They feed on the fruit of a species of stunted oak, which grows at the
bottom of the sea, and produces very large acorns.
bottom of the sea, and produces very large acorns.
Strabo
The longest day consists
of seventeen hours.
43. The countries beyond this which border upon the regions
uninhabitable on account of their cold, have no interest to the
geographer. He who desires to learn about them, and the celestial
phenomena which Hipparchus has described, but which we pass over as
being too much in detail for our present undertaking, must seek for them
in that author. The statements of Posidonius concerning the periscii,
the amphiscii, and the heteroscii are likewise too detailed. Still we
must touch on these points sufficiently to explain his view, and to
point out how far such matters are serviceable in geography, and how far
not. The terms made use of refer to the shadows cast from the sun. The
sun appears to the senses to describe a circle parallel to that of the
earth. [972] Of those people for whom each revolution of the earth
produces a day and a night, the sun being carried first over, then
under, the earth, some are denominated amphiscii, others heteroscii. The
amphiscii are the inhabitants of countries in which when a gnomon is
placed perpendicularly on a plane surface, the shadow which it casts at
mid-day, falls first to one side then to the other, as the sun illumines
first this side, then that. This however only occurs in places situated
between the tropics. The heteroscii are those amongst whom the shadow
always falls to the north, as with us; or to the south, as amongst
those who inhabit the other temperate zone. This occurs in all those
regions where the arctic circle is less than the tropic. Where however
it becomes the same as or greater than the tropic, this shows the
commencement of the periscii, who extend thence to the pole. In regions
where the sun remains above the horizon during an entire revolution of
the earth, the shadow must evidently have turned in a complete circle
round the gnomon. On this account he named them periscii. However they
have nought to do with geography, inasmuch as the regions are not
habitable on account of the cold, as we stated in our review of Pytheas.
Nor is there any use in determining the size of this uninhabitable
region, [it is enough to have established] that those countries, having
the tropic for their arctic circle, are situated beneath the circle
which is described by the pole of the zodiac[973] in the [diurnal]
revolution of the earth, and that the distance between the equator and
the tropic equals four-sixtieths of the great circle [of the earth].
_Note. _ The pages of Casaubon’s edition of 1620 are given to
facilitate reference to various editions and translations of Strabo.
BOOK III.
SPAIN.
CHAPTER I.
1. Having thus given a general view of Geography, it will now be proper
to describe each separate country in detail, as we engaged to do. We
fancy that the method which we have adopted in the division of our
subject, up to this point, has been correct; and we now recommence with
Europe and the various countries into which it is divided, on the same
principles as formerly, and induced by the same reasons.
2. The first division of this continent towards the west is Iberia, as
we before stated. The greater part of this country is but little fitted
for habitation; consisting chiefly of mountains, woods, and plains
covered with a light meagre soil, the irrigation of which is likewise
uncertain. The part next the north, which borders on the ocean, is
extremely cold, and besides its rugged character, has no communication
or intercourse with other [countries], and thus to dwell there is
attended with peculiar hardship. Such is the character of this portion;
on the other hand, almost the whole of the south is fertile, especially
what is beyond the Pillars [of Hercules]. This however will be shown
more in detail, but we must first describe the figure and extent [of the
country].
3. In shape it resembles a hide stretched out in length from west to
east, the forepart[974] towards the east, its breadth being from north
to south. Its length is about 6000 stadia; the greatest breadth is 5000;
while there are parts considerably less [CAS. 137] than 3000,
particularly in the vicinity of the Pyrenees, which form the eastern
side. This chain of mountains stretches without interruption from north
to south,[975] and divides Keltica[976] from Iberia. The breadth both of
Keltica and Iberia is irregular, the narrowest part in both of them from
the Mediterranean to the [Atlantic] Ocean being near the Pyrenees,
particularly on either side of that chain; this gives rise to gulfs both
on the side of the Ocean, and also of the Mediterranean; the largest of
these are denominated the Keltic or Galatic Gulfs,[977] and they render
the [Keltic] Isthmus narrower than that of Iberia. [978] The Pyrenees
form the eastern side of Iberia, and the Mediterranean the southern from
the Pyrenees to the Pillars of Hercules, thence the exterior
[ocean][979] as far as the Sacred Promontory. [980] The third or western
side runs nearly parallel to the Pyrenees from the Sacred Promontory to
the promontory of the Artabri, called [Cape] Nerium. [981] The fourth
side extends hence to the northern extremity of the Pyrenees.
4. We will now commence our detailed account, beginning from the Sacred
Promontory. This is the most western point not only of Europe, but of
the whole habitable earth. For the habitable earth is bounded to the
west by two continents, namely, the extremities of Europe and
Libya,[982] which are inhabited respectively by the Iberians and the
Maurusians. [983] But the Iberian extremity, at the promontory[984] we
have mentioned, juts out beyond the other as much as 1500 stadia. [985]
The region adjacent to this cape they call in the Latin tongue
_Cuneum_,[986] which signifies _a wedge_. The promontory which projects
into the sea, Artemidorus (who states that he has himself been at the
place) compares to a ship; three little islands, [he says,] each having
a small harbour, contribute to give it this form; the former island
resembling the beak of the ship, and the two latter the beams on each
side of the ship’s bows. [He adds] that there is no temple of Hercules
shown there, as Ephorus falsely states, nor yet any altar [to him] nor
to any other divinity; but in many parts there are three or four stones
placed together, which are turned by all travellers who arrive there, in
accordance with a certain local custom, and are changed in position by
such as turn them incorrectly. [987] It is not lawful to offer sacrifice
there, nor yet to approach the place during the night, for it is said
that then the gods take up their abode at the place. Those who go
thither to view it stay at a neighbouring village over-night, and
proceed to the place on the morrow, carrying water with them, as there
is none to be procured there.
5. It is quite possible that these things are so, and we ought not to
disbelieve them. Not so however with regard to the other common and
vulgar reports; for Posidonius tells us the common people say that in
the countries next the ocean the sun appears larger as he sets, and
makes a noise resembling the sound of hot metal in cold water, as though
the sea were hissing as the sun was submerged in its depths. The
statement [of Artemidorus] is also false, that night follows immediately
on the setting of the sun: it does not follow immediately, although
certainly the interval is short, as in other great seas. For when he
sets behind mountains the agency of the false light continues the day
for a long period; over the sea the twilight is shorter, still darkness
does not immediately supervene. The same thing may be remarked in large
plains. The image of the sun is enlarged on the seas at its rising as
well as at its setting, because at these times a larger mass of
[CAS. 138] exhalations rises from the humid element; and the eye looking
through these exhalations, sees images refracted into larger forms, as
observed through tubes. The same thing happens when the setting sun or
moon is seen through a dry and thin cloud, when those bodies likewise
appear reddish. [988] Posidonius tells us that, having himself passed
thirty days at Gades,[989] during which time he carefully observed the
setting of the sun, he is convinced of the falsity of Artemidorus’s
account. This latter writer tells us, that at the time of its setting
the sun appears a hundred times larger than its ordinary size, and that
night immediately succeeds. If we attend to his account, we cannot
believe that he himself remarked this phenomenon at the Sacred
Promontory,[990] for he tells us that no one can approach during the
night; therefore they cannot approach at sunset, since night immediately
supervenes thereupon. Neither did he observe it from any other part of
the coast washed by the ocean, for Gades is upon the ocean, and both
Posidonius and many others testify that there such is not the case.
6. The sea-coast next the Sacred Promontory forms on one side the
commencement of the western coast of Spain as far as the outlet of the
river Tagus; and on the other forms the southern coast as far as the
outlet of another river, named the Guadiana. [991] Both of these rivers
descend from the eastern parts [of Spain]; but the former, which is much
larger than the other, pursues a straight course towards the west, while
the Guadiana bends its course towards the south. [992] They enclose an
extent of country peopled for the most part by Kelts and certain
Lusitanians,[993] whom the Romans caused to settle here from the
opposite side of the Tagus. Higher up, the country is inhabited by the
Carpetani,[994] the Oretani,[995] and a large number of Vettones. [996]
This district is moderately fertile, but that which is beyond it to the
east and south, does not give place in superiority to any part of the
habitable earth with which it may be compared, in the excellence of its
productions both of land and sea. This is the country through which the
river Guadalquiver[997] flows. This river takes its rise from the same
parts as the Guadiana[998] and the Tagus, and is between these two in
size. [999] Like the Guadiana, the commencement of its course flows
towards the west, but it afterwards turns to the south, and discharges
itself at the same side of the coast as that river.
From this river[997] the country has received the name of Bætica; it is
called Turdetania by the inhabitants, who are themselves denominated
Turdetani, and Turduli. Some think these two names refer to one nation,
while others believe that they designate two distinct people. Of this
latter opinion is Polybius, who imagines that the Turduli dwell more to
the north than the Turdetani. At the present day however there does not
appear to be any distinction between them. These people are esteemed to
be the most intelligent of all the Iberians; they have an alphabet, and
possess ancient writings, poems, and metrical laws six thousand years
old, as they say. The other Iberians are likewise furnished with an
alphabet, although not of the same form, nor do they speak the same
language. Their country,[1000] which is on this side the [CAS. 139]
Guadiana, extends eastward as far as Oretania,[1001] and southward along
the sea-coast from the outlets of the Guadiana to the Pillars [of
Hercules]. But it is necessary that I should enter into further
particulars concerning this and the neighbouring places, in order to
illustrate their excellence and fertility.
7. Between this coast, where the Guadalquiver and Guadiana discharge
themselves, and the extremities of Maurusia, the Atlantic Ocean forms
the strait at the Pillars [of Hercules] by which it is connected with
the Mediterranean. Here is situated Calpe,[1002] the mountain of the
Iberians who are denominated Bastetani, by others Bastuli. Its
circumference is not large, but it is so high and steep as to resemble
an island in the distance. Sailing from the Mediterranean into the
Atlantic, it is left on the right hand. At a distance of 40 stadia from
this [mountain] is the considerable and ancient city of Carteia,
formerly a marine arsenal of the Iberians. Some assert that it was
founded by Hercules; of this number is Timosthenes,[1003] who tells us
it was anciently called Heraclæa, and that vast walls and ship-sheds are
still shown.
8. Next to these is Mellaria,[1004] where they make salted provisions.
After this the city and river[1005] of Belo. Here the merchandise and
salted provisions for Tingis in Maurusia are principally shipped. There
was a city named Zelis[1006] near to Tingis, but the Romans transferred
it to the opposite coast [of Spain], and having placed there in addition
some of the inhabitants of Tingis, and sent over also some of their own
people, they then gave to the city the name of Julia Joza. [1007] Beyond
this is Gadeira,[1008] an island separated from Turdetania by a narrow
strait, and distant from Calpe about 750 stadia, or, as others say, 800.
This island has nothing to distinguish it above others, but owing to the
boldness of its people in their expeditions by sea, and their
friendship with the Romans, has attained to that pitch of good fortune,
that although situated at the farthest extremities of the earth, it
possesses a greater celebrity than any other island. But we will
describe it when we come to speak of the other islands.
9. Next after [Cadiz] is the port of Menestheus,[1009] and the estuary
near to Asta and Nebrissa. [1010] These estuaries are valleys filled by
the sea during its flood-tides, up which you may sail into the interior,
and to the cities built on them, in the same way as you sail up a river.
Immediately after are the two outlets of the Guadalquiver. [1011] The
island embraced by these mouths has a coast of a hundred stadia, or
rather more according to others. Hereabouts is the Oracle of
Menestheus,[1012] and the tower of Cæpio,[1013] built upon a rock and
washed on all sides by the sea. This is an admirable work, resembling
the Pharos, and constructed for the safety of vessels. For the mud
carried out by the river forms shallows, and sunken rocks are also
scattered before it, so that a beacon was greatly needed. Thence sailing
up the river is the city of Ebura,[1014] and the temple of
Phosphorus,[1015] which they call _Lux Dubia_. [1016] You then pass up
the other estuaries; and after these the river Guadiana, which has also
two mouths,[1017] up either of which you may sail. Lastly, beyond is the
Sacred Promontory,[1018] distant from Gadeira[1019] less than 2000
stadia. Some say that from the Sacred Promontory to the mouth of the
Guadiana there are 60 miles; thence to the mouth of the Guadalquiver
100; and from this latter place to Gadeira 70.
