles for which he thus had suffered. He maintains
that he is a peaceable and obedient subject, and he appeals to his
enemies themselves to judge whether there is anything in the
opinions set forth savouring either of heresy or of rebellion ren-
dering him deserving of almost twelve years' imprisonment.
Still, he will suffer rather than yield. He goes on to say:
If nothing will do, unl I make of my conscience a continual butchery and
slaughter-shop, unless patting out my own eyes I commit me to the blind to
lead me, I have determined, the Almighty God being my help and shield, yet
to suffer, if frail life might continue so long, even till the moss shall grow on
mine eye-brows rather than thus to violate my faith and principles.
Deliverance came at length. Seeing that ‘no fruit came of
these forceful courses,' in 1672 the king, apart from parliament,
issued a declaration of indulgence, under power of which licences
to preach were granted to nonconformist ministers, and to Bunyan
among the rest. He was at once elected pastor of the church in
Bedford of which, since 1653, he had been a private member; and
he held that position, with freedom from state interference, for
the next three years. At the end of that time, trouble broke forth
again. The declaration of indulgence, being an unusual, and, to
many in the nation, an unwelcome, exercise of the royal pre-
rogative, was withdrawn, and, as a consequence, nonconformists'
licences were recalled. Bunyan, therefore, being once more
exposed to all the penalties of the Conventicle act, was arrested
and sent to prison for six months, this time to the small town
gaol on Bedford bridge. It was during this second and shorter
imprisonment that he wrote the first part of The Pilgrim's
Progress from this World to that which is to come.
This allegory appeared in the early part of 1678, but received


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The Pilgrim's Progress 173
6
characteristic additions in a later edition of the same year, and,
again, in the third edition, which appeared in 1679. In the first
edition, there was no account of Christian breaking his mind
to his wife and children, no Worldly Wiseman, no confession by
Christian to Goodwill at the Wicket-gate, of his own turning
aside. Christian's discourse at the palace, the name of which was
Beautiful, was added afterwards, as were the accounts of Mr By-
Ends, his conversation and his rich relations, of Lot’s wife as a
pillar of salt and of Diffidence the wife of giant Despair. The
description of the reception of the pilgrims on the further shore
of the river was heightened, also, by the coming of the King's
trumpeters to salute them with ten thousand welcomes, with
shouting and sound of trumpet. On the other hand, some
characteristic marginalia, such as 'O brave Talkative! ' 'Christian
snibbeth his fellow,' 'Hopeful swaggers,' disappeared after the
first edition.
The question of the originality of The Pilgrim's Progress, as
to how far its author was indebted to previous allegorists, has
been raised again and again. Comparisons have been instituted
between this book and de Guileville's Pilgrimage of the Sowle,
in which we have the vision of a city in the heavens acting as an
incentive to a pilgrimage on earth, and in the course of which
we come upon a wicket-gate and a reception in the house of
Grâce Dieu, recalling that of Christian in the house called
Beautiful. That there are ideas in common is obvious enough ;
but the probable explanation is that they had one common
source. The looking for a city with eternal foundations was a
New Testament idea as accessible to Bunyan as to the monk of
Chaliz; while the house of Grâce Dieu and the Palace Beautiful,
like the house of Mercy in The Faerie Queene, may well have
been suggested by the old houses of entertainment prepared for
pilgrims or travellers on their way. Spenser sets forth in allegory
the dangers, the conflicts and the final victory of the Red Cross
knight of holiness; but, apart from the question of the proba-
bility or otherwise of Bunyan's having access to The Faerie Queene,
it may be noted that there is one important contrast between
this allegory and his own. Spenser dealt mainly with abstract
virtues and qualities, his book is an epic of the struggles and
triumph of truth ; whereas Bunyan, like Chaucer, drew personal
portraits and gave concrete presentations of vices and virtues.
It would not be difficult to show that Spenser was weakest pre-
cisely where Bunyan was strongest.


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John Bunyan
Besides the two books referred to others have been mentioned
in which we have the regular introduction of the dream and the
allegory, such as The Palice of Honour by Gawin Douglas, The
Goldyn Targe by William Dunbar, The Bouge of Courte by John
Skelton and The Passetyme of Pleasure by Stephen Hawes. But,
before asking whether Bunyan could have been influenced by
these or similar works, we must remember that he was in prison
when the idea of the pilgrim journey first laid hold of him
and would not let him go. And, even if he had thought of it
beforehand, the literature of the subject which he might have
studied by way of preparation for his theme was not easily
accessible in those days to peasants and working artisans. But,
apart from these considerations, we have Bunyan's own express
declarations on the subject. The originality of the work was
questioned in his own day: 'Some say The Pilgrim's Progress is
not mine'; but he will have none of this : ‘Manner and matter,
too, was all mine own, nor was it unto any mortal known till I had
done it. The whole and every whit is mine. ' When the vision
descended on him it surprised no one more than himself. He
tells us that he was writing another book about the way and race
of saints in his own day, when he
Fell suddenly into an Allegory
About their Journey, and the way to Glory.
Vivid fancies came so thick and fast upon him, that he resolved
to put them down;
This done, I twenty more had in my Crown,
And they again began to multiply,
Like sparks that from the coals of fire do fly.
It has been said that The Pilgrim's Progress was the last English
book written without thought of the reviewer ; its author goes
further, and tells us it was written without thought even of a
possible reader:
I did not think
To shew to all the World my Pen and Ink
. . . nor did I undertake
Thereby to please my Neighbour; no not I;
I did it mine own self to gratifie.
This is the author's own account of the growth of his great master-
piece, and it goes far to account for its possession of that charm
which lays hold of the hearts of men, they know not how.
But, while the book thus sprang into being, effortless and fair
like a flower, it is not wanting in proportion or dramatic unity.


