The prospect of glory and separate command, it was
supposed, would dazzle the youthful and ardent mind of
La Fayette, and tempt him to become a partizan to their de-
signs, while the real conduct of the enterprise would devolve
on Conway.
supposed, would dazzle the youthful and ardent mind of
La Fayette, and tempt him to become a partizan to their de-
signs, while the real conduct of the enterprise would devolve
on Conway.
Hamilton - 1834 - Life on Hamilton - v1
org/access_use#pd-google
? 146 THE LIFE OF
The importance of drawing reinforcements, at this time,
from the northern army, and the disastrous consequences
which resulted from General Gates' conduct, have been seen
in the previous chapter.
Early in the month of October, General Vaughan, in or-
der to create a diversion in favour of Burgoyne, moved up
the Hudson, came in sight on the fifth, and on the night of
the sixth of that month attacked the Forts Clinton and Mont-
gomery. The former, a circular height, defended by a line
for musketry, with a barbet battery in the centre of three
guns, and flanked by two redoubts: the latter, "strongly
fortified by nature, almost inaccessible in itself, and suffi-
ciently manned," were both, "after a feeble and unskilful de-
fence, carried by storm," and the greater part of the troops
captured, with the loss of cannon and stores of immense
value, and of two frigates. Governor Clinton, who com-
manded, a man of courage, and, on most occasions, active
and vigorous, having escaped.
On the fifteenth of the same month, the enemy made a
descent on Esopus, which, with a barbarity that affixed in-
famy on the expedition, was burnt to the ground; no de-
fence other than the scattered firing of the inhabitants being
offered, while a large body of troops remained unemployed
in the vicinity.
While Gates assigned to Hamilton "a projected attack on
Ticonderoga, and the importance of the arsenal at Albany,"
as the pretext for maintaining an army around him, the re-
covery of these fortresses was deemed by his party in con-
Morris, Roberdeau, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie, Perm,
Harnett, Laurens. --18.
For the general resolution.
Affirmative. --Messrs. Folsom, J. Adams, Lovell, Law, Williams, Dunne,
Duer, Elmer, Morris, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie,
Penn, Harnett, Laurens. --18.
Negative. --Messrs. S. Adams, Gerry, Marchant, Dyer, Roberdeau. -- 5.
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? HAMILTON. 147
gress a more adequate reason; but it was a wholly insuffi-
cient one.
On the first of November, Washington had addressed an
official letter to that body, informing them that he had writ-
ten to Generals Dickinson and Forman, to afford every aid
in their power to the posts on the Delaware; mentioning
the mission of Hamilton to Gates; that the enemy were
stronger than he had supposed; that reinforcements were
coming in to General Howe, while by the departure of the
Virginia militia, he had no aid to the continental troops other
than a body from Philadelphia and a few from Maryland,
and giving indisputable reasons for his not attempting to dis-
lodge the enemy from Philadelphia.
Notwithstanding these circumstances, the Cabal had given
to Gates an independent command; had limited, by its first
resolution, the succours which Washington was to receive to
two thousand five hundred men, although he had deemed
nearly three times that number necessary to enable him to give
a decisive blow to the enemy; and had sought by the last, to
render the extent of the reinforcements, and the measures of
the main army dependent on the concurrence of an inferior
and a rival; as to whom it was the intention, that he should
add to his newly-earned honours, the easy recovery of the
Highland passes, "to the end that his army might be in rea-
diness to pursue such operations as congress shall direct;"
while, in the mean time, the fall of the posts on the Delaware,
and the undisturbed possession of Philadelphia by the ene-
my, would have produced such invidious contrasts, and art-
fully excited discontent would have become so loud, and
calumny so bold, that an apparent deference to public opin-
ion might have justified the sacrifice of Washington.
The refusal of the commander-in-chief to march directly
to Philadelphia, on the embarkation of Howe, in the pre-
ceding spring, was one of the earliest avowed causes of
dissatisfaction.
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? 148 THE LIFE OF
The state of Pennsylvania, which had hitherto escaped
the calamities of invasion, readily listened to the suggestions
which were thrown out against Washington; and many
members of congress, who looked to the preservation of
that city as the principal subject of solicitude, were willing,
for this purpose, to sacrifice the more important object of
preventing a junction of the British forces.
These feelings, unfortunately for the service, found a
powerful auxiliary in General Mifflin, a native of Pennsyl-
vania, of extensive influence, great activity and great per-
sonal popularity, but of a hot, impatient temper, an ambition
little disposed to be satisfied with a fair share of favour, and
a judgment, which, though prompt, was not free from the
influence of flattery or prejudice.