CHAPTER II.
[CASAUB. 141] 1. Turdetania lies above the coast on this side the
Guadiana,[1020] and is intersected by the river Guadalquiver. [1021] It
is bounded on the west and north by the river Guadiana; on the east by
certain of the Carpetani and the Oretani; on the south by those of the
Bastetani who inhabit the narrow slip of coast between Calpe and
Gadeira, and by the sea beyond as far as the Guadiana. The Bastetani
whom I have mentioned, together with the people on the other side the
Guadiana, and many of the places adjacent, belong to Turdetania. The
size of this country in its length and breadth does not exceed two
thousand stadia, still it contains a vast number of towns; two hundred,
it is said. Those best known are situated on the rivers, estuaries, and
sea; but the two which have acquired the greatest name and importance
are, Corduba, founded by Marcellus,[1022] and the city of the
Gaditanians. [1023] The latter for its naval importance, and its alliance
with the Romans; and the former on account of its fertility and extent,
a considerable portion of the Guadalquiver flowing by it; in addition to
this it has been from its commencement inhabited by picked men, whether
natives or Romans; and it was the first colony planted by the Romans in
these parts.
After this city and that of the Gaditanians, Hispalis[1024] is the most
noted. This also is a Roman colony. Commerce is still carried on here,
although at the present moment the city of Bætis[1025] though not so
finely built, is outshining it, on account of the honour it has received
from the soldiers of Cæsar taking up their quarters there.
2. After these are Italica,[1026] and Ilipa,[1027] situated on the
Guadalquiver; farther on are Astygis,[1028] Carmo,[1029] and Obulco; and
besides these Munda,[1030] Ategua, Urso,[1031] Tukkis,[1032]
Julia,[1033] and Ægua, where the sons of Pompey were defeated. None of
these places are far from Corduba. Munda is in some sort regarded as the
metropolis of the whole district. This place is distant from Carteia
1400[1034] stadia, and it was here that Cnæus fled after his defeat, and
sailing thence landed on a rocky height overlooking the sea, where he
was murdered. His brother Sextus, having escaped from Corduba, after
carrying on the war for a short time in Spain, caused a revolt in
Sicily. Flying thence into Asia he was seized at Miletus[1035] by the
generals[1036] of Antony, and executed. Amongst the Kelts the most
famous place is Conistorgis. [1037] Upon the estuaries is Asta,[1038] in
which the Gaditani mostly hold their assemblies; it is opposite the
sea-port of the island, at a distance of not more than 100 stadia.
3. A vast number of people dwell along the Guadalquiver; and you may
sail up it almost 1200 stadia from the sea to Corduba, and the places a
little higher up. The banks and little islets of this river are
cultivated with the greatest diligence. [CASAUB. 142. ] The eye is also
delighted with groves and gardens, which in this district are met with
in the highest perfection. As far as Ispalis, which is a distance of not
less than 500 stadia, the river is navigable for ships[1039] of
considerable size; but for the cities higher up, as far as Ilipas,
smaller vessels are employed, and thence to Corduba river-boats. These
are now constructed of planks joined together, but they were formerly
made out of a single trunk. Above this to Castlon the river is no longer
navigable. A chain of mountains, rich in metal, runs parallel to the
Guadalquiver,[1040] approaching the river sometimes more, sometimes
less, towards the north.
There is much silver found in the parts about Ilipas and Sisapo, both in
that which is called the old town and the new. There are copper and gold
about the Cotinæ. [1041] These mountains are on the left as you sail up
the river; on the right there is a vast and elevated plain, fertile,
full of large trees, and containing excellent pasturage. The
Guadiana[1042] is likewise navigable, but not for vessels equally large,
nor yet so far up. It is also bordered by mountains containing metal,
and extends as far as the Tagus. Districts which contain metals must, of
necessity, be rugged and poor,[1043] as indeed are those adjoining
Carpetania, and still more those next the Keltiberians. The same is the
case with Bæturia, the plains of which, bordering on the Guadiana, are
arid.
4. Turdetania, on the other hand, is marvellously fertile, and abounds
in every species of produce. The value of its productions is doubled by
means of exportation, the surplus products finding a ready sale amongst
the numerous ship-owners. This results from its rivers and estuaries,
which, as we have said, resemble rivers, and by which you may sail from
the sea to the inland towns, not only in small, but even in large-sized
skiffs. For the whole country above the coast, and situated between the
Sacred Promontory[1044] and the Pillars, consists of an extended plain.
Here in many places are hollows running inland from the sea, which
resemble moderately-sized ravines or the beds of rivers, and extend for
many stadia. These are filled by the approach of the sea at high tide,
and may be navigated as easily, or even more so than rivers. They are
navigated much the same as rivers; the sea, meeting with no obstacle,
enters like the flow of a river at flood-tide. The sea comes in here
with greater force than in the other places; for being forced from the
wide ocean into the narrow strait,[1045] formed by the coast of Maurusia
and Iberia, it experiences recoils, and thus is borne full into the
retiring parts of the land. Some of these shallows are left dry as the
tide ebbs, while others are never destitute of water; others again
contain islands, of this kind are the estuaries between the Sacred
Promontory[1046] and the Pillars, where the tide comes in with more
violence than at other places. Such a tide is of considerable advantage
to sailors, since it makes the estuaries both fuller and more spacious,
frequently swelling them to a breadth of eight[1047] stadia, so that the
whole land, so to speak, is rendered navigable, thus giving wonderful
facility both for the export and import of merchandise. Nevertheless
there is some inconvenience. For in the navigation of the rivers, the
sailors run considerable danger both in ascending and descending, owing
to the violence with which the flood-tide encounters the current of the
stream as it flows down. The ebb-tides are likewise the cause of much
damage in these estuaries, for resulting as they do from the same cause
as the flood-tides, they are frequently so rapid as to leave the vessel
on dry land; and herds in passing over to the islands that are in these
estuaries are sometimes drowned [in the passage] and sometimes surprised
in the islands, and endeavouring to cross back again to the continent,
are unable, and perish in the attempt. They say that certain of the
cattle, having narrowly observed what takes place, wait till the sea has
retired, and then cross over to the mainland.
5. The men [of the country], being well acquainted with the nature of
these places, and that the estuaries would very well answer the same
purpose as rivers, founded cities and other settlements along them the
same as along rivers. Of this number are Asta, Nebrissa,[1048]
Onoba,[1049] Ossonoba, Mænoba,[CASAUB. 143] besides many others. The
canals which have been cut in various directions are also found useful
in the traffic which is carried on between place and place, both amongst
the people themselves and with foreigners. The conflux of water at the
flood-tides is also valuable, as rendering navigable the isthmuses which
separate the different pieces of water, thus making it possible to ferry
over from the rivers into the estuaries, and from the estuaries into the
rivers. Their trade is wholly carried on with Italy and Rome. The
navigation is excellent as far as the Pillars, (excepting perhaps some
little difficulties at the Strait,) and equally so on the Mediterranean,
where the voyages are very calm, especially to those who keep the high
seas. This is a great advantage to merchant-vessels. The winds on the
high seas blow regularly; and peace reigns there now, the pirates having
been put down, so that in every respect the voyage is facile. Posidonius
tells us he observed the singular phenomenon in his journey from
Iberia,[1050] that in this sea, as far as the Gulf of Sardinia, the
south-east[1051] winds blow periodically. And on this account he strove
in vain for three whole months to reach Italy, being driven about by the
winds against the Gymnesian islands,[1052] Sardinia, and the opposite
coasts of Libya.
6. Large quantities of corn and wine are exported from Turdetania,
besides much oil, which is of the first quality;[1053] also wax, honey,
pitch, large quantities of the kermes-berry,[1054] and vermilion not
inferior to that of Sinope. [1055] The country furnishes the timber for
their ship-building. They have likewise mineral salt, and not a few salt
streams. A considerable quantity of salted fish is exported, not only
from hence, but also from the remainder of the coast beyond the Pillars,
equal to that of Pontus. Formerly they exported large quantities of
garments, but they now send the [unmanufactured] wool, which is superior
even to that of the Coraxi,[1056] and remarkable for its beauty. Rams
for the purpose of covering fetch a talent. The stuffs manufactured by
the Saltiatæ[1057] are of incomparable texture. There is a
super-abundance of cattle, and a great variety of game: while, on the
other hand, of destructive animals there are scarcely any, with the
exception of certain little hares which burrow in the ground, and are
called by some leberides. [1058] These creatures destroy both seeds and
trees by gnawing their roots. They are met with throughout almost the
whole of Iberia,[1059] and extend to Marseilles, infesting likewise the
islands. It is said that formerly the inhabitants of the Gymnesian
islands[1060] sent a deputation to the Romans soliciting that a new land
might be given them, as they were quite driven out of their country by
these animals, being no longer able to stand against their vast
multitudes. [1061] It is possible that people should be obliged to have
recourse to such an expedient for help in waging war in so great an
extremity, which however but seldom happens, and is a plague produced by
some pestilential state of the atmosphere, which at other times has
produced serpents and rats in like abundance; but for the ordinary
increase of these little hares, many ways of hunting have been devised,
amongst others by wild cats from Africa,[1062] trained for the purpose.
Having muzzled these, they turn them into the holes, when they either
drag out the animals they find there with their claws, or compel them to
fly to the surface of the earth, where they are taken by people standing
by for that purpose. The large amount of the exports from Turdetania is
evinced by the size and number of their ships. Merchant-vessels of the
greatest size sail thence to Dicæarchia[1063] and [CAS. 145] Ostia, a
Roman port; they are in number nearly equal to those which arrive from
Libya.
7. Such is the wealth of the inland part of Turdetania, and its maritime
portions are found fully to equal it in the richness of their
sea-productions. In fact, oysters and every variety of shell-fish,
remarkable both for their number and size, are found along the whole of
the exterior sea, but here in particular. It is probable that the flow
and ebb tides, which are particularly strong here, contribute both to
their quantity and size, on account of the great number of pools and
standing waters which they form. [1064] The same is the case with regard
to all kinds of cetacea, narwhals, whales, and physeteri,[1065] which
when they blow [up the water from their snouts] appear to observers from
a distance to resemble a cloud shaped like a column. The congers are
quite monstrous, far surpassing in size those of our [sea];[1066] so are
the lampreys, and many other fish of the same kind. It is said that in
Carteia there are kerukæ[1067] and cuttle-fish which would contain as
much as ten cotylæ. [1068] In the parts more exterior there are lampreys
and congers weighing 80 minæ,[1069] and polypes a talent,[1070] also
teuthidæ[1071] two cubits in length, with other fish in proportion.
Shoals of rich fat thunny are driven hither from the sea-coast beyond.
They feed on the fruit of a species of stunted oak, which grows at the
bottom of the sea, and produces very large acorns. The same oaks grow in
large numbers throughout the land of Iberia, their roots are of the same
size as those of the full-grown oak, although the tree itself never
attains the height of a low shrub. So great is the quantity of fruit
which it produces, that at the season when they are ripe, the whole
coast on either side of the Pillars is covered with acorns which have
been thrown up by the tides: the quantity however is always less on
this side the Pillars [than on the other]. Polybius states that these
acorns are ejected [by the sea] as far as [the shores of] Latium,
unless, he adds, Sardo[1072] and the neighbouring districts also produce
them. The thunny-fish become gradually thinner, owing to the failure of
their food, as they approach the Pillars from the outer sea. This fish,
in fact, may be regarded as a kind of sea-hog, being fond of the acorn,
and growing marvellously fat upon it; and whenever acorns are abundant,
thunny-fish are abundant likewise.