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The Pilgrim's Progress 175
The opening sentence lays hold of the reader, and, thenceforward,
there is no unmown grass of weariness to wade through, no
wilderness of tedium in which to wander. There are episodes
by the way, but they never draw us so far aside that we forget
the main story-on the contrary, they contribute to its effect.
The book is remarkable, too, for the reality of its impersonations,
for the rapidity and power with which its characters are drawn.
They are no mere shadowy abstractions moving about in a mystical
region far away from us, but real men and women living in our
own every-day world. By a few strokes only, sometimes by the
mere giving of a name, an abstraction rises up before us, clothed
in flesh and blood. A contemporary tells us that Bunyan was
'accomplished with an excellent discerning of persons, and it is
this keen power of insight that gives permanent value to his
work. He had the discriminating eye and, also, the broad sympathy
and keen sense of humour which accompany that gift. Further,
while he gives us quaint turns of thought, pithy expressions
such as still linger on many a countryside, and revelations of
character, which we recognise at once, the world of outside nature,
with its manifold phases, comes in to complete the whole. We
have the hill with its toilsome ascent, the mountain with its far-off
vision of the city, the fearsome glen with its shadowy shapes.
Then, at other times, we walk in the King's gardens, into which
the children of the land of Beulah go to gather nosegays for the
pilgrims, bringing them with much affection. ' Our senses, too, are
regaled with the fragrance of spikenard and saffron, calamus and
cinnamon, with trees of 'frankincense, myrrh, together with aloes
with all chief spices. And, through the interlacings of green
'
leaves, we hear, besides, the melodious notes of the country birds
and the sweet sound of distant bells.
As to Bunyan's subsequent influence on English life and
literature, it is to be remembered that, above everything else, his
desire was to be a religious teacher, that it would have been
against his conscience to aim at mere literary distinction and
It would have gratified him beyond expression could
he have known that The Pilgrim's Progress is one of the
few books which act as a religious bond for the whole of
English Christendom. As a creator of fictitious personalities, he
has charmed the world, weaving them into a story of universal
interest and lasting vitality. The most perfect and complex
of fairy tales, as Hallam called the book, it has not only
won the hearts of children at an age when its spiritual
6
success.


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Yohn Bunyan
>
6
meaning is little perceived, but it has also been the inter-
preter of life to men perplexed with life's problems. This is
the great merit of the book,' said Dr Johnson, 'that the most
cultivated man cannot find anything to praise more highly, and
the child knows nothing more amusing’; and even Swift could
testify that he had been better entertained and more improved
by a few pages of this allegory than by more pretentious books
of another kind. Still, the literary class, as a whole, did not
at the time, or long after, give the book appreciative welcome.
Cowper was afraid to introduce Bunyan's name into his poetry
lest he should provoke a sneer. Addison, in disparaging fashion,
said that he never knew an author that had not his admirers, for
Bunyan pleased as many readers as Dryden or Tillotson ; and
Mrs Montague, following in his wake, called Bunyan and Quarles
'those classics of the artificers in leather,' laughing at them as
forming the particular entertainment of her neighbours, the
Kentish squires. On the other hand, Mrs Piozzi asks, 'Who shall
say that Lillo, Bunyan and Antonio Correggio were not naturally
equal to Jonson, Michael Angelo and the Archbishop of Cambrai? '
And Horace Walpole evidently thought he was paying Edmund
Spenser a compliment when he spoke of him as 'John Bunyan
in rhyme. '
While the learned class differed widely in judgment, the general
world of readers never wavered in their favourable estimate of
the book. Between 1678, when it first appeared, and 1778, thirty-
three editions of part I and fifty-nine editions of parts I and II
together were issued, and then publishers left off counting. It is
computed that one hundred thousand copies were sold in Bunyan's
own lifetime. Nor was its literary influence confined to his own
country. Three years after its publication, it was reprinted by
the puritan colony in America, there receiving, as Bunyan himself
tells us, much loving countenance. ' And there it has continued
ever since, in untold number of editions; and, with Shakespeare,
it forms part of the literary bond which unites the two English-
speaking peoples on each side of the Atlantic.
Bunyan's allegory was translated into Dutch and French in
1682. The first edition in German appeared in 1694, many
successive editions following in its wake.
F. H. Ranke tells us
that, as a young man at Nürnberg, he met with a copy of an
edition of 1703, translated from the Dutch, which made such an
impression upon him that he formed classes of young men for the
study of the book; and Gustav Kettner suggests that, in two