This gentleman had performed, at the beginning of the
revolution, the duties of Quarter-master-general, a station
which he left; but, after serving a short time in the line of
the army, resumed, at the request of congress, in the autumn
of 1776, and continued to fill until just before the army retired
from the field.
A committee of congress, appointed to investigate the state
of that department, made a report conveying the most seri-
ous censures upon General Mifflin. The public property was
represented as being scattered in every direction, and only
saved by the casual interference of some officer of the fine.
"Not a gentleman of any rank in this department is in
camp, although the duties of the office require constant and
unremitting attention. Not a moment's time," say they,
"is to be lost, in placing a man of approved abilities and
extensive capacity at the head of the department, who will
restore it to some degree of order and regularity, whose
provident care will immediately relieve the wants of the
army, and extend itself to those which must be satisfied, be-
fore we can expect vigour, enterprise, and success. "
Such censure, the frequent, nay constant and unavoid-
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? HAMILTON. 149
able complaints of Washington, and his earnest desire to place
Greene at the head of this department, between whom and
Mifflin unkind feelings existed, were alike calculated to irri-
tate his mind, and embitter his hostility to the commander-
in-chief.
On the 8th of October he addressed a letter to congress
requesting leave to resign his commission as major-general
and quarter-master-general, on account of ill health.
Compelled by the force of public opinion, congress ac-
cepted his resignation as quarter-master-general, but resol-
ved that his rank and commission as major-general should
be retained, but without pay, until their farther order.
And yet on the same day, such was the influence of the
cabal in congress, that, in the selection of the members of
the board of war, Mifflin was placed at its head; while to
render it less offensive to Washington, Colonel Pickering,
and Colonel Harrison, the general's secretary, were asso-
ciated with him.
Notwithstanding the language of congress respecting the
terms of the convention with Burgoyne, the public discon-
tent could not be stifled. The committee of New-York
wrote in terms of the strongest censure; and it became
necessary to bring the subject again under the considera-
tion of congress. The committee to which it was referred
brought in a report ;* but in the belief that more time was
necessary to obtain a proper knowledge of the facts, it was
proposed to postpone the consideration of it, which was
adopted,! but not without a wide division of opinion. J This
subject was subsequently resumed, when motions for a
committee of inquiry, and for obtaining intelligence, were
defeated; and yet such was the dissatisfaction of subsequent
* November 8. f November 22.
J Nov. 8. The votes were--affirmative, Folsom, Gerry, Law, Williami,
Duane, Duer, Elmer, Smith, Harvie, Perrin, Hamett
.
Negative. Samuel Adams. John Adams, Lovell, Marchant, Dyerr, Rober-
d<<au, Clingan, Jones, F. L. Lee, Laurens.
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? 150 THE LIFE OF
congresses with this capitulation, that the obligations of good
faith were forgotten -- at least, never fulfilled.
General Mifflin and Colonel Pickering accepted seats at
the board of war, but Colonel Harrison, from considerations
of delicacy arising from his relation to the commander-in-
chief, declined the appointment.