8. Of the various riches of the aforenamed country,[1073] not the least
is its wealth in metals: this every one will particularly esteem and
admire. Of metals, in fact, the whole country of the Iberians is full,
although it is not equally fertile and flourishing throughout,
especially in those parts where the metals most abound. It is seldom
that any place is blessed with both these advantages, and likewise
seldom that the different kinds of metals abound in one small territory.
Turdetania, however, and the surrounding districts surpass so entirely
in this respect, that however you may wish, words cannot convey their
excellence. Gold, silver, copper, and iron, equal in amount and of
similar quality, not having been hitherto discovered in any other part
of the world. [1074] Gold is not only dug from the mines, but likewise
collected; sand containing gold being washed down by the rivers and
torrents. It is frequently met with in arid districts, but here the gold
is not visible to the sight, whereas in those which are overflowed the
grains of gold are seen glittering. On this account they cause water to
flow over the arid places in order to make the grains shine; they also
dig pits, and make use of other contrivances for washing the sand, and
separating the gold from it; so that at the present day more gold is
procured by washing than by digging it from the mines. The Galatæ affirm
that the mines along the Kemmenus mountains[1075] and their side of the
Pyrenees are superior; but most people prefer those on this side. They
say that sometimes amongst the [CAS. 146] grains of gold lumps have been
found weighing half a pound, these they call _palæ_; they need but
little refining. [1076] They also say that in splitting open stones they
find small lumps, resembling paps. And that when they have melted the
gold, and purified it by means of a kind of aluminous earth, the residue
left is _electrum_. This, which contains a mixture of silver and gold,
being again subjected to the fire, the silver is separated and the gold
left [pure]; for this metal is easily dissipated and fat,[1077] and on
this account gold is most easily melted by straw, the flame of which is
soft, and bearing a similarity [to the gold], causes it easily to
dissolve: whereas coal, besides wasting a great deal, melts it too much
by reason of its vehemence, and carries it off [in vapour]. In the beds
of the rivers the sand is either collected and washed in boats close by,
or else a pit is dug to which the earth is carried and there washed. The
furnaces for silver are constructed lofty, in order that the vapour,
which is dense and pestilent, may be raised and carried off. Certain of
the copper mines are called gold mines, which would seem to show that
formerly gold was dug from them.
9. Posidonius, in praising the amount and excellence of the metals,
cannot refrain from his accustomed rhetoric, and becomes quite
enthusiastic in exaggeration. He tells us we are not to disbelieve the
fable, that formerly the forests having been set on fire, the earth,
which was loaded with silver and gold, melted, and threw up these metals
to the surface, forasmuch as every mountain and wooded hill seemed to be
heaped up with money by a lavish fortune. Altogether (he remarks) any
one seeing these places, could only describe them as the inexhaustible
treasuries of nature, or the unfailing exchequer of some potentate; for
not only, he tells us, is this land rich itself, but riches abound
beneath it. So that amongst these people the subterraneous regions
should not be regarded as the realms of Pluto, but of Plutus. Such is
the flourished style in which he speaks on this subject, that you would
fancy his turgid language had been dug from a mine itself. Discoursing
on the diligence of the miners, he applies to them the remark [of
Demetrius] of Phalaris, who, speaking of the silver mines of Attica,
said that the men there dug with as much energy as if they thought they
could grub up Plutus himself. He compares with these the activity and
diligence of the Turdetani, who are in the habit of cutting tortuous and
deep tunnels, and draining the streams which they frequently encounter
by means of Egyptian screws. [1078] As for the rest,[1079] they are quite
different from the Attic miners, whose mining (he remarks) may be justly
compared to that enigma,[1080] What I have taken up I have not kept, and
what I have got I have thrown away. Whereas the Turdetanians make a good
profit, since a fourth part of the ore which they extract from the
copper mines is [pure] copper, while from the silver mines one person
has taken as much as a Eubœan talent. He says that tin is not found upon
the surface, as authors commonly relate, but that it is dug up; and that
it is produced both in places among the barbarians who dwell beyond the
Lusitanians and in the islands Cassiterides; and that from the Britannic
Islands it is carried to Marseilles. Amongst the Artabri,[1081] who are
the last of the Lusitanians towards the north and west, he tells us that
the earth is powdered with silver, tin, and white gold, that is, mixed
with silver, the earth having been brought down by the rivers: this the
women scrape up with spades, and wash in sieves, woven after the fashion
of baskets. Such is the [CAS. 147] substance of what [Posidonius] tells
us concerning the mines [of Iberia].
10. Polybius, speaking of the silver mines of New Carthage,[1082] tells
us that they are extremely large, distant from the city about 20 stadia,
and occupy a circuit of 400 stadia, that there are 40,000 men regularly
engaged in them, and that they yield daily to the Roman people [a
revenue of] 25,000 drachmæ. The rest of the process I pass over, as it
is too long, but as for the silver ore collected, he tells us that it is
broken up, and sifted through sieves over water; that what remains is to
be again broken, and the water having been strained off, it is to be
sifted and broken a third time. The dregs which remain after the fifth
time are to be melted, and the lead being poured off, the silver is
obtained pure. These silver mines still exist; however they are no
longer the property of the state, neither these nor those elsewhere, but
are possessed by private individuals. The gold mines, on the contrary,
nearly all belong to the state. Both at Castlon[1083] and other places
there are singular lead mines worked. They contain a small proportion of
silver, but not sufficient to pay for the expense of refining.
11. Not far from Castlon is the mountain in which they report that the
[river] Guadalquiver[1084] takes its rise. They call it silver mountain
on account of the silver mines which it contains. [1085] Polybius asserts
that both the Guadiana[1086] and this river have their sources in
Keltiberia, notwithstanding they are separated from each other by a
distance of 900 stadia;[1087] [this we are to attribute to] the
Keltiberians having increased in power, and having consequently
conferred their name on the surrounding country. It appears the ancients
knew the Guadalquiver under the name of the Tartessus, and Gades[1088]
with the neighbouring islands under that of Erythia; and it is thought
that we should understand in this sense the words of Stesichorus[1089]
concerning the pastoral poet Geryon, that he was born “almost opposite
to the renowned Erythia, in a rocky cave near to the abundant springs of
the silver-bedded river Tartessus. ” They say that on the piece of land
enclosed between the two outlets of this river there formerly stood a
city named, like the river, Tartessus, and that the district was called
Tartessis, which the Turduli now inhabit. Eratosthenes likewise tells us
that the [country] near to Calpe[1090] was called Tartessis, and also
Erythia the Fortunate Island. This Artemidorus contradicts, and says
that it is as false as his other statements, that the Sacred
Promontory[1091] is distant from Gades[1092] five days’ sail, when in
fact they are [distant from each other] not more than 1700 stadia. [1093]
Likewise that the tide ceased at this point, whereas it passes round the
whole circuit of the habitable earth. That it is easier to pass from the
northern parts of Iberia into Keltica,[1094] than to proceed thither by
sea; with many other things which he asserted on the faith of that
charlatan Pytheas.
12. Our poet [Homer] being very explicit, and possessing great
experience, gives one cause to believe that he was not unfamiliar with
these localities. Of this any one may be convinced who will examine
carefully what has been written on these points, both the incorrect
[comments], and likewise those which are better and more truthful. One
amongst these incorrect ideas is, that he considered [Tartessis] to be
the farthest country towards the west, where, as he himself expresses
it,
The radiant sun in ocean sank,
Drawing night after him o’er all the earth. [1095]
Now, since it is evident that night is ominous, and near to Hades, and
Hades to Tartarus, it seems probable that [Homer], having heard of
Tartessus, took thence the name of Tartarus to distinguish the farthest
of the places beneath the earth, also embellishing it with fable in
virtue of the poetic licence. In the same way, knowing that the
Cimmerians dwelt in northern and dismal territories near to the
Bosphorus, he located them [CAS. 149] in the vicinity of Hades; perhaps
also on account of the common hatred of the Ionians against this people.
For they say that in the time of Homer, or a little before, the
Cimmerians made an incursion as far as Æolia and Ionia. Always drawing
his fables from certain real facts, his Planetæ[1096] are modelled on
the Cyaneæ. He describes them as dangerous rocks, as they tell us the
Cyaneæan rocks are, [and] on which account [in fact] they are called
Symplegades. [1097] He adds to this [the account of] Jason’s navigating
through the midst of them. The Straits of the Pillars[1098] and
Sicily,[1099] likewise, suggested to him the fable of the Planetæ. Thus,
even according to the worst comments, from the fiction of Tartarus any
one might gather that Homer was acquainted with the regions about
Tartessus.
13. Of these facts, notwithstanding, there are better proofs. For
instance, the expeditions of Hercules and the Phœnicians to this country
were evidence to him of the wealth and luxury of the people. They fell
so entirely under the dominion of the Phœnicians, that at the present
day almost the whole of the cities of Turdetania and the neighbouring
places are inhabited by them. It also seems to me that the expedition of
Ulysses hither, as it took place and was recorded, was the foundation
both of his Odyssey and Iliad, which he framed upon facts collected into
a poem, and embellished as usual with poetical mythology. It is not only
in Italy, Sicily, and a few other places that vestiges of these [events]
occur; even in Iberia a city is shown named Ulyssea,[1100] also a temple
of Minerva, and a myriad other traces both of the wandering of Ulysses
and also of other survivors of the Trojan war, which was equally fatal
to the vanquished and those who took Troy. These latter in fact gained a
Cadmean victory,[1101] for their homes were destroyed, and the portion
of booty which fell to each was exceedingly minute. Consequently not
only those who had survived the perils [of their country], but the
Greeks as well, betook themselves to piracy, the former because they
had been pillaged of every thing; the latter, on account of the shame
which each one anticipated to himself:
“The shame
That must attend us, after absence long
Returning unsuccessful, who can bear? ”[1102]
In the same way is related the wandering of Æneas, of Antenor, and of
the Heneti; likewise of Diomedes, of Menelaus, of Ulysses,[1103] and of
many others. Hence the poet, knowing of similar expeditions to the
extremities of Iberia, and having heard of its wealth and other
excellencies, (which the Phœnicians had made known,) feigned this to be
the region of the Blessed, and the Plain of Elysium, where Proteus
informs Menelaus that he is to depart to:
“But far hence the gods
Will send thee to Elysium, and the earth’s
Extremest bounds; there Rhadamanthus dwells,
The golden-haired, and there the human kind
Enjoy the easiest life; no snow is there,
No biting winter, and no drenching shower,
But zephyr always gently from the sea
Breathes on them to refresh the happy race. ”[1104]
Now the purity of the air, and the gentle breathing of the zephyr, are
both applicable to this country, as well as the softness of the climate,
its position in the west, and its place at the extremities of the earth,
where, as we have said, he feigned that Hades was. By coupling
Rhadamanthus with it, he signifies that the place was near to Minos, of
whom he says,
“There saw I Minos, offspring famed of Jove;
His golden sceptre in his hand, he sat
Judge of the dead. ”[1105]
Similar to these are the fables related by later poets; such, for
instance, as the expeditions after the oxen of Geryon, and the [CAS.
150] golden apples of the Hesperides, the Islands of the Blessed[1106]
they speak of, which we know are still pointed out to us not far distant
from the extremities of Maurusia, and opposite to Gades.
14. I repeat that the Phœnicians were the discoverers [of these
countries], for they possessed the better part of Iberia and Libya
before the time of Homer, and continued masters of those places until
their empire was overthrown by the Romans. This also is an evidence of
the wealth of Iberia: in the expedition of the Carthaginians under
Barcas,[1107] they found, according to historians, that the people of
Turdetania used silver goblets[1108] and casks. One might guess too that
it was on account of this great opulence that the men of the country,
and their chiefs in particular, were styled long-lived. Wherefore
Anacreon thus sings,
“Neither would I desire the horn of Amalthea, nor to reign over
Tartessus one hundred and fifty years. ”
Herodotus too has preserved the name of the king, whom he calls
Arganthonius. [1109] The passage of Anacreon must therefore either be
understood [of this king], or some other like him; or else more
generally thus, “nor to reign for a lengthened period in Tartessus. ”
Some writers[1110] are of opinion that Tartessus is the present Carteia.