## p. 177 (#193) ############################################

The Holy War
177
of Schiller's poems, Der Pilgrim and Die Sehnsucht, Bunyan's
influence is distinctly traceable. Jung-Stilling also records with
wbat pleasure he read the book; Wieland, too, after telling an
English traveller at Weimar how The Pilgrim's Progress had
delighted him, went on to say, 'In that book I learned to read
English ; English literature had great influence upon me, your
puritan writings particularly.
'
Other translations of Bunyan's dream have gone on multiplying
down to the present time. There are now versions of The Pilgrim's
Progress in no fewer than one hundred and eight different languages
and dialects, so that it is no mere poetical figure to say, as has
been said, that it follows the Bible from land to land as the singing
of birds follows the dawn.
Between 1656, when he gave his first book to the world, and
1688, when, a few weeks before his death, he saw his last book
partly through the press, Bunyan sent forth, altogether, no fewer
than sixty different publications as the product of his pen. While
all these may be truly said to bear more or less the stamp and
impress of his genius, there are four outstanding books which,
by common consent, are recognised as surpassing all the rest
in impressiveness and creative powerGrace Abounding, The
Pilgrim's Progress, The Holy War and The Life and Death
of Mr Badman. It is generally agreed that, in point of personal
interest and popular power, The Holy War contrasts unfavour-
ably with the story of Christian and Christiana. Still, in the later
book, also, there are fine passages and lofty conceptions, though
it moves in a more abstract region than its predecessor. It is
interesting, also, as throwing light upon Bunyan's own military
experiences. The martial deeds of the various captains engaged
in the siege of Mansoul are, doubtless, reminiscences of days in
Newport garrison when he came in contact with the preaching
and praying majors and captains of the parliamentary army.
Apart from these things, however, Macaulay’s verdict, as we all
know, was that, if The Pilgrim's Progress had not been
written, The Holy War would have been our greatest English
allegory.
The remaining work-The Life and Death of Mr Badman
-though disfigured by grotesque stories and somewhat coarse
passages, yet bears the characteristic marks of Bunyan's genius
and is, admittedly, a work of power. He himself intended this
book to be the companion picture to that of his dream; as the
12
E. L. VII.
CH, VII.


## p. 178 (#194) ############################################

178
John Bunyan
one set forth the progress of a Christian from this world to glory,
the other was to present the life and death of the ungodly, their
travel through this world to perdition. It is constructed on a
different plan, the former being in continuous narrative, and this
in dialogue form, disfigured by didactic discourses on the various
vices of a bad man's life. It is a picture of low English life as
Bunyan saw it with his own eyes in a commonplace country town
in the degraded days of a licentious king, and, as such, it has its
historical value. Froude has given a forcibly expressed estimate
of the work. To him it is a remarkable story:
The drawing is so good, the details so minute, the conception so unex-
aggerated that we are disposed to believe that we must have a real history
before us. But such supposition is only a compliment to the skill of the
composer. Throughout we are on solid earth, amidst real experiences.
Bunyan conceals nothing, assumes nothing, and exaggerates nothing. There
the figure stands : a picture of a man in the rank of English life with which
Bunyan was most familiar, travelling along the primrose path to the everlasting
bonfire, as the way to Emmanuel's Land was through the Slough of Despond
and the Valley of the Shadow of Death.
In passing from John Bunyan to Andrew Marvell we are
conscious of making a great transition. There is a sense in
which they have both been classed as puritans—Bunyan as the
great puritan allegorist and Marvell as the one puritan of his
age besides Milton who acquired distinction in poetry. They may
even, through literary association, have been personally known
to each other, for Nathanael Ponder, the first publisher of The
Pilgrim's Progress, was also, about the same time, publisher of
the second part of Marvell’s Rehearsal Transprosed. But, if we
class both as puritans, we must do so with a difference ; for, when
Marvell was born, in 1621, his father was parson of the parish of
Winestead in Holderness, and all his life, as his son tells us, he
was 'a conformist to the rules and ceremonies of the Church of
England, though, I confess, none of the most over-running and
eager in them. ' Moreover, this somewhat measured description
of the ecclesiastical standing-place of the elder Andrew may very
well be applied, also, to that of the younger. It is true that he
was for three years tutor in the family of lord Fairfax, the parlia-
mentary general, that he was Milton's assistant as Latin secretary
to Cromwell and that he was in close personal association with
many parliamentarians ; but it is also true that he numbered
among his friends prince Rupert and Richard Lovelace. And,
while he wrote an Ode upon Cromwell : Return from Ireland, it
must be remembered that in the same ode occur the memorable