Within a short interval, a report of the board of war
stated, that, after a conference with General Mifflin, they
were of opinion, that "a sufficient number of commissioners
had not been appointed in order to give due weight to the
execution of the regulations which might be recommended
by the board, and adopted by congress, and particularly for
enabling one of the board to visit, from time to time, the
different armies, in order to see that their regulations were
executed, and to examine what the wants of the army were,
and what defects or abuses prevail from time to time in
the different departments. " Upon this reportit was resolved
that two additional commissioners be appointed; and on
the 27th of November three commissioners were elected,
and General Gates appointed President of the board of
war. A resolution was also adopted, that the President of
congress should inform General Gates of his appointment,
expressing "the high sense congress entertain of his abili-
ties and peculiar fitness to discharge the duties of that im-
portant office, upon the right execution of which the success
of the American cause does eminently depend -- that it is
the intention of congress to continue his rank as major-ge-
neral, and that he may officiate at the board or in the field,
as occasion may require; and that he be requested to re-
pair to congress with all convenient despatch, to enter upon
the duties of his appointment. "
The whole of the proceedings following the events which
have been related were distinctly understood, as prepara-
tory to more decisive measures of hostility: and the selec-
tion of General Mifflin in the first instance, known to be
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? HAMILTON. 151
hostile to the commander-in-chief, and the choice of Gates
as a coadjutor, at the head of a department, invested with a
control of all the military operations with which Washing-
ton had immediate intercourse, and upon which he must
chiefly depend, left no room to doubt the nature of the in-
fluence which then controlled the policy of congress. If
any question could have existed, it was soon after removed
by an act of the most unequivocal hostility--this was, a
resolution founded upon a report of the board of war, to
whom were referred the letters of Brigadier Conway," that
it was essential to the promotion of discipline in the Ame-
rican army, and to the reformation of the various abuses
which prevail in the different departments, that an appoint-
ment be made of Inspectors-General, agreeable to the prac-
tice of the best disciplined armies in Europe" -- that this
appointment be conferred on experienced and vigilant ge-
neral officers, who are acquainted with whatever relates
to the general economy, manoeuvres, and discipline of a
well-regulated army. "
Powers were conferred on this office in effect para-
mount to those of the commander-in-chief. It was resolved
that two inspectors-general should be appointed; and on the
same day* Conway was elected inspector-general, and also
appointed a major-general of the army -- the man who had
been detected intriguing with Gates, and whom Washington
denounced as a " dangerous incendiary. "
This last step following the recent advancement of Wil-
kinson to the grade of brigadier, was resented by the army
as a gross indignity. General Greene in a manly and inde-
pendent letterf rebuked the conduct of congress. A re-
monstrance was presented by the general and field officers
without the knowledge of Washington --Conway was com-
pelled to retire from the inspectorship, and Wilkinson to
resign his short-lived honours.
* December 13th, 1777. t Dated January 12th, 1778.
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? 152 THE LIFE OF
The communications received by Washington from vari-
ous parts of the country, and from his friends in congress,
fully confirmed the belief that a party had been formed
against him in that body, and was rapidly extending.
Rumours were put in circulation, that, yielding to the
public feeling, he purposed to resign, and to such an extent
was the impression created, that some of his warmest
friends were alarmed, lest, under all the pressure of cir-
cumstances he might be led to this sacrifice. But Washing-
ton was surrounded by men who knew his value, and would
have sustained his determination had it faltered; but never
for an instant did he indulge a purpose of such fatal
tendency. "The moment," said he, "I become sensible the
majority of the people wish me out, I will resign; until then
I am determined to withstand this intrigue. "
His course was obvious: relying with confidence and
security on his well-founded popularity, he assumed a tone
of decision and independence in his correspondence with
congress, which at once proved his fearlessness of the char-
ges which were maliciously circulated against him, and his
consciousness, that in an issue between that body and the
nation, his policy would receive its just estimate.
A short time after the appointment of Conway as in-
spector-general, the same faction, in full pursuit of their
object, though a committee had recently visited the camp,
and reported measures of reform in the different depart-
ments of the army, adopted with the concurrence of Wash-
ington and Greene, succeeded in the election of a new
committee* of three members of congress and three mem-
bers of the board of war, to repair to head-quarters, with
general powers, "to reorganize the different battalions; to
recommend the appointment of general officers; to remove
officers in the civil departments of the army, and to adopt
* January 10th, 1778.
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? HAMILTON. 153
such measures as they should judge necessary for introdu-
cing economy, and promoting discipline and good morals in
the army. "
A committee with such powers, could be viewed in no
other light than as a permanent court of inquiry on the con-
duct of the commander-in-chief, to exercise the most rigid
inquisition. The members of the committee were Messrs.
Dana, Reed, and Folsom of congress, and Generals Gates,
Mifflin, and Colonel Pickering of the board of war.
Aware of the distressed situation of the army from the
reiterated representations of the commander-in-chief, the
same faction, as though their intention was to accumulate
insult upon insult, adopted a resolution,* "applauding the
rising spirit of the people of Pennsylvania to recover their
capital, declaring the readiness of congress to aid in it, and
directing the committee in camp to consult with the President
and Council of Pennsylvania, and with General Washington,
on the practicability of an attack. " At the same time,
anonymous charges were addressed to the President of
Congress, to provoke the angry feelings of that body, and
the excitement of the legislature of Pennsylvania was called
in aid to co-operate with the projects of the Cabal. The
language of this resolution, called forth an indignant remon-
strance from the commander-in-chief, in which, after por-
traying the condition of the army, destitute of food, cloth-
ing, and shelter, he animadverted strongly on the reckless
indifference to their sufferings, evinced by these agitators, j-
An incident occurred at this time, which marks the effect
* January 16, 1778.