15. The Turdetani not only enjoy a salubrious climate but their manners
are polished and urbane, as also are those of the people of Keltica, by
reason of their vicinity [to the Turdetani], or, according to Polybius,
on account of their being of the same stock, but not to so great a
degree, for they live for the most part scattered in villages. The
Turdetani, on the other hand, especially those who dwell about the
Guadalquiver,[1111] have so entirely adopted the Roman mode of life, as
even to have forgotten their own language. They have for the most part
become Latins,[1112] and received Roman colonists; so that a short time
only is wanted before they will be all Romans. The very names of many of
the towns at present, such as Pax Augusta[1113] amongst the Keltici,
Augusta-Emerita[1114] amongst the Turduli, Cæsar-Augusta[1115] amongst
the Keltiberians and certain other colonies, are proof of the change of
manners I have spoken of. Those of the Iberians who adopt these new
modes of life are styled _togati_. Amongst their number are the
Keltiberians, who formerly were regarded as the most uncivilized of them
all. So much for these.
CHAPTER III.
1. Starting again from the Sacred Promontory,[1116] and continuing along
the other side of the coast, we come to the gulf near the Tagus,
afterwards Cape Barbarium,[1117] and near to this the outlets of the
Tagus, which may be reached by sailing in a straight course for a
distance of 10 stadia. [1118] Here are estuaries, one of them more than
400 stadia from the said tower, on a part of which Laccæa is
situated. [1119] The breadth of the mouth of the Tagus is about 20
stadia, its depth is so great as to be capable of navigation by vessels
of the greatest burden. At the flood-tide the Tagus forms two estuaries
in the [CAS. 152] plains which lie above it, so that the plain is
inundated and rendered navigable for a distance of 150 stadia. In the
upper estuary an island is formed about 30 stadia in length, and nearly
equal in breadth, which is fertile, and has excellent vines. The island
lies near to Moro,[1120] a city happily situated on a mountain close to
the river, and about 500 stadia from the sea. The country surrounding it
is very fine, and the ascent [of the Tagus] for a considerable way
practicable for vessels of a large size, the remainder is performed in
river-boats. Above Moro it is navigable for a yet longer distance.
Brutus, surnamed the Gallician, made use of this city as a military
station, when fighting against the Lusitanians, whom he subdued. On the
sides of the river he fortified Olysipo, in order that the passage up
the river and the carriage of necessaries might be preserved unimpeded.
These therefore are the finest cities near the Tagus. The river contains
much fish, and is full of oysters. It takes its rise amongst the
Keltiberians, and flows through the [country of the] Vettones,
Carpetani, and Lusitani, towards the west;[1121] to a certain distance
it runs parallel with the Guadiana[1122] and Guadalquiver,[1123] but
parts from them as they decline towards the southern coast.
2. Of those who dwell above the aforesaid mountains, the Oretani are the
most southern, extending in part as far as the sea-coast on this side
the Pillars. Next these towards the north are the Carpetani, then the
Vettones and Vaccæi, through whose [country] the Douro[1124] flows as it
passes Acontia,[1125] a city of the Vaccæi. The Gallicians are the last,
and inhabit for the most part a mountainous country: on this account
they were the most difficult to subdue, and furnished his surname to the
conqueror of the Lusitanians; in fact, at the present day the greater
part of the Lusitanians are beginning to call themselves Gallicians. The
finest cities of Oretania are Castulo[1126] and Oria. [1127]
3. North of the Tagus is Lusitania, the principal of the nations of
Iberia, and the one which has most frequently encountered the arms of
the Romans. On the southern side this country is bounded by the Tagus,
on the west and north by the ocean, on the east by the well-known
nations of the Carpetani, the Vettones, the Vaccæi, the Gallicians, and
by others not worthy to be mentioned on account of their insignificance
and obscurity. On the other hand, certain historians of the present day
give the name of Lusitanians to all of these nations.
To the east the Gallicians border on the nation of the Asturians and
Keltiberians, the others [border] on the Keltiberians. In length
Lusitania is 3000[1128] stadia; its breadth, which is comprised between
the eastern side and the opposite sea-coast, is much less. The eastern
part is mountainous and rugged, while the country beyond, as far as the
sea, consists entirely of plains, with the exception of a few
inconsiderable mountains. On this account Posidonius remarks that
Aristotle was not correct in supposing that the ebb and flow of the tide
was occasioned by the sea-coast of Iberia and Maurusia. [1129] For
Aristotle asserted that the tides of the sea were caused by the
extremities of the land being mountainous and rugged, and therefore both
receiving the wave violently and also casting it back. Whereas
Posidonius truly remarks that they are for the most part low and sandy.
4. The country which we are describing is fertile, and irrigated by
rivers both large and small, all of which flow from the eastern parts
parallel with the Tagus: most of them are navigable and full of gold
dust. After the Tagus, the most noted rivers are the Mondego[1130] and
the Vouga,[1131] which are navigable but for a short distance. After
these is the Douro,[1132] which flows from afar by Numantia,[1133] and
many other colonies of the Keltiberians and Vaccæi; it is capable of
being navigated in large vessels for a distance of nearly 800 stadia.
Besides these there are other rivers, after which is the [river] of
Lethe, which some call the Limæa,[1134] others the Belio,[1135] it
likewise rises amongst the Keltiberians and Vaccæi. After [CAS. 153]
this is the Bænis, (some call it the Minius,[1136]) by far the largest
river of Lusitania,[1137] being navigable for a distance of 800 stadia.
Posidonius says this too rises amongst the Cantabrians. [1138] An
island[1139] lies before its outlet, and two moles affording anchorage
for vessels. A natural advantage [of this country] well deserving of
commendation is, that the banks of the rivers are so lofty as to be
capable of containing the entirety of the water raised by the high tides
of the sea, without either being overfilled, or overflowing the plains.
This was the limit of Brutus’s expedition. Beyond there are many other
rivers parallel to those I have named.
5. The Artabri are the last of the people [on this coast]. They inhabit
the promontory called Nerium,[1140] which is the boundary [of Iberia] on
its western and northern sides. Around it dwell the Keltici, a kindred
race to those who are situated along the Guadiana. [1141] They say that
these latter, together with the Turduli, having undertaken an expedition
thither, quarrelled after they had crossed the river Lima,[1142] and,
besides the sedition, their leader having also died, they remained
scattered there, and from this circumstance the river was called the
Lethe. [1143] The Artabri have besides many cities established round the
Gulf, which mariners and those familiar with the places designate as the
Port of the Artabri. At the present day the Artabri are denominated the
Arotrebæ. About thirty[1144] different nations occupy the country
between the Tagus and the Artabri. Notwithstanding the fertility of the
country in corn, cattle, gold, silver, and numerous other similar
productions, the majority of its inhabitants, neglecting to gain their
subsistence from the ground, passed their lives in pillage and continual
warfare, both between themselves and their neighbours, whom they used to
cross the Tagus [to plunder]. To this the Romans at length put a stop by
subduing them, and changing many of their cities into villages, besides
colonizing some of them better. The mountaineers, as was natural, were
the first to commence this lawless mode of life: for living but
scantily, and possessing little, they coveted the goods of others, who
being obliged to repulse them, of necessity relinquished their proper
employments, and instead of pursuing agriculture took up arms. Thus it
happened that their country, being neglected, became barren
notwithstanding its natural advantages, and inhabited by bandits.
6. The Lusitanians are reported to be clever in laying ambushes, sharp,
swift of foot, light,[1145] and easily disciplined as soldiers. The
small shield they make use of is two feet in diameter, its outer surface
concave, and suspended by leather thongs; it neither has rings nor
handles. They have in addition[1146] a poignard or dagger. Their
corselets are for the most part made of linen; a few have chain-coats
and helmets with triple crests, but the others use helmets composed of
sinews. The infantry wear greaves, each man is furnished with a number
of javelins; some also use spears pointed with brass. They report that
some of those who dwell near to the river Douro[1147] imitate the
Lacedæmonians in anointing their bodies with oil, using hot air-baths
made of heated stones, bathing in cold water, and taking but one tidy
and frugal meal a day. The Lusitanians are frequent in the performance
of sacrifice; they examine the entrails, but without cutting them out of
the body; they also examine the veins of the side, and practise augury
by the touch. They likewise divine by the entrails of captive enemies,
whom they first cover with a military cloak, and when stricken under the
entrails by the haruspex, they draw their first auguries from the fall
[of the victim]. [CAS. 155] They cut off the right hands of their
prisoners, and consecrate them to the gods.
7. All the mountaineers are frugal, their beverage is water, they sleep
on the ground, and wear a profuse quantity of long hair after the
fashion of women, which they bind around the forehead when they go to
battle. [1148] They subsist principally on the flesh of the goat, which
animal they sacrifice to Mars, as also prisoners taken in war, and
horses. They likewise offer hecatombs of each kind after the manner of
the Greeks, described by Pindar,
“To sacrifice a hundred of every [species]. ”[1149]
They practise gymnastic exercises,[1150] both as heavy-armed soldiers,
and cavalry, also boxing, running, skirmishing, and fighting in bands.
For two-thirds of the year the mountaineers feed on the acorn, which
they dry, bruise, and afterwards grind and make into a kind of bread,
which may be stored up for a long period. They also use beer; wine is
very scarce, and what is made they speedily consume in feasting with
their relatives. In place of oil they use butter. Their meals they take
sitting, on seats put up round the walls, and they take place on these
according to their age and rank. The supper is carried round, and whilst
drinking they dance to the sound of the flute and trumpet, springing up
and sinking upon the knees. [1151]
In Bastetania the women dance promiscuously with the men, each holding
the other’s hand. They all dress in black, the majority of them in
cloaks called saga, in which they sleep on beds of straw. They make use
of wooden vessels like the Kelts. The women wear dresses and embroidered
garments. Instead of money, those who dwell far in the interior exchange
merchandise, or give pieces of silver cut off from plates of that
metal. Those condemned to death are executed by stoning; parricides are
put to death without the frontiers or the cities. They marry according
to the customs of the Greeks. [1152] Their sick they expose upon the
highways, the same way as the Egyptians[1153] did anciently, in the hope
that some one who has experienced the malady may be able to give them
advice. Up to the time of [the expedition of] Brutus they made use of
vessels constructed of skins for crossing the lagoons formed by the
tides; they now have them formed out of the single trunk of a tree, but
these are scarce. Their salt is purple, but becomes white by pounding.
The life of the mountaineers is such as I have described, I mean those
bordering the northern side of Iberia, the Gallicians, the Asturians,
and the Cantabrians,[1154] as far as the Vascons[1155] and the Pyrenees.
The mode of life amongst all these is similar. But I am reluctant to
fill my page with their names, and would fain escape the disagreeable
task of writing them, unless perchance the Pleutauri, the Bardyetæ, the
Allotriges,[1156] and other names still worse and more out of the way
than these might be grateful to the ear of some one.
8. The rough and savage manners of these people is not alone owing to
their wars, but likewise to their isolated position, it being a long
distance to reach them, whether by sea or land. Thus the difficulty of
communication has deprived [CAS. 156] them both of generosity of manners
and of courtesy. At the present time, however, they suffer less from
this both on account of their being at peace and the intermixture of
Romans. Wherever these [influences] are not so much experienced people
are harsher and more savage. It is probable that this ruggedness of
character is increased by the barrenness of the mountains and some of
the places which they inhabit. At the present day, as I have remarked,
all warfare is put an end to, Augustus Cæsar having subdued the
Cantabrians[1157] and the neighbouring nations, amongst whom the system
of pillage was mainly carried on in our day. So that at the present
time, instead of plundering the allies of the Romans, the Coniaci and
those who dwell by the sources of the Ebro,[1158] with the exception of
the Tuisi,[1159] bear arms for the Romans. Tiberius, who succeeded
Augustus Cæsar, carried out his intention of placing a military force of
three legions in these parts, by which means he has not only preserved
peace, but introduced amongst some of them a civil polity.
CHAPTER IV.