## p. 179 (#195) ############################################

Andrew Marvell
179
stanzas descriptive of Charles I's kingly bearing on the scaffold,
recording how
He nothing common did, or mean,
Upon that memorable scene,
But with his keener eye
The axe's edge did try.
Nor called the gods with vulgar spite
To vindicate bis helpless right;
But bowed his comely head
Down, as upon a bed.
Then, too, it may be further said that, though in strenuous and
earnest language he resisted the attempts of Parker, afterwards
bishop of Oxford, to stir up persecution against nonconformists,
he himself expressly declares that he was not in the nonconformist
ranks, that he merely wrote, to use his own words, what I think
befits all men in humanity, Christianity, and prudence towards
dissenters. '
Marvell, born 31 March 1621, was educated at the Hull
grammar school, of which his father became master in 1624, and,
at the age of twelve, by the aid of an exhibition attached to the
school, entered Cambridge, where he matriculated as a sizar of
Trinity college, 14 December 1633. On 13 April 1638 he was
admitted a scholar of his college and took his B. A. degree the
same year.
His contributions to literature may be classified as con-
sisting mainly of his Poems, which, for the most part, belong to
the years 1650–2; the Satires, which he wrote on public men
and public affairs in the reign of Charles II ; the News-letters,
which he regularly addressed to his constituents in Hull after his
election as M. P. for the borough in 1659, and which extend from
1660 to the time of his death in 1678; and his Controversial
Essays on ecclesiastical questions, written at intervals between
1672 and 1677.
It is upon his poems that Marvell's literary reputation mainly
rests ; yet, curiously enough, these were scarcely known at all to
his own contemporaries. Some of them were circulated in MS
after the manner of the time, and were probably read by Milton
and other personal friends; but, with few exceptions, they were
not given to the world in printed form till three years after his
death, when the small folio of 1681 appeared. Three or four
fugitive pieces were printed earlier. Two poems, one in Greek
and the other in Latin, addressed to the king, appeared as early
12-2


## p. 180 (#196) ############################################

180
Andrew Marvell
as 1637 in Musa Cantabrigiensis; an occasional poem was printed
in Lachrymae Musarum in 1649 ; one was prefixed to Lovelace's
Poems the same year; and one to a new edition of Milton's
Paradise Lost in 1671.
Marvell, like his friend Milton and other educated Englishmen,
set forth on the accustomed course of European travel when he was
twenty-one. From 1642 to 1646, he was abroad in Holland, France,
Italy and Spain ; but, beyond the fact that he was in Rome in 1645,
we know nothing of his movements during these four years, save
that Milton testifies that he spent them to very good purpose and
the gaining of those four languages. ' From 1646, he passes out of
sight till we find him again at Nun Appleton house in Yorkshire,
the seat of lord Fairfax, where, from 1650 to 1652, he acted as
tutor to Fairfax's daughter Mary, a girl of twelve. Nun Appleton
house, where Marvell thus came to reside for a while, is situated
in the Ainsty of York, in a pleasant tract of country watered by
the Ouse, the Wharfe and the Nidd. It was, indeed, an ideal
place for a poet, for there nature seemed to conspire with genius
to bring to perfection the flowering time of the poet's life; and
it was here, under lord Fairfax's roof, that, so far as literature was
concerned, Marvell did his best and most enduring work. Judging
by the dates concerned, we may conclude that the first product
of his pen, at this time, was the Horatian Ode upon Cromwells
Return from Ireland; and the title itself suggests one powerful
influence which had much to do with the development of Marvell's
poetic gift. Though classed among the poets of the reign of
Charles II, it is generally recognised now that he really belongs
to the earlier time, that his true place is with Herrick, Lovelace
and Wither, rather than with Waller, Sedley, Dorset or Rochester.
And, while he came under the influence of Donne, an influence
paramount during the years of his Cambridge life, he, like Milton,
was earliest shaped by his classical training, especially by his
study of Horace, his chosen companion and friend. Of his first
really great work, the Horatian Ode, it has been said that, better
than anything else in the language, it gives an idea of a grand
Horatian measure, moving, as it does, from end to end, with the
solemn beat of its singular metre, strophe and antistrophe with
the epode following. All its stanzas combine force with grace
and originality with charm, leading Palgrave to say of it that it
is 'beyond doubt one of the finest in the language, and more in
Milton's style than has been reached by any other poet. '
Then, too, at a time when poets were not conspicuous for their