j "I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distress-
ing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fire-side,
than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without
clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for
the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them, and from
my soul pity those miseries which it is not in my power to relieve or to pre-
vent. "
vol. I. 20
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? 154 THE LIFE OF
of the letter of the ninth of January, addressed by Washing-
ton to Gates. It will be observed, that the appointment of
the committee to visit camp, was made on the twelfth of
January. That letter was received about this time; for it
will be perceived, by a juggle with his partizans, a resolu-
tion was adopted on the twentieth of January, "that the
members attending the business of the board of war, inquire
of General Gates whether he can go to camp agreeably to
his appointment, for the purpose expressed in the resolution
of the tenth instant, and when he can set out on that busi-
ness ;" and on the afternoon of the same day, "the members
of the board of war reported to congress sundry reasons as-
signed by General Gates why the members of the board of
war ought immediately to enter on the business of that de-
partment;" and it was resolved that General Gates and Ge-
neral Mifflin should be excused from attending camp, and
Messrs. Morris and Carroll, (for the tide had already begun
to turn,) known friends of Washington, were substituted.
At the close of the preceding year, Messrs. Lee and Lo-
vell, two members of the committee of foreign affairs, had
enclosed to the commander-in-chief, a plan and various re-
solutions of congress, for an attack upon Canada, during the
next campaign, in conjunction with a body of French troops.
In a very able letter received by congress from Washing-
ton, all the bearings of this project were examined: -- The
force necessary for success, the requisite supplies, the na-
ture and extent of the resistance, the obstacles to be over-
come, and the uncertainty of results depending on a co-
operation upon so extensive and complex a plan, and requi-
ring a coincidence of circumstances too fortunate to be hoped
for; and the scheme, it was supposed, had been abandoned;
but the successes on the northern frontier had, at this time,
so much inflated the minds of that body, that a new pro-
ject was brought forward and countenanced, for a winter
expedition into Canada, and a committee was appointed to
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? HAMILTON. 155
confer with Washington on the means of carrying on this
campaign.
This committee, in an interview with him, had been fully
satisfied that the project was impracticable, and, for a time,
this design appeared also to have been relinquished.
The Cabal had, however, decided not to yield their pur-
pose, (a favourite object with the people,) which might have
the double effect of adding lustre to their influence, and
giving an opportunity to their favourite Conway to gather
laurels, where Schuyler and St. Clair had been unfortunate.
Notwithstanding the ascertained wants of the army* had
induced congress, (forgetful of the principles which had so
lately introduced into the confederation, the narrow clauses
which were productive of so much subsequent inconveni-
ence,) only a month prior to this time, to take the extraor-
dinary step of recommending the enactment of laws, by
the several legislatures, of the most oppressive and arbitrary
character. ! Within a week after the resolution to capture
Philadelphia, the board of war, to whom the subject had
been transferred from the committee previously appointed,
introduced a report, which was adopted,^ recommending
* Washington, in a circular, states, "that there were, on the twenty-ninth
of December, two thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight men unfit for duty,
by reason of their being barefoot and otherwise naked. " -- December 29,1777.
f On the twentieth December, 1777, the legislatures were earnestly recom-
mended forthwith to enact laws, appointing suitable persons to seize and take
for the use of the continental army of the said states, all the necessary articles
suitable for the clothing of the army; to empower the commissary-general to
seize stock and every kind of provision necessary for the army; and among
other things, to enact laws limiting the number of retailers of goods, who were
to be compelled to take licenses and execute bonds; that no person should sell 4y
wholesale except the importer, and then only to such licensed retailers; and pro-
viding, that no person, not licensed, sliould be permitted to buy more than was
necessary for their domestic use. An address was published by congress to the
states, in which a hope was expressed, that these measures would be carried
into execution as secretly and expeditiously as possible.
t January 22, 1778.
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? 156 THE LIFE OF
that an irruption be made into Canada, and investing them-
selves with authority, for the execution of this scheme
under such general officers as congress should appoint,
and to apply for such sums of money as they should think
proper and requisite for the expedition, entirely departing
from the established courtesy of consulting Washington.
The succeeding day was chosen for the appointment of
these officers ; when the Marquis de la Fayette, (to cultivate
whose favour, after long delay, congress on the first of De-
cember, had resolved it would be agreeable to them should
be appointed to the command of a division,) Generals
Conway and Stark were elected.