1. What remains [to be described] of Iberia, is the sea-coast of the
Mediterranean from the Pillars to the Pyrenees, and the whole of the
inland country which lies above.
of seventeen hours.
43. The countries beyond this which border upon the regions
uninhabitable on account of their cold, have no interest to the
geographer. He who desires to learn about them, and the celestial
phenomena which Hipparchus has described, but which we pass over as
being too much in detail for our present undertaking, must seek for them
in that author. The statements of Posidonius concerning the periscii,
the amphiscii, and the heteroscii are likewise too detailed. Still we
must touch on these points sufficiently to explain his view, and to
point out how far such matters are serviceable in geography, and how far
not. The terms made use of refer to the shadows cast from the sun. The
sun appears to the senses to describe a circle parallel to that of the
earth. [972] Of those people for whom each revolution of the earth
produces a day and a night, the sun being carried first over, then
under, the earth, some are denominated amphiscii, others heteroscii. The
amphiscii are the inhabitants of countries in which when a gnomon is
placed perpendicularly on a plane surface, the shadow which it casts at
mid-day, falls first to one side then to the other, as the sun illumines
first this side, then that. This however only occurs in places situated
between the tropics. The heteroscii are those amongst whom the shadow
always falls to the north, as with us; or to the south, as amongst
those who inhabit the other temperate zone. This occurs in all those
regions where the arctic circle is less than the tropic. Where however
it becomes the same as or greater than the tropic, this shows the
commencement of the periscii, who extend thence to the pole. In regions
where the sun remains above the horizon during an entire revolution of
the earth, the shadow must evidently have turned in a complete circle
round the gnomon. On this account he named them periscii. However they
have nought to do with geography, inasmuch as the regions are not
habitable on account of the cold, as we stated in our review of Pytheas.
Nor is there any use in determining the size of this uninhabitable
region, [it is enough to have established] that those countries, having
the tropic for their arctic circle, are situated beneath the circle
which is described by the pole of the zodiac[973] in the [diurnal]
revolution of the earth, and that the distance between the equator and
the tropic equals four-sixtieths of the great circle [of the earth].
_Note. _ The pages of Casaubon’s edition of 1620 are given to
facilitate reference to various editions and translations of Strabo.
BOOK III.
SPAIN.
CHAPTER I.
1. Having thus given a general view of Geography, it will now be proper
to describe each separate country in detail, as we engaged to do. We
fancy that the method which we have adopted in the division of our
subject, up to this point, has been correct; and we now recommence with
Europe and the various countries into which it is divided, on the same
principles as formerly, and induced by the same reasons.
2. The first division of this continent towards the west is Iberia, as
we before stated. The greater part of this country is but little fitted
for habitation; consisting chiefly of mountains, woods, and plains
covered with a light meagre soil, the irrigation of which is likewise
uncertain. The part next the north, which borders on the ocean, is
extremely cold, and besides its rugged character, has no communication
or intercourse with other [countries], and thus to dwell there is
attended with peculiar hardship. Such is the character of this portion;
on the other hand, almost the whole of the south is fertile, especially
what is beyond the Pillars [of Hercules]. This however will be shown
more in detail, but we must first describe the figure and extent [of the
country].
3. In shape it resembles a hide stretched out in length from west to
east, the forepart[974] towards the east, its breadth being from north
to south. Its length is about 6000 stadia; the greatest breadth is 5000;
while there are parts considerably less [CAS. 137] than 3000,
particularly in the vicinity of the Pyrenees, which form the eastern
side. This chain of mountains stretches without interruption from north
to south,[975] and divides Keltica[976] from Iberia. The breadth both of
Keltica and Iberia is irregular, the narrowest part in both of them from
the Mediterranean to the [Atlantic] Ocean being near the Pyrenees,
particularly on either side of that chain; this gives rise to gulfs both
on the side of the Ocean, and also of the Mediterranean; the largest of
these are denominated the Keltic or Galatic Gulfs,[977] and they render
the [Keltic] Isthmus narrower than that of Iberia. [978] The Pyrenees
form the eastern side of Iberia, and the Mediterranean the southern from
the Pyrenees to the Pillars of Hercules, thence the exterior
[ocean][979] as far as the Sacred Promontory. [980] The third or western
side runs nearly parallel to the Pyrenees from the Sacred Promontory to
the promontory of the Artabri, called [Cape] Nerium. [981] The fourth
side extends hence to the northern extremity of the Pyrenees.
4. We will now commence our detailed account, beginning from the Sacred
Promontory. This is the most western point not only of Europe, but of
the whole habitable earth. For the habitable earth is bounded to the
west by two continents, namely, the extremities of Europe and
Libya,[982] which are inhabited respectively by the Iberians and the
Maurusians. [983] But the Iberian extremity, at the promontory[984] we
have mentioned, juts out beyond the other as much as 1500 stadia. [985]
The region adjacent to this cape they call in the Latin tongue
_Cuneum_,[986] which signifies _a wedge_. The promontory which projects
into the sea, Artemidorus (who states that he has himself been at the
place) compares to a ship; three little islands, [he says,] each having
a small harbour, contribute to give it this form; the former island
resembling the beak of the ship, and the two latter the beams on each
side of the ship’s bows. [He adds] that there is no temple of Hercules
shown there, as Ephorus falsely states, nor yet any altar [to him] nor
to any other divinity; but in many parts there are three or four stones
placed together, which are turned by all travellers who arrive there, in
accordance with a certain local custom, and are changed in position by
such as turn them incorrectly. [987] It is not lawful to offer sacrifice
there, nor yet to approach the place during the night, for it is said
that then the gods take up their abode at the place. Those who go
thither to view it stay at a neighbouring village over-night, and
proceed to the place on the morrow, carrying water with them, as there
is none to be procured there.
5. It is quite possible that these things are so, and we ought not to
disbelieve them. Not so however with regard to the other common and
vulgar reports; for Posidonius tells us the common people say that in
the countries next the ocean the sun appears larger as he sets, and
makes a noise resembling the sound of hot metal in cold water, as though
the sea were hissing as the sun was submerged in its depths. The
statement [of Artemidorus] is also false, that night follows immediately
on the setting of the sun: it does not follow immediately, although
certainly the interval is short, as in other great seas. For when he
sets behind mountains the agency of the false light continues the day
for a long period; over the sea the twilight is shorter, still darkness
does not immediately supervene. The same thing may be remarked in large
plains. The image of the sun is enlarged on the seas at its rising as
well as at its setting, because at these times a larger mass of
[CAS. 138] exhalations rises from the humid element; and the eye looking
through these exhalations, sees images refracted into larger forms, as
observed through tubes. The same thing happens when the setting sun or
moon is seen through a dry and thin cloud, when those bodies likewise
appear reddish. [988] Posidonius tells us that, having himself passed
thirty days at Gades,[989] during which time he carefully observed the
setting of the sun, he is convinced of the falsity of Artemidorus’s
account. This latter writer tells us, that at the time of its setting
the sun appears a hundred times larger than its ordinary size, and that
night immediately succeeds. If we attend to his account, we cannot
believe that he himself remarked this phenomenon at the Sacred
Promontory,[990] for he tells us that no one can approach during the
night; therefore they cannot approach at sunset, since night immediately
supervenes thereupon. Neither did he observe it from any other part of
the coast washed by the ocean, for Gades is upon the ocean, and both
Posidonius and many others testify that there such is not the case.
6. The sea-coast next the Sacred Promontory forms on one side the
commencement of the western coast of Spain as far as the outlet of the
river Tagus; and on the other forms the southern coast as far as the
outlet of another river, named the Guadiana. [991] Both of these rivers
descend from the eastern parts [of Spain]; but the former, which is much
larger than the other, pursues a straight course towards the west, while
the Guadiana bends its course towards the south. [992] They enclose an
extent of country peopled for the most part by Kelts and certain
Lusitanians,[993] whom the Romans caused to settle here from the
opposite side of the Tagus. Higher up, the country is inhabited by the
Carpetani,[994] the Oretani,[995] and a large number of Vettones. [996]
This district is moderately fertile, but that which is beyond it to the
east and south, does not give place in superiority to any part of the
habitable earth with which it may be compared, in the excellence of its
productions both of land and sea. This is the country through which the
river Guadalquiver[997] flows. This river takes its rise from the same
parts as the Guadiana[998] and the Tagus, and is between these two in
size. [999] Like the Guadiana, the commencement of its course flows
towards the west, but it afterwards turns to the south, and discharges
itself at the same side of the coast as that river.
From this river[997] the country has received the name of Bætica; it is
called Turdetania by the inhabitants, who are themselves denominated
Turdetani, and Turduli. Some think these two names refer to one nation,
while others believe that they designate two distinct people. Of this
latter opinion is Polybius, who imagines that the Turduli dwell more to
the north than the Turdetani. At the present day however there does not
appear to be any distinction between them. These people are esteemed to
be the most intelligent of all the Iberians; they have an alphabet, and
possess ancient writings, poems, and metrical laws six thousand years
old, as they say. The other Iberians are likewise furnished with an
alphabet, although not of the same form, nor do they speak the same
language. Their country,[1000] which is on this side the [CAS. 139]
Guadiana, extends eastward as far as Oretania,[1001] and southward along
the sea-coast from the outlets of the Guadiana to the Pillars [of
Hercules]. But it is necessary that I should enter into further
particulars concerning this and the neighbouring places, in order to
illustrate their excellence and fertility.
7. Between this coast, where the Guadalquiver and Guadiana discharge
themselves, and the extremities of Maurusia, the Atlantic Ocean forms
the strait at the Pillars [of Hercules] by which it is connected with
the Mediterranean. Here is situated Calpe,[1002] the mountain of the
Iberians who are denominated Bastetani, by others Bastuli. Its
circumference is not large, but it is so high and steep as to resemble
an island in the distance. Sailing from the Mediterranean into the
Atlantic, it is left on the right hand. At a distance of 40 stadia from
this [mountain] is the considerable and ancient city of Carteia,
formerly a marine arsenal of the Iberians. Some assert that it was
founded by Hercules; of this number is Timosthenes,[1003] who tells us
it was anciently called Heraclæa, and that vast walls and ship-sheds are
still shown.
8. Next to these is Mellaria,[1004] where they make salted provisions.
After this the city and river[1005] of Belo. Here the merchandise and
salted provisions for Tingis in Maurusia are principally shipped. There
was a city named Zelis[1006] near to Tingis, but the Romans transferred
it to the opposite coast [of Spain], and having placed there in addition
some of the inhabitants of Tingis, and sent over also some of their own
people, they then gave to the city the name of Julia Joza. [1007] Beyond
this is Gadeira,[1008] an island separated from Turdetania by a narrow
strait, and distant from Calpe about 750 stadia, or, as others say, 800.
This island has nothing to distinguish it above others, but owing to the
boldness of its people in their expeditions by sea, and their
friendship with the Romans, has attained to that pitch of good fortune,
that although situated at the farthest extremities of the earth, it
possesses a greater celebrity than any other island. But we will
describe it when we come to speak of the other islands.
9. Next after [Cadiz] is the port of Menestheus,[1009] and the estuary
near to Asta and Nebrissa. [1010] These estuaries are valleys filled by
the sea during its flood-tides, up which you may sail into the interior,
and to the cities built on them, in the same way as you sail up a river.
Immediately after are the two outlets of the Guadalquiver. [1011] The
island embraced by these mouths has a coast of a hundred stadia, or
rather more according to others. Hereabouts is the Oracle of
Menestheus,[1012] and the tower of Cæpio,[1013] built upon a rock and
washed on all sides by the sea. This is an admirable work, resembling
the Pharos, and constructed for the safety of vessels. For the mud
carried out by the river forms shallows, and sunken rocks are also
scattered before it, so that a beacon was greatly needed. Thence sailing
up the river is the city of Ebura,[1014] and the temple of
Phosphorus,[1015] which they call _Lux Dubia_. [1016] You then pass up
the other estuaries; and after these the river Guadiana, which has also
two mouths,[1017] up either of which you may sail. Lastly, beyond is the
Sacred Promontory,[1018] distant from Gadeira[1019] less than 2000
stadia. Some say that from the Sacred Promontory to the mouth of the
Guadiana there are 60 miles; thence to the mouth of the Guadalquiver
100; and from this latter place to Gadeira 70.