## p. 181 (#197) ############################################

The Garden
181
6
love of nature herself, except so far as she could furnish similes
and illustrations for poetic use, Marvell was an anticipator of
Wordsworth in his sheer enjoyment of open air and country
life for enjoyment's sake. In this, also, the influence of the
Roman poet may, possibly, be seen. We have foregleams of
some of Marvell's most beautiful poems in the second of
Horace's Epodes, where he tells us how delightful it is to be
among the sheep, the bees, the vines and fruit trees of his
farm among the Sabine hills, and where he confides to us how
willingly he would leave the luxuries of the city for the peaceful
surroundings and charm of country life. In like manner, Marvell
encamps his mind among trees and gardens where the world
toucheth him not, and exclaims, in joyous freedom of soul,
Bind me, ye woodbines in your twines,
Curle me about, ye gadding vines.
In his delight in gardens, fields and woods, he is the poet
of the open air and the country-side. In his poem entitled The
Garden, it has been well said that 'he throws himself into the
very soul of the garden with the imaginative intensity of Shelley
in The West Wind. ' Here he has found Fair Quiet and Innocence
her sister dear. No city life for him.
Society is all but rude
To this delicious solitude.
Wondrous is the life to be lived here, where
Ripe apples drop about my head;
The lascious clusters of the vine,
Upon my month do crush their wine;
The nectaren and curious peach
Into my hands themselves do reach;
and where, when he tries to pass, he is ensnared with flowers.
The Garden is composed in the short lines of the octosyllabic
couplet. It is free, however, from the diffuseness which the facility
of this form of composition too easily favours, possibly from the
fact that it is an English version of lines first composed in Latin
by Marvell himself: the classical mould exercising restraint upon
mere unchartered freedom. Yet there is in it, in spite of this
restraint, the poet's genuine love of gardens and woods, of birds
and flowers.
Yet he is no merely sensuous epicure, even in his delight in
nature. His poem entitled The Coronet shows he is not insensible
how, in human life, the real ever falls short of the ideal; and, in his
Dialogue between the Soul and the Body, he makes us realise the


## p. 182 (#198) ############################################

182
Andrew Marvell
meaning of the struggle evermore going on between the lower
passions and the higher nature of man. In the similar Dialogue
between the Resolved Soul and Created Pleasure, also, the chorus
comes in with the lofty strain proclaiming that
Earth cannot show so brave a sight,
As when a single soul does fence
The batteries of alluring Sense.
In another poem, also, there is a beautiful simile, where the
orient dew, shed from the bosom of the Morn into the blowing
roses,' is by the warm sun exhaled back to the skies and so
becomes the symbol of a soul,
that drop, that ray,
Of the clear fountain of eternal day,
in its upward ascent to its eternal source. In other poems, besides,
we find not only grace and sweetness but, also, that high and
excellent seriousness which Aristotle asserts to be one of the grand
virtues of poetry, the high seriousness which comes of absolute
sincerity. There is one other poem which, composed some five
years after the Nun Appleton period, and combining delicacy and
depth of feeling with charm of melody, should not escape notice.
It is entitled Bermudas, and is descriptive of the experiences of
friends of bis who, in the days of Laud, were exiled to these islands
for conscience' sake. Though banished, they were not desolate,
for, as in their boat and by these shores they
rowed along,
The list'ning winds receivd their song.
It was a song of praise to Him who had led them through the
wat'ry maze, and, safe from the storms and prelat's rage,' had
brought them to a land of eternal spring, a land where, for
them, the very rocks
did frame
A temple, where to sound His name.
Thus sung they, in the English boat,
An holy and a cheerful note;
And all the way, to guide their chime,
With falling oars they kept the time.
While Marvell's poems were published in collected form in
1681, his Satires on the court and the court party, for obvious
reasons, remained unpublished till the revolution of 1688 had
become an accomplished fact. First circulated in MS, or, in some
cases, printed clandestinely, in 1689 they appeared in collected


## p. 183 (#199) ############################################

Marvell's Satires
183
form under the title Poems on Affairs of State, and throw curious
light on the history of the reigns of Charles II and James II, the
politics, manners and scandals of the time. As an example, take
the one described as An Historical Poem. When Clarendon saw
with a smile the wild rejoicings that greeted the return of king
Charles on his progress from Dover to London, he could not but
wonder, he said, where those people dwelt who had done all the
mischief, and kept the king so many years from enjoying the
comfort and support of such excellent subjects. In the satire
referred to, Marvell expresses his own feelings in humorous
fashion also, as he describes the king as :
Of a tall stature and of sable hue,
Much like the son of Kish, that lofty Jew,
Twelve years complete he suffered in exile,
And kept his father's asses all the while.
While these Satires came from Marvell’s pen long after the poems
of the Nun Appleton period, they were, in fact, a return to his
earliest form, for, when in Rome, in 1645, he wrote the lampoon
on Richard Flecknoe, an Irish priest, which is remembered now
only as having suggested the satire by Dryden in 1682 on the
laureate Shadwell. In Paris, also, somewhat later, Marvell wrote
a satire in Latin on a French abbé, whom he pronounced a
charlatan for undertaking to delineate character and prognosticate
fortune from the sight of a man's handwriting. In turning to
this form of literature he was but following in the wake of others
whose work has been discussed in a previous chapter of the
present work?
When we consider the main body of Marvell’s Satires, ex-
tending from about 1667 to the end of his life, we come to the
conclusion that it was as a patriot that he became a satirist.
Embittered by the degradation of his country in the disgraceful
days when Dutch ships of war were actually sailing up the Medway,
and feeling the hopelessness of anything like reform while cor-
ruption, open and shameless, reigned in the court and in public
departments, in trenchant fashion he assailed the abuses against
which he and the nobler spirits in the nation were contending.
His longest rimed satire of 1667, dealing with the Dutch wars, is
called Last Instructions to a Painter, a title derived from Waller's
panegyric poem, and is believed to have been first published
anonymously as a broadsheet in the August of that year. The
painter, whom he is supposed to be instructing, is to picture the
1 See ante, vol. IV, chap. XVI.