To use the language of La Fayette,* "among the gene-
ral attacks upon the confidential friends of General Wash-
ington, for it would have been too unpopular to have in-
dulged in open attacks upon him personally, in which his
pretended incapacity had rendered the campaign in the south
so different from that in the north, under a general conver-
sant with European tactics, and the much-lamented influence
of such men as Greene, Knox, and Hamilton, over the sub-
jugated mind of the commander-in-chief, were artfully sug-
gested and circulated. It had not been deemed expedient
to include La Fayette; -- a better use, it was supposed,
might be made of his growing popularity with the country,
and of his correspondence with his friends in Europe. "
With this view, the selection of him had been made,
though then but twenty years of age, and only six months
in the country, to the command of a department attended
with innumerable local difficulties, which no other than a
native could surmount; augmented by the character of the
troops to whom the service must be confided, and depend-
ing principally on militia, from whom nothing but the per-
* Manuscript Memoir of General La Fayette.
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? HAMILTON. 157
sonal influence of the general or the most exact discipline
could derive any essential aid.
The prospect of glory and separate command, it was
supposed, would dazzle the youthful and ardent mind of
La Fayette, and tempt him to become a partizan to their de-
signs, while the real conduct of the enterprise would devolve
on Conway.
The proceeding of the board of war towards Wash-
ington, on carrying this point, was in a similar spirit. The
official letter from General Gates was transmitted to La
Fayette, through the handsof Washington,without any ex-
planation.
Obvious as was the purpose of this insult, the delicacy,of
Washington did not permit him, on the delivery of the
packet to the marquis, to say more than this: -- " Since it
is to be so, I had rather it was you than any body else. "
"LaFayette, struckwith the proffered opportunity of coun-
teracting a measure, the tendency of which was not less in-
jurious to the cause, than invidious to his paternal friend,
under the pretence that it was necessary for him to visit
congress to arrange the ^measures for the expedition, pro-
ceeded immediately to York Town,* and there omitted no
arguments with Gates, and in his conferences with Laurens,
* An incident occurred at this place, perhaps too minute to be recorded. Ge-
neral Gates, soon after he was placed at the head of the board of war, thought
fit to assume some appearance of state. His table was filled with plotting
civilians, discontented officers, and favour-seeking foreigners; and never wag
this giddy man more happy than when he saw assembled around him a little
court, basking under the sunshine of his new fortunes. His festive air and
high hilarity, were contrasted with the sober decencies which surrounded
Washington, and seemed appropriate to one who carried fortune in his train.
It was during a scene of this kind that La Fayette arrived, when, after much
gayety, finding the standing toast omitted, he requested the gentlemen again
to be seated, and said, " You have forgotten our beloved commander-in-chief,
General Washington, and the army. " This open avowal, by one whose in-
fluence with France was so well known, alarmed those who had calculated
on her aid, through the assurances of Conway, and dispelled the dream.
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? 158 THE LIFE OP
the President of congress, to convince them that the whole
charge of the military operations should be under the con-
trol of the commander-in-chief. Finding that his views were
little in accordance with the intentions of the faction, he
firmly resisted the temptations which were offered by the
glory and facilities of an independent command, and stated
that, considering himself as one of Washington's family, he
could not accept the trust, except on the condition that he
should act under Washington's immediate orders. "
To this proposition the board of war were compelled to
accede, and at the request of La Fayette, Baron de Kalb, a
senior officer to Conway, was attached to the command.
La Fayette having rendered this important service to the
country, after a conference with Washington, proceeded
immediately to Albany; where, in pursuance of the instruc-
tions of the board of war, he ought to have found a body of
two thousand five hundred men, besides militia, at the Co-
hoes, and all the means "of acting on the ice on lake Cham-
plain and burning the British flotilla, whence he was to
proceed to Montreal. "
On his arrival at Albany, Schuyler, deeply affected with
his recent conduct to Washington, generously volunteered
to aid the marquis in the objects of his expedition, but the
preparations being insufficient, the project was abandoned.
La Fayette was rewarded for his alacrity by the thanks of
congress, and retained this department through the winter;
while Conway, having on the failure of this plan been
thrown out of command, was ordered to repair to the post
at Peekskill, under McDougall. Finding himself sinking
rapidly in public esteem, as his intrigues became known,
he resigned his commission, and then endeavoured to re-
sume it. On the 27th May, 1778, General Gates wrote to
congress stating, " I hope sir, congress will not think me
importunate when I say, I wish that the only gentleman
who has left France with the rank of colonel of foot,
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? HAMILTON. 159
should not be returned to his prince and nation in any
other manner than such as becomes the gratitude, honour,
and dignity of the United States ;" but the exhortation was
in vain; and on the 28th of April, on a formal vote of con-
gress of twenty-one members, four only voted in his favour,
Messrs. Gerry, Chase, F. Lee and Banister of Virginia.