CHAPTER II.
[CASAUB. 141] 1. Turdetania lies above the coast on this side the
Guadiana,[1020] and is intersected by the river Guadalquiver. [1021] It
is bounded on the west and north by the river Guadiana; on the east by
certain of the Carpetani and the Oretani; on the south by those of the
Bastetani who inhabit the narrow slip of coast between Calpe and
Gadeira, and by the sea beyond as far as the Guadiana. The Bastetani
whom I have mentioned, together with the people on the other side the
Guadiana, and many of the places adjacent, belong to Turdetania. The
size of this country in its length and breadth does not exceed two
thousand stadia, still it contains a vast number of towns; two hundred,
it is said. Those best known are situated on the rivers, estuaries, and
sea; but the two which have acquired the greatest name and importance
are, Corduba, founded by Marcellus,[1022] and the city of the
Gaditanians. [1023] The latter for its naval importance, and its alliance
with the Romans; and the former on account of its fertility and extent,
a considerable portion of the Guadalquiver flowing by it; in addition to
this it has been from its commencement inhabited by picked men, whether
natives or Romans; and it was the first colony planted by the Romans in
these parts.
After this city and that of the Gaditanians, Hispalis[1024] is the most
noted. This also is a Roman colony. Commerce is still carried on here,
although at the present moment the city of Bætis[1025] though not so
finely built, is outshining it, on account of the honour it has received
from the soldiers of Cæsar taking up their quarters there.
2. After these are Italica,[1026] and Ilipa,[1027] situated on the
Guadalquiver; farther on are Astygis,[1028] Carmo,[1029] and Obulco; and
besides these Munda,[1030] Ategua, Urso,[1031] Tukkis,[1032]
Julia,[1033] and Ægua, where the sons of Pompey were defeated. None of
these places are far from Corduba. Munda is in some sort regarded as the
metropolis of the whole district. This place is distant from Carteia
1400[1034] stadia, and it was here that Cnæus fled after his defeat, and
sailing thence landed on a rocky height overlooking the sea, where he
was murdered. His brother Sextus, having escaped from Corduba, after
carrying on the war for a short time in Spain, caused a revolt in
Sicily. Flying thence into Asia he was seized at Miletus[1035] by the
generals[1036] of Antony, and executed. Amongst the Kelts the most
famous place is Conistorgis. [1037] Upon the estuaries is Asta,[1038] in
which the Gaditani mostly hold their assemblies; it is opposite the
sea-port of the island, at a distance of not more than 100 stadia.
3. A vast number of people dwell along the Guadalquiver; and you may
sail up it almost 1200 stadia from the sea to Corduba, and the places a
little higher up. The banks and little islets of this river are
cultivated with the greatest diligence. [CASAUB. 142. ] The eye is also
delighted with groves and gardens, which in this district are met with
in the highest perfection. As far as Ispalis, which is a distance of not
less than 500 stadia, the river is navigable for ships[1039] of
considerable size; but for the cities higher up, as far as Ilipas,
smaller vessels are employed, and thence to Corduba river-boats. These
are now constructed of planks joined together, but they were formerly
made out of a single trunk. Above this to Castlon the river is no longer
navigable. A chain of mountains, rich in metal, runs parallel to the
Guadalquiver,[1040] approaching the river sometimes more, sometimes
less, towards the north.
There is much silver found in the parts about Ilipas and Sisapo, both in
that which is called the old town and the new. There are copper and gold
about the Cotinæ. [1041] These mountains are on the left as you sail up
the river; on the right there is a vast and elevated plain, fertile,
full of large trees, and containing excellent pasturage. The
Guadiana[1042] is likewise navigable, but not for vessels equally large,
nor yet so far up. It is also bordered by mountains containing metal,
and extends as far as the Tagus. Districts which contain metals must, of
necessity, be rugged and poor,[1043] as indeed are those adjoining
Carpetania, and still more those next the Keltiberians. The same is the
case with Bæturia, the plains of which, bordering on the Guadiana, are
arid.
4. Turdetania, on the other hand, is marvellously fertile, and abounds
in every species of produce. The value of its productions is doubled by
means of exportation, the surplus products finding a ready sale amongst
the numerous ship-owners. This results from its rivers and estuaries,
which, as we have said, resemble rivers, and by which you may sail from
the sea to the inland towns, not only in small, but even in large-sized
skiffs. For the whole country above the coast, and situated between the
Sacred Promontory[1044] and the Pillars, consists of an extended plain.
Here in many places are hollows running inland from the sea, which
resemble moderately-sized ravines or the beds of rivers, and extend for
many stadia. These are filled by the approach of the sea at high tide,
and may be navigated as easily, or even more so than rivers. They are
navigated much the same as rivers; the sea, meeting with no obstacle,
enters like the flow of a river at flood-tide. The sea comes in here
with greater force than in the other places; for being forced from the
wide ocean into the narrow strait,[1045] formed by the coast of Maurusia
and Iberia, it experiences recoils, and thus is borne full into the
retiring parts of the land. Some of these shallows are left dry as the
tide ebbs, while others are never destitute of water; others again
contain islands, of this kind are the estuaries between the Sacred
Promontory[1046] and the Pillars, where the tide comes in with more
violence than at other places. Such a tide is of considerable advantage
to sailors, since it makes the estuaries both fuller and more spacious,
frequently swelling them to a breadth of eight[1047] stadia, so that the
whole land, so to speak, is rendered navigable, thus giving wonderful
facility both for the export and import of merchandise. Nevertheless
there is some inconvenience. For in the navigation of the rivers, the
sailors run considerable danger both in ascending and descending, owing
to the violence with which the flood-tide encounters the current of the
stream as it flows down. The ebb-tides are likewise the cause of much
damage in these estuaries, for resulting as they do from the same cause
as the flood-tides, they are frequently so rapid as to leave the vessel
on dry land; and herds in passing over to the islands that are in these
estuaries are sometimes drowned [in the passage] and sometimes surprised
in the islands, and endeavouring to cross back again to the continent,
are unable, and perish in the attempt. They say that certain of the
cattle, having narrowly observed what takes place, wait till the sea has
retired, and then cross over to the mainland.
5. The men [of the country], being well acquainted with the nature of
these places, and that the estuaries would very well answer the same
purpose as rivers, founded cities and other settlements along them the
same as along rivers. Of this number are Asta, Nebrissa,[1048]
Onoba,[1049] Ossonoba, Mænoba,[CASAUB. 143] besides many others. The
canals which have been cut in various directions are also found useful
in the traffic which is carried on between place and place, both amongst
the people themselves and with foreigners. The conflux of water at the
flood-tides is also valuable, as rendering navigable the isthmuses which
separate the different pieces of water, thus making it possible to ferry
over from the rivers into the estuaries, and from the estuaries into the
rivers. Their trade is wholly carried on with Italy and Rome. The
navigation is excellent as far as the Pillars, (excepting perhaps some
little difficulties at the Strait,) and equally so on the Mediterranean,
where the voyages are very calm, especially to those who keep the high
seas. This is a great advantage to merchant-vessels. The winds on the
high seas blow regularly; and peace reigns there now, the pirates having
been put down, so that in every respect the voyage is facile. Posidonius
tells us he observed the singular phenomenon in his journey from
Iberia,[1050] that in this sea, as far as the Gulf of Sardinia, the
south-east[1051] winds blow periodically. And on this account he strove
in vain for three whole months to reach Italy, being driven about by the
winds against the Gymnesian islands,[1052] Sardinia, and the opposite
coasts of Libya.
6. Large quantities of corn and wine are exported from Turdetania,
besides much oil, which is of the first quality;[1053] also wax, honey,
pitch, large quantities of the kermes-berry,[1054] and vermilion not
inferior to that of Sinope. [1055] The country furnishes the timber for
their ship-building. They have likewise mineral salt, and not a few salt
streams. A considerable quantity of salted fish is exported, not only
from hence, but also from the remainder of the coast beyond the Pillars,
equal to that of Pontus. Formerly they exported large quantities of
garments, but they now send the [unmanufactured] wool, which is superior
even to that of the Coraxi,[1056] and remarkable for its beauty. Rams
for the purpose of covering fetch a talent. The stuffs manufactured by
the Saltiatæ[1057] are of incomparable texture. There is a
super-abundance of cattle, and a great variety of game: while, on the
other hand, of destructive animals there are scarcely any, with the
exception of certain little hares which burrow in the ground, and are
called by some leberides. [1058] These creatures destroy both seeds and
trees by gnawing their roots. They are met with throughout almost the
whole of Iberia,[1059] and extend to Marseilles, infesting likewise the
islands. It is said that formerly the inhabitants of the Gymnesian
islands[1060] sent a deputation to the Romans soliciting that a new land
might be given them, as they were quite driven out of their country by
these animals, being no longer able to stand against their vast
multitudes. [1061] It is possible that people should be obliged to have
recourse to such an expedient for help in waging war in so great an
extremity, which however but seldom happens, and is a plague produced by
some pestilential state of the atmosphere, which at other times has
produced serpents and rats in like abundance; but for the ordinary
increase of these little hares, many ways of hunting have been devised,
amongst others by wild cats from Africa,[1062] trained for the purpose.
Having muzzled these, they turn them into the holes, when they either
drag out the animals they find there with their claws, or compel them to
fly to the surface of the earth, where they are taken by people standing
by for that purpose. The large amount of the exports from Turdetania is
evinced by the size and number of their ships. Merchant-vessels of the
greatest size sail thence to Dicæarchia[1063] and [CAS. 145] Ostia, a
Roman port; they are in number nearly equal to those which arrive from
Libya.
7. Such is the wealth of the inland part of Turdetania, and its maritime
portions are found fully to equal it in the richness of their
sea-productions. In fact, oysters and every variety of shell-fish,
remarkable both for their number and size, are found along the whole of
the exterior sea, but here in particular. It is probable that the flow
and ebb tides, which are particularly strong here, contribute both to
their quantity and size, on account of the great number of pools and
standing waters which they form. [1064] The same is the case with regard
to all kinds of cetacea, narwhals, whales, and physeteri,[1065] which
when they blow [up the water from their snouts] appear to observers from
a distance to resemble a cloud shaped like a column. The congers are
quite monstrous, far surpassing in size those of our [sea];[1066] so are
the lampreys, and many other fish of the same kind. It is said that in
Carteia there are kerukæ[1067] and cuttle-fish which would contain as
much as ten cotylæ. [1068] In the parts more exterior there are lampreys
and congers weighing 80 minæ,[1069] and polypes a talent,[1070] also
teuthidæ[1071] two cubits in length, with other fish in proportion.
Shoals of rich fat thunny are driven hither from the sea-coast beyond.
They feed on the fruit of a species of stunted oak, which grows at the
bottom of the sea, and produces very large acorns. The same oaks grow in
large numbers throughout the land of Iberia, their roots are of the same
size as those of the full-grown oak, although the tree itself never
attains the height of a low shrub. So great is the quantity of fruit
which it produces, that at the season when they are ripe, the whole
coast on either side of the Pillars is covered with acorns which have
been thrown up by the tides: the quantity however is always less on
this side the Pillars [than on the other]. Polybius states that these
acorns are ejected [by the sea] as far as [the shores of] Latium,
unless, he adds, Sardo[1072] and the neighbouring districts also produce
them. The thunny-fish become gradually thinner, owing to the failure of
their food, as they approach the Pillars from the outer sea. This fish,
in fact, may be regarded as a kind of sea-hog, being fond of the acorn,
and growing marvellously fat upon it; and whenever acorns are abundant,
thunny-fish are abundant likewise.
8. Of the various riches of the aforenamed country,[1073] not the least
is its wealth in metals: this every one will particularly esteem and
admire. Of metals, in fact, the whole country of the Iberians is full,
although it is not equally fertile and flourishing throughout,
especially in those parts where the metals most abound. It is seldom
that any place is blessed with both these advantages, and likewise
seldom that the different kinds of metals abound in one small territory.