## p. 184 (#200) ############################################

184
Andrew Marvell
state as being without a fleet, and as being led by men whom
neither wit nor courage did exalt; he is to lay bare the dissolute-
ness of the court, and the dishonesty of state officials who follow
their leader, for he commands that pays; he is to show how, while
the Dutch their equipage renew,' the English navy yards lie idle,
the
6
orders run,
To lay the ships up, cease the keels begun;
meantime, store and wages find their way to the pockets of men
who are the obsequious lackeys of the court-'the ships are
unrigged, the forts unmanned, the money spent. ' These keen
home-thrusts were keenly felt by some of those whom they most
concerned. Pepys, himself a government official, felt compelled
to own their truth. In his Diary, under date 16 September, he
writes— Here I met with a fourth Advice to a Painter upon the
coming in of the Dutch and the End of the War, that made my
heart ake to read, it being too sharp and so true. ' There were
other satires of the same trenchant sort, and it has been said that
Marvell's merciless dissection of the blunders and intrigues of the
time led to the fall of lord Clarendon, with all the consequences
which that memorable event entailed.
Marvell’s prose works consist of a long series of Neus-letters,
which he wrote daily to his constituents on the doings in parlia-
ment, and also of certain controversial works to which he felt
impelled by his love of fair play. The letters were discovered
in the archives of the town of Hull by Edward Thompson and
published by him in 1776. They are continuous from 1660 to
1678, with the exception of a break of two years when he was
abroad in 1661, and another hiatus in 1671, and they throw
valuable historical light upon the proceedings in parliament at
a time when parliamentary reports had not yet begun. His chief
prose work, of another character, was his Rehearsal Transprosed.
The title of the book was suggested by a passage in the duke of
Buckingham's farce called The Rehearsal, which was the talk of
the town. It occurs in one of the scenes where Bayes (meaning
Dryden) speaks of what he calls his rule of transversion, by which
he says he takes a book, and, if it be prose, he puts it into verse,
and, if verse, he turns it into prose. To which Jonson replies that
a process of putting verse into prose should be called transprosing.
Marvell caught up this word, using it as part of the title of his book,
in which he held up to ridicule the writings of Samuel Parker,
one of the worst specimens of the ecclesiastics of Charles II's


## p. 185 (#201) ############################################

Present Day Verdict
185
reign. Bishop Burnet tells us that Parker, in reply to several
virulent books,
was attacked by the liveliest droll of the age, who wrote in a burlesque strain
read with pleasure from the king down to the tradesman. He not only
humbled Parker but the whole party. The author of the Rehearsal Trans-
prosed had all the men of wit, (or, as the French phrase it,) all the laughers,
on his side.
Yet, with all the grace and humour that light up his pages, there
was in Andrew Marvell a deep vein of serious earnestness; and in
his writings we find, not only wit and banter, but, also, passages of
powerful advocacy of great truths and of defence of public rights
wantonly violated. In other words, there was the puritan strain
in him, a spirit which resented and resisted unrighteousness and
wrong.
When we consider the number of editions of Marvell's Poems
issued between 1681 and 1776, it cannot be said that his works
lacked appreciation when they first appeared, and yet, in the last
quarter of the eighteenth century, they seem to have passed out
of sight, to be rediscovered in the century following. In a sonnet
of 1802, Wordsworth spoke of Marvell as one of the great men
there have been among us
hands that penned
And tongues that uttered wisdom-better none;
ranked him with those who called Milton friend,' who 'knew how
genuine glory was put on,' and who taught us
what strength was, that would not bend
But in magnanimous meekness.
Six years later, Charles Lamb, with his usual fine taste, appreci-
ated what he called the 'witty delicacy' of Marvell’s poems, and
others who have come after have endorsed this judgment, so that
it may be said that, after two centuries and a half, this seventeenth
century writer has come to his own, and 'is winning as high a
place as poet as he occupied as a patriot. '
6


## p. 186 (#202) ############################################

CHAPTER VIII
HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL WRITINGS
I
STATE PAPERS AND LETTERS
In the period of English history covered by this volume, the
system of government under which the nation still had its being s
was, in a great measure, determined, while the religious movement
which dominated the great conflict of the age deeply influenced,
for centuries to come, the principles followed by Englishmen in
their social relations and in the conduct of their lives. In such
times, when the minds of men are constantly strung up to action,
and when history, as the phrase runs, is being made every day,
there cannot but be a great storage, accompanied by an inevitable
waste, of historical materials. Now, materials of history, as such,
cannot claim to form part of historical literature, although some
of them-many speeches and letters, for instance-may often
possess artistic qualities entitling them to be included in it. Again,
much that is ostensibly meant to find a place among historical
works is often designed by the writer with a political intent;
while, in some exceptional instances, political writings, by virtue
of their dignity and fulness, come to rank as historical classics.
In an age when the two branches of composition were not only
inextricably interwoven, but, more or less consciously, confounded,
with each other; in which biographies and personal memoirs were
frequently written for public or party ends; while private letters
were habitually written for wide circles of readers; while speeches
were, at times, drawn up as summaries of long and complicated
public transactions—an exact classification of historical and
political writings under accepted heads becomes extremely diffi-
cult. Yet, obvious distinctions being kept generally in view, it
may prove possible both to illustrate the remarkable accumulation
in this period of materials for historical and political research and


## p. 187 (#203) ############################################

Rushworth's Collections
187
study, and to show to what degree the national literature was
directly enriched by contemporary efforts in the corresponding
fields of literary production. It is not, however, purposed in any
part of this or the following chapter to attempt more than a
selection, for mention or for comment, of writings marked out
as possessed of typical or individual interest.
The first great collection of English state papers is that of
John Rushworth, who was appointed clerk-assistant to the House
of Commons in April 1640, and secretary to the council of war
in 1645. Whatever may have been their political bias, his labours,
if only because of their priority to all others in the same field in
England, would deserve the lasting gratitude of all students of
English history. But his Collections of Private Passages of State,
Weighty Matters in Law, and Remarkable Proceedings in Five
Parliaments, of which the first volume, extending from 1618 to
1629, was published in the year before the restoration, were no
mere tentative beginning. The author's design was both com-
prehensive and deeply thought out. Being desirous of furnishing
a faithful account of the contention between the advocates of pre-
rogative and those of liberty which 'gave the Alarm to a Civil
War,' and for which he was in possession of an unusual abundance
of materials", he resolved to devote his attention mainly, though
not exclusively, to the domestic struggle, and, since, with regard to
this, he found forgery and fiction rampant in the unbridled
pamphlet literature of the age, to make the documents on which
his narrative was based the substantial part of his work. Thus,
in this and the following seven volumes of this edition (of which
the last, not published till 1680, ends with the trial of Strafford),
he set the first example of pragmatic history to be found in our
literature, and reviewed, under the searchlight of first-hand evi-
dence, a period whose records ran the risk of being permanently
distorted by a partisanship that cleft the very depths of the
national life?
The most important body of authentic materials for the history
of both the domestic and the foreign policy of Oliver Cromwell,
is the Collection of the State Papers of secretary John Thurloe
1 See post, chap. xv, as to Rushworth’s newspaper called The London Post.
? How erroneous it would be to suppose Rushworth’s Collections to be a dry series
of business documents, is shown, e. g. , by the extremely interesting narrative by arch-
bishop Abbot of his own sequestration (1627) reported in vol. 1 of the Stuart Tracts 17
(1903) from The English Garner, which includes not only a clear, and, in the circum-
stances, fair, account of the system of Laud, but, also, a curious sketch of the rise of
Buckingham.
in


## p. 188 (#204) ############################################

188
Historical and Political Writings
(1616—68), which extends from the year 1649 to the restoration,
with the addition of some papers belonging to the last eleven years
of Charles I. Against Thurloe, an 'antidote,' if it is to be so called,
was posthumously supplied in the important collection known as
the Clarendon State Papers preserved in the Bodleian and
calendared in three volumes. The first of these volumes, which
reaches to the year 1649, deals, to a great extent, with docu-
ments collected for the use of Clarendon when he was writing
the earlier books of his History of the Rebellion, together with
his own letters and the correspondence of his secretary Edgeman.
The second volume is concerned with copies of Charles II's dis- 7. 3
guised correspondence with members of the royal family and
royalists in England, and a series of newsletters addressed to
Edgeman by Richard Watson, an ejected fellow of Caius college,
and a similar series sent from London to Sir Edward Nicholas at
a
the Hague. The third contains a list of the state papers of the
years 1655 to 1657-records of plots and negotiations for the
restoration of the king, of which only a small proportion had been
previously printed.
If it is not always easy to discriminate between the public and
private letters of sovereigns, or of their ministers and agents at
home and abroad, and other important functionaries of state, this
difficulty often becomes an impossibility in the period now under
review. So long as the personal authority of the sovereign was
the very essence of the existing system of government, the sense
of that authority dominated all his communications, whether with
members of the royal family or with others; while a more or less
direct personal relation to the sovereign seemed to pervade
despatches, reports and letters of all kinds on business of state.
This feature finds abundant illustrations in the letters, noted
below, of ambassadors of the type of Sir Henry Wotton; and,
no doubt, some of the mental characteristics of James I led his
diplomatists to adapt their communications to the idiosyncrasy
of the recipient. The king's curiosity was endless, and his sagacity
fell little short of his curiosity; he loved a good story and was
quick in understanding the point of a joke? But it should also
be remembered that the early Stewart age had inherited from the
Elizabethan a prose diction intent upon the display of two qualities
not always mutually reconcileable-amplitude and point; so that
few men and women, least of all those whose epistles were likely
to pass through a succession of hands, sat down to write a letter
1 See bibliography as to The Prince's Cabala.