Turdetania, however, and the surrounding districts surpass so entirely
in this respect, that however you may wish, words cannot convey their
excellence. Gold, silver, copper, and iron, equal in amount and of
similar quality, not having been hitherto discovered in any other part
of the world. [1074] Gold is not only dug from the mines, but likewise
collected; sand containing gold being washed down by the rivers and
torrents. It is frequently met with in arid districts, but here the gold
is not visible to the sight, whereas in those which are overflowed the
grains of gold are seen glittering. On this account they cause water to
flow over the arid places in order to make the grains shine; they also
dig pits, and make use of other contrivances for washing the sand, and
separating the gold from it; so that at the present day more gold is
procured by washing than by digging it from the mines. The Galatæ affirm
that the mines along the Kemmenus mountains[1075] and their side of the
Pyrenees are superior; but most people prefer those on this side. They
say that sometimes amongst the [CAS. 146] grains of gold lumps have been
found weighing half a pound, these they call _palæ_; they need but
little refining. [1076] They also say that in splitting open stones they
find small lumps, resembling paps. And that when they have melted the
gold, and purified it by means of a kind of aluminous earth, the residue
left is _electrum_. This, which contains a mixture of silver and gold,
being again subjected to the fire, the silver is separated and the gold
left [pure]; for this metal is easily dissipated and fat,[1077] and on
this account gold is most easily melted by straw, the flame of which is
soft, and bearing a similarity [to the gold], causes it easily to
dissolve: whereas coal, besides wasting a great deal, melts it too much
by reason of its vehemence, and carries it off [in vapour]. In the beds
of the rivers the sand is either collected and washed in boats close by,
or else a pit is dug to which the earth is carried and there washed. The
furnaces for silver are constructed lofty, in order that the vapour,
which is dense and pestilent, may be raised and carried off. Certain of
the copper mines are called gold mines, which would seem to show that
formerly gold was dug from them.
9. Posidonius, in praising the amount and excellence of the metals,
cannot refrain from his accustomed rhetoric, and becomes quite
enthusiastic in exaggeration. He tells us we are not to disbelieve the
fable, that formerly the forests having been set on fire, the earth,
which was loaded with silver and gold, melted, and threw up these metals
to the surface, forasmuch as every mountain and wooded hill seemed to be
heaped up with money by a lavish fortune. Altogether (he remarks) any
one seeing these places, could only describe them as the inexhaustible
treasuries of nature, or the unfailing exchequer of some potentate; for
not only, he tells us, is this land rich itself, but riches abound
beneath it. So that amongst these people the subterraneous regions
should not be regarded as the realms of Pluto, but of Plutus. Such is
the flourished style in which he speaks on this subject, that you would
fancy his turgid language had been dug from a mine itself. Discoursing
on the diligence of the miners, he applies to them the remark [of
Demetrius] of Phalaris, who, speaking of the silver mines of Attica,
said that the men there dug with as much energy as if they thought they
could grub up Plutus himself. He compares with these the activity and
diligence of the Turdetani, who are in the habit of cutting tortuous and
deep tunnels, and draining the streams which they frequently encounter
by means of Egyptian screws. [1078] As for the rest,[1079] they are quite
different from the Attic miners, whose mining (he remarks) may be justly
compared to that enigma,[1080] What I have taken up I have not kept, and
what I have got I have thrown away. Whereas the Turdetanians make a good
profit, since a fourth part of the ore which they extract from the
copper mines is [pure] copper, while from the silver mines one person
has taken as much as a Eubœan talent. He says that tin is not found upon
the surface, as authors commonly relate, but that it is dug up; and that
it is produced both in places among the barbarians who dwell beyond the
Lusitanians and in the islands Cassiterides; and that from the Britannic
Islands it is carried to Marseilles. Amongst the Artabri,[1081] who are
the last of the Lusitanians towards the north and west, he tells us that
the earth is powdered with silver, tin, and white gold, that is, mixed
with silver, the earth having been brought down by the rivers: this the
women scrape up with spades, and wash in sieves, woven after the fashion
of baskets. Such is the [CAS. 147] substance of what [Posidonius] tells
us concerning the mines [of Iberia].
10. Polybius, speaking of the silver mines of New Carthage,[1082] tells
us that they are extremely large, distant from the city about 20 stadia,
and occupy a circuit of 400 stadia, that there are 40,000 men regularly
engaged in them, and that they yield daily to the Roman people [a
revenue of] 25,000 drachmæ. The rest of the process I pass over, as it
is too long, but as for the silver ore collected, he tells us that it is
broken up, and sifted through sieves over water; that what remains is to
be again broken, and the water having been strained off, it is to be
sifted and broken a third time. The dregs which remain after the fifth
time are to be melted, and the lead being poured off, the silver is
obtained pure. These silver mines still exist; however they are no
longer the property of the state, neither these nor those elsewhere, but
are possessed by private individuals. The gold mines, on the contrary,
nearly all belong to the state. Both at Castlon[1083] and other places
there are singular lead mines worked. They contain a small proportion of
silver, but not sufficient to pay for the expense of refining.
11. Not far from Castlon is the mountain in which they report that the
[river] Guadalquiver[1084] takes its rise. They call it silver mountain
on account of the silver mines which it contains. [1085] Polybius asserts
that both the Guadiana[1086] and this river have their sources in
Keltiberia, notwithstanding they are separated from each other by a
distance of 900 stadia;[1087] [this we are to attribute to] the
Keltiberians having increased in power, and having consequently
conferred their name on the surrounding country. It appears the ancients
knew the Guadalquiver under the name of the Tartessus, and Gades[1088]
with the neighbouring islands under that of Erythia; and it is thought
that we should understand in this sense the words of Stesichorus[1089]
concerning the pastoral poet Geryon, that he was born “almost opposite
to the renowned Erythia, in a rocky cave near to the abundant springs of
the silver-bedded river Tartessus. ” They say that on the piece of land
enclosed between the two outlets of this river there formerly stood a
city named, like the river, Tartessus, and that the district was called
Tartessis, which the Turduli now inhabit. Eratosthenes likewise tells us
that the [country] near to Calpe[1090] was called Tartessis, and also
Erythia the Fortunate Island. This Artemidorus contradicts, and says
that it is as false as his other statements, that the Sacred
Promontory[1091] is distant from Gades[1092] five days’ sail, when in
fact they are [distant from each other] not more than 1700 stadia. [1093]
Likewise that the tide ceased at this point, whereas it passes round the
whole circuit of the habitable earth. That it is easier to pass from the
northern parts of Iberia into Keltica,[1094] than to proceed thither by
sea; with many other things which he asserted on the faith of that
charlatan Pytheas.
12. Our poet [Homer] being very explicit, and possessing great
experience, gives one cause to believe that he was not unfamiliar with
these localities. Of this any one may be convinced who will examine
carefully what has been written on these points, both the incorrect
[comments], and likewise those which are better and more truthful. One
amongst these incorrect ideas is, that he considered [Tartessis] to be
the farthest country towards the west, where, as he himself expresses
it,
The radiant sun in ocean sank,
Drawing night after him o’er all the earth. [1095]
Now, since it is evident that night is ominous, and near to Hades, and
Hades to Tartarus, it seems probable that [Homer], having heard of
Tartessus, took thence the name of Tartarus to distinguish the farthest
of the places beneath the earth, also embellishing it with fable in
virtue of the poetic licence. In the same way, knowing that the
Cimmerians dwelt in northern and dismal territories near to the
Bosphorus, he located them [CAS. 149] in the vicinity of Hades; perhaps
also on account of the common hatred of the Ionians against this people.
For they say that in the time of Homer, or a little before, the
Cimmerians made an incursion as far as Æolia and Ionia. Always drawing
his fables from certain real facts, his Planetæ[1096] are modelled on
the Cyaneæ. He describes them as dangerous rocks, as they tell us the
Cyaneæan rocks are, [and] on which account [in fact] they are called
Symplegades. [1097] He adds to this [the account of] Jason’s navigating
through the midst of them. The Straits of the Pillars[1098] and
Sicily,[1099] likewise, suggested to him the fable of the Planetæ. Thus,
even according to the worst comments, from the fiction of Tartarus any
one might gather that Homer was acquainted with the regions about
Tartessus.
13. Of these facts, notwithstanding, there are better proofs. For
instance, the expeditions of Hercules and the Phœnicians to this country
were evidence to him of the wealth and luxury of the people. They fell
so entirely under the dominion of the Phœnicians, that at the present
day almost the whole of the cities of Turdetania and the neighbouring
places are inhabited by them. It also seems to me that the expedition of
Ulysses hither, as it took place and was recorded, was the foundation
both of his Odyssey and Iliad, which he framed upon facts collected into
a poem, and embellished as usual with poetical mythology. It is not only
in Italy, Sicily, and a few other places that vestiges of these [events]
occur; even in Iberia a city is shown named Ulyssea,[1100] also a temple
of Minerva, and a myriad other traces both of the wandering of Ulysses
and also of other survivors of the Trojan war, which was equally fatal
to the vanquished and those who took Troy. These latter in fact gained a
Cadmean victory,[1101] for their homes were destroyed, and the portion
of booty which fell to each was exceedingly minute. Consequently not
only those who had survived the perils [of their country], but the
Greeks as well, betook themselves to piracy, the former because they
had been pillaged of every thing; the latter, on account of the shame
which each one anticipated to himself:
“The shame
That must attend us, after absence long
Returning unsuccessful, who can bear? ”[1102]
In the same way is related the wandering of Æneas, of Antenor, and of
the Heneti; likewise of Diomedes, of Menelaus, of Ulysses,[1103] and of
many others. Hence the poet, knowing of similar expeditions to the
extremities of Iberia, and having heard of its wealth and other
excellencies, (which the Phœnicians had made known,) feigned this to be
the region of the Blessed, and the Plain of Elysium, where Proteus
informs Menelaus that he is to depart to:
“But far hence the gods
Will send thee to Elysium, and the earth’s
Extremest bounds; there Rhadamanthus dwells,
The golden-haired, and there the human kind
Enjoy the easiest life; no snow is there,
No biting winter, and no drenching shower,
But zephyr always gently from the sea
Breathes on them to refresh the happy race. ”[1104]
Now the purity of the air, and the gentle breathing of the zephyr, are
both applicable to this country, as well as the softness of the climate,
its position in the west, and its place at the extremities of the earth,
where, as we have said, he feigned that Hades was. By coupling
Rhadamanthus with it, he signifies that the place was near to Minos, of
whom he says,
“There saw I Minos, offspring famed of Jove;
His golden sceptre in his hand, he sat
Judge of the dead. ”[1105]
Similar to these are the fables related by later poets; such, for
instance, as the expeditions after the oxen of Geryon, and the [CAS.
150] golden apples of the Hesperides, the Islands of the Blessed[1106]
they speak of, which we know are still pointed out to us not far distant
from the extremities of Maurusia, and opposite to Gades.
14. I repeat that the Phœnicians were the discoverers [of these
countries], for they possessed the better part of Iberia and Libya
before the time of Homer, and continued masters of those places until
their empire was overthrown by the Romans. This also is an evidence of
the wealth of Iberia: in the expedition of the Carthaginians under
Barcas,[1107] they found, according to historians, that the people of
Turdetania used silver goblets[1108] and casks. One might guess too that
it was on account of this great opulence that the men of the country,
and their chiefs in particular, were styled long-lived. Wherefore
Anacreon thus sings,
“Neither would I desire the horn of Amalthea, nor to reign over
Tartessus one hundred and fifty years. ”
Herodotus too has preserved the name of the king, whom he calls
Arganthonius. [1109] The passage of Anacreon must therefore either be
understood [of this king], or some other like him; or else more
generally thus, “nor to reign for a lengthened period in Tartessus. ”
Some writers[1110] are of opinion that Tartessus is the present Carteia.