## p. 189 (#205) ############################################

Cromwell's Letters
189
without the desire of leaving it, when done, a finished production
in the way of style.
The letters of queen Henrietta Maria, including her corre-
spondence with the king, have been collated by Mrs Everett
Green from both the English and the French archives. Though,
in the case of the daughter of Henri IV, everything turned to
failure as, with him, most things ended in success, and, though,
with the best of intentions, her efforts largely contributed to
aggravate the misfortunes of her consort, she was a true daughter
of the one, as she was, in another sense, the true wife of the
other, king. Her letters have a style of their own, which, in the
earlier among them, is accentuated by her pretty broken English.
As the toils close round the king and she is perpetually urging
him to burst through them, the letters to her 'dear heart' gain in
intensity what they lose in charm. The correspondence, which
ought to have come to a close with her joyful message to her son
on his restoration—if you are torn to pieces in England with
“kindness," I have my share of it also in France'-drags to a
weary end, full of the miseries of money troubles and veiled
personal mysteries which seem still not to have been quite set
at rest.
A few words may seem in place here on the letters, and the
speeches, of Oliver Cromwell, which are alike familiar to modern
readers in Carlyle's subjective presentment. As Mrs Lomas, the
latest editor of these remains, puts the matter, Cromwell was an
accurate writer; and this makes it both possible and desirable
to restore the actual text of his letters. But the case is quite
different with the speeches; here, we have only what Cromwell
is reported to have said, sometimes taken down in shorthand only,
and often under disadvantages of time and place.
On the other hand, the frankness with which his thoughts are
laid bare as his sense of responsibility to the Divine source of
authority causes him to ignore all other considerations prevails
more and more completely as the speeches progress ; while such
is not the case with the letters. On the contrary, some of the
early letters, from the point of view of sincerity, are more 'con-
vincing' than a diplomatic communication to Mazarin or a mandate
to Cambridge university. Yet, as a whole, Cromwell's letters,
which, when necessity obliged, were matter-of-fact and businesslike,
are full of those touches of intimacy and those suggestions of indi-
vidual conviction which give to a letter its true charm and its real
force. Cromwell, if one may so put it, was a born letter-writer.


## p. 190 (#206) ############################################

190 Historical and Political Writings
Fairfax seems to have left to him the task of drawing up despatches
to Speaker Lenthall describing victorious actions; and Carlyle and
Gardiner agree that it was Cromwell himself who composed the
fateful manifesto of the army to the city of London. Few more
powerfully written state papers exist than the declaration of the
lord lieutenant of Ireland (in reply to the Roman Catholic council
of Kilkenny, 1650), though its account of earlier Irish history may
be regarded as more than doubtful'. Nothing, in its way, could
be more dignified than his message accepting the Oxford vice-
chancellorship’, or, again, more broad-minded than his advice to
his son Richard to recreate himself with ‘Sir Walter Raughley's
History' Among Cromwell's speeches, it is a difficult task to
select the most noteworthy. But it may not be amiss to direct
attention to two of them, as typical of his treatment of some of
the problems with which, in the course of his career, he found
himself face to face. In the great speech to the Barebones
parliament“, he raises a whole edifice of theory as to the elo-
quence of words and that of deeds; and the speech challenging
the confidence of his own first parliament is an unmistakably able
pronouncement, especially in reference to his own position.
Probably the most trustworthy text of any of his speeches is
that of the speech against the Levellers, revised by himself as
delivered in January 1655º.
The value of ambassadorial despatches as materials of history
was recognised at an early date. According to Bacon? , they are
ad historiam pretiosissima supellex ; and, in Sir George Carew's
introduction to his Relation of the State of France, addressed
to James I on Carew's return from his embassy to Henri IVS, the
original letters and papers of leading actors in the management
of affairs are described as the only true and unerring sources
of history. But, though Sarpi (father Paul), the illustrious
'
historian of the council of Trent (1619), by his use of materials of
this nature, had already set an example which, before long, was to
be followed by English historical writers, it had not occurred to
the statesmen and diplomatists of the reigns of Elizabeth and
James I to publish, or allow to be published, their works' of this
description; and, had it occurred to them, they would probably
soon have been made to change their minds.
6
1 Vol. II, pp. 5 ff. (Mrs Lomas's edition).
3 Vol. 11, p. 54.
• Vol. 11, pp. 339 ff.
? De Augmentis (1623).
2 Vol. 11, p. 180.
• Vol. , pp. 272 ff.
8 Vol. II, p. 405.
8 Printed in Birch's Negotiations.


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