15. The Turdetani not only enjoy a salubrious climate but their manners
are polished and urbane, as also are those of the people of Keltica, by
reason of their vicinity [to the Turdetani], or, according to Polybius,
on account of their being of the same stock, but not to so great a
degree, for they live for the most part scattered in villages. The
Turdetani, on the other hand, especially those who dwell about the
Guadalquiver,[1111] have so entirely adopted the Roman mode of life, as
even to have forgotten their own language. They have for the most part
become Latins,[1112] and received Roman colonists; so that a short time
only is wanted before they will be all Romans. The very names of many of
the towns at present, such as Pax Augusta[1113] amongst the Keltici,
Augusta-Emerita[1114] amongst the Turduli, Cæsar-Augusta[1115] amongst
the Keltiberians and certain other colonies, are proof of the change of
manners I have spoken of. Those of the Iberians who adopt these new
modes of life are styled _togati_. Amongst their number are the
Keltiberians, who formerly were regarded as the most uncivilized of them
all. So much for these.
CHAPTER III.
1. Starting again from the Sacred Promontory,[1116] and continuing along
the other side of the coast, we come to the gulf near the Tagus,
afterwards Cape Barbarium,[1117] and near to this the outlets of the
Tagus, which may be reached by sailing in a straight course for a
distance of 10 stadia. [1118] Here are estuaries, one of them more than
400 stadia from the said tower, on a part of which Laccæa is
situated. [1119] The breadth of the mouth of the Tagus is about 20
stadia, its depth is so great as to be capable of navigation by vessels
of the greatest burden. At the flood-tide the Tagus forms two estuaries
in the [CAS. 152] plains which lie above it, so that the plain is
inundated and rendered navigable for a distance of 150 stadia. In the
upper estuary an island is formed about 30 stadia in length, and nearly
equal in breadth, which is fertile, and has excellent vines. The island
lies near to Moro,[1120] a city happily situated on a mountain close to
the river, and about 500 stadia from the sea. The country surrounding it
is very fine, and the ascent [of the Tagus] for a considerable way
practicable for vessels of a large size, the remainder is performed in
river-boats. Above Moro it is navigable for a yet longer distance.
Brutus, surnamed the Gallician, made use of this city as a military
station, when fighting against the Lusitanians, whom he subdued. On the
sides of the river he fortified Olysipo, in order that the passage up
the river and the carriage of necessaries might be preserved unimpeded.
These therefore are the finest cities near the Tagus. The river contains
much fish, and is full of oysters. It takes its rise amongst the
Keltiberians, and flows through the [country of the] Vettones,
Carpetani, and Lusitani, towards the west;[1121] to a certain distance
it runs parallel with the Guadiana[1122] and Guadalquiver,[1123] but
parts from them as they decline towards the southern coast.
2. Of those who dwell above the aforesaid mountains, the Oretani are the
most southern, extending in part as far as the sea-coast on this side
the Pillars. Next these towards the north are the Carpetani, then the
Vettones and Vaccæi, through whose [country] the Douro[1124] flows as it
passes Acontia,[1125] a city of the Vaccæi. The Gallicians are the last,
and inhabit for the most part a mountainous country: on this account
they were the most difficult to subdue, and furnished his surname to the
conqueror of the Lusitanians; in fact, at the present day the greater
part of the Lusitanians are beginning to call themselves Gallicians. The
finest cities of Oretania are Castulo[1126] and Oria. [1127]
3. North of the Tagus is Lusitania, the principal of the nations of
Iberia, and the one which has most frequently encountered the arms of
the Romans. On the southern side this country is bounded by the Tagus,
on the west and north by the ocean, on the east by the well-known
nations of the Carpetani, the Vettones, the Vaccæi, the Gallicians, and
by others not worthy to be mentioned on account of their insignificance
and obscurity. On the other hand, certain historians of the present day
give the name of Lusitanians to all of these nations.
To the east the Gallicians border on the nation of the Asturians and
Keltiberians, the others [border] on the Keltiberians. In length
Lusitania is 3000[1128] stadia; its breadth, which is comprised between
the eastern side and the opposite sea-coast, is much less. The eastern
part is mountainous and rugged, while the country beyond, as far as the
sea, consists entirely of plains, with the exception of a few
inconsiderable mountains. On this account Posidonius remarks that
Aristotle was not correct in supposing that the ebb and flow of the tide
was occasioned by the sea-coast of Iberia and Maurusia. [1129] For
Aristotle asserted that the tides of the sea were caused by the
extremities of the land being mountainous and rugged, and therefore both
receiving the wave violently and also casting it back. Whereas
Posidonius truly remarks that they are for the most part low and sandy.
4. The country which we are describing is fertile, and irrigated by
rivers both large and small, all of which flow from the eastern parts
parallel with the Tagus: most of them are navigable and full of gold
dust. After the Tagus, the most noted rivers are the Mondego[1130] and
the Vouga,[1131] which are navigable but for a short distance. After
these is the Douro,[1132] which flows from afar by Numantia,[1133] and
many other colonies of the Keltiberians and Vaccæi; it is capable of
being navigated in large vessels for a distance of nearly 800 stadia.
Besides these there are other rivers, after which is the [river] of
Lethe, which some call the Limæa,[1134] others the Belio,[1135] it
likewise rises amongst the Keltiberians and Vaccæi. After [CAS. 153]
this is the Bænis, (some call it the Minius,[1136]) by far the largest
river of Lusitania,[1137] being navigable for a distance of 800 stadia.
Posidonius says this too rises amongst the Cantabrians. [1138] An
island[1139] lies before its outlet, and two moles affording anchorage
for vessels. A natural advantage [of this country] well deserving of
commendation is, that the banks of the rivers are so lofty as to be
capable of containing the entirety of the water raised by the high tides
of the sea, without either being overfilled, or overflowing the plains.
This was the limit of Brutus’s expedition. Beyond there are many other
rivers parallel to those I have named.
5. The Artabri are the last of the people [on this coast]. They inhabit
the promontory called Nerium,[1140] which is the boundary [of Iberia] on
its western and northern sides. Around it dwell the Keltici, a kindred
race to those who are situated along the Guadiana. [1141] They say that
these latter, together with the Turduli, having undertaken an expedition
thither, quarrelled after they had crossed the river Lima,[1142] and,
besides the sedition, their leader having also died, they remained
scattered there, and from this circumstance the river was called the
Lethe. [1143] The Artabri have besides many cities established round the
Gulf, which mariners and those familiar with the places designate as the
Port of the Artabri. At the present day the Artabri are denominated the
Arotrebæ. About thirty[1144] different nations occupy the country
between the Tagus and the Artabri. Notwithstanding the fertility of the
country in corn, cattle, gold, silver, and numerous other similar
productions, the majority of its inhabitants, neglecting to gain their
subsistence from the ground, passed their lives in pillage and continual
warfare, both between themselves and their neighbours, whom they used to
cross the Tagus [to plunder]. To this the Romans at length put a stop by
subduing them, and changing many of their cities into villages, besides
colonizing some of them better. The mountaineers, as was natural, were
the first to commence this lawless mode of life: for living but
scantily, and possessing little, they coveted the goods of others, who
being obliged to repulse them, of necessity relinquished their proper
employments, and instead of pursuing agriculture took up arms. Thus it
happened that their country, being neglected, became barren
notwithstanding its natural advantages, and inhabited by bandits.
6. The Lusitanians are reported to be clever in laying ambushes, sharp,
swift of foot, light,[1145] and easily disciplined as soldiers. The
small shield they make use of is two feet in diameter, its outer surface
concave, and suspended by leather thongs; it neither has rings nor
handles. They have in addition[1146] a poignard or dagger. Their
corselets are for the most part made of linen; a few have chain-coats
and helmets with triple crests, but the others use helmets composed of
sinews. The infantry wear greaves, each man is furnished with a number
of javelins; some also use spears pointed with brass. They report that
some of those who dwell near to the river Douro[1147] imitate the
Lacedæmonians in anointing their bodies with oil, using hot air-baths
made of heated stones, bathing in cold water, and taking but one tidy
and frugal meal a day. The Lusitanians are frequent in the performance
of sacrifice; they examine the entrails, but without cutting them out of
the body; they also examine the veins of the side, and practise augury
by the touch. They likewise divine by the entrails of captive enemies,
whom they first cover with a military cloak, and when stricken under the
entrails by the haruspex, they draw their first auguries from the fall
[of the victim]. [CAS. 155] They cut off the right hands of their
prisoners, and consecrate them to the gods.
7. All the mountaineers are frugal, their beverage is water, they sleep
on the ground, and wear a profuse quantity of long hair after the
fashion of women, which they bind around the forehead when they go to
battle. [1148] They subsist principally on the flesh of the goat, which
animal they sacrifice to Mars, as also prisoners taken in war, and
horses. They likewise offer hecatombs of each kind after the manner of
the Greeks, described by Pindar,
“To sacrifice a hundred of every [species]. ”[1149]
They practise gymnastic exercises,[1150] both as heavy-armed soldiers,
and cavalry, also boxing, running, skirmishing, and fighting in bands.
For two-thirds of the year the mountaineers feed on the acorn, which
they dry, bruise, and afterwards grind and make into a kind of bread,
which may be stored up for a long period. They also use beer; wine is
very scarce, and what is made they speedily consume in feasting with
their relatives. In place of oil they use butter. Their meals they take
sitting, on seats put up round the walls, and they take place on these
according to their age and rank. The supper is carried round, and whilst
drinking they dance to the sound of the flute and trumpet, springing up
and sinking upon the knees. [1151]
In Bastetania the women dance promiscuously with the men, each holding
the other’s hand. They all dress in black, the majority of them in
cloaks called saga, in which they sleep on beds of straw. They make use
of wooden vessels like the Kelts. The women wear dresses and embroidered
garments. Instead of money, those who dwell far in the interior exchange
merchandise, or give pieces of silver cut off from plates of that
metal. Those condemned to death are executed by stoning; parricides are
put to death without the frontiers or the cities. They marry according
to the customs of the Greeks. [1152] Their sick they expose upon the
highways, the same way as the Egyptians[1153] did anciently, in the hope
that some one who has experienced the malady may be able to give them
advice. Up to the time of [the expedition of] Brutus they made use of
vessels constructed of skins for crossing the lagoons formed by the
tides; they now have them formed out of the single trunk of a tree, but
these are scarce. Their salt is purple, but becomes white by pounding.
The life of the mountaineers is such as I have described, I mean those
bordering the northern side of Iberia, the Gallicians, the Asturians,
and the Cantabrians,[1154] as far as the Vascons[1155] and the Pyrenees.
The mode of life amongst all these is similar. But I am reluctant to
fill my page with their names, and would fain escape the disagreeable
task of writing them, unless perchance the Pleutauri, the Bardyetæ, the
Allotriges,[1156] and other names still worse and more out of the way
than these might be grateful to the ear of some one.
8. The rough and savage manners of these people is not alone owing to
their wars, but likewise to their isolated position, it being a long
distance to reach them, whether by sea or land. Thus the difficulty of
communication has deprived [CAS. 156] them both of generosity of manners
and of courtesy. At the present time, however, they suffer less from
this both on account of their being at peace and the intermixture of
Romans. Wherever these [influences] are not so much experienced people
are harsher and more savage. It is probable that this ruggedness of
character is increased by the barrenness of the mountains and some of
the places which they inhabit. At the present day, as I have remarked,
all warfare is put an end to, Augustus Cæsar having subdued the
Cantabrians[1157] and the neighbouring nations, amongst whom the system
of pillage was mainly carried on in our day. So that at the present
time, instead of plundering the allies of the Romans, the Coniaci and
those who dwell by the sources of the Ebro,[1158] with the exception of
the Tuisi,[1159] bear arms for the Romans. Tiberius, who succeeded
Augustus Cæsar, carried out his intention of placing a military force of
three legions in these parts, by which means he has not only preserved
peace, but introduced amongst some of them a civil polity.
CHAPTER IV.
1. What remains [to be described] of Iberia, is the sea-coast of the
Mediterranean from the Pillars to the Pyrenees, and the whole of the
inland country which lies above.