Washington soon reaped the fruits of his elevated for-
bearance: the party which had erected themselves against
him, despairing of success, were contented with interposing
petty obstacles and vexatious embarrassments; which,
though they added to the sufferings of the army, only served
to call forth more signal evidences of the zeal of the officers,
and virtue and patriotism of the troops, who all exclaimed,
"No Washington -- No Army! "
While this series of acts of a character by no means
equivocal occurred, a tale had been artfully circulated
at the seat of government, of designs in the army, inimical
to the liberties of the republic. Direct efforts were stated
to have been made to overturn the system of the confede-
ration, and to invest the commander-in-chief with all the
powers of government; and it was insinuated that the lead-
ing officers in the army were in favour of this project, and
that it required only time for its completion.
These calumnies, for there never existed a particle of
evidence on which to sustain them, were cherished by the
faction; apprehensions for the national liberties were feign-
ed; the necessity of keeping a check on the army, and ex-
pelling from it individuals whom the faction both feared
and hated, became with them a popular topic, and a resolu-
tion was pompously introduced and adopted by congress,*
in which the friends of Washington were compelled from
policy to concur, requiring oaths of allegiance to the United
States, and of abjuration of Great Britain, to be taken by
all the officers in service of government, and certificates
* February 3d, 1778.
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? 160 THE LIFE OF
to be filed with congress of their compliance with this
measure. Had a new motive or any instance of treason
occurred? Had the cause of the nation suffered materi-
ally from any noted violation of public engagements, or
any recent manifestation been given of a disposition to
compromise the national interests, this harsh measure,
of a nature always little efficacious in preserving fidelity,
might have been resorted to; but as a new pledge required
from an army, who under more severe trials, and exposed
to the greatest temptations, had sustained a character of the
highest and most uncorrupted fealty to their country, it
was regarded at the time and must always be considered,
as the unnecessary demand of a too jealous caution, or as
an outrage on a patriotism, and a devotion never surpassed.
As a closing scene in the fate of this Cabal, a resolution was
passed by congress, stating that "alarming consequences
are likely to ensue, from a longer delay of appointing
proper persons to fill the quarter-master-general's depart-
ment; that the committee at camp, in conjunction with
General Washington, be authorized forthwith to make
proper appointments. " The arrangement of this depart-
ment, as framed by the board of war was abandoned, and
General Greene was appointed in place of Mifflin, who
upon an inquiry being instituted preliminary to a court-
martial, requested leave to resign.
General Gates, in the mean time, (every scheme of the
board of war over which he had presided having been
found impracticable,) was directed to take the command of
the posts on the Hudson, with authority to call on the ad-
jacent states for aid in fortifying and obstructing that
river, but with a prudent proviso full of meaning, suggested
by. the result of Hamilton's important mission to him in the
previous autumn, "that he be directed from time to time
to afford every assistance in his power, in forwarding the
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? HAMILTON. 161
drafts and other reinforcements destined for the main
army. "
The country had now passed through the most trying
period of its history; and when a true estimate is formed
of its situation at that moment, the surrender at Sara-
toga, the event which established the United States among
nations, must be regarded as the occurrence which por-
tended to it the most serious calamities.
Until that time America had seen little else but disaster.
She then began to triumph; and as the intelligence of this
success spread over the country, the public mind became
intoxicated, and even congress lost its balance.
This attempt to unveil the counsels of that secret con-
clave which doomed Washington to disgrace, -- which,
would, in all probability, have defeated the revolution, or if
not, would have robbed America of the pride of boasting a
native as her leader, has unavoidably been imperfect; but
enough of truth has been gathered to indicate the path of
inquiry.
When time shall give the whole of this eventful story, the
historian will not forget to remark, among other incidents,
that while Pennsylvania was chilled and dissatisfied, the
votes of Maryland, of North Carolina and Georgia di-
vided, -- his native Virginia misrepresented, -- the power-
ful influence of New-England marshalled under adverse
leaders; that New-York, though her metropolis and her
mountain passes were in the hands of the enemy, -- her tem-
porary seat of government in ashes, though just relieved
from subjugation by the capitulation of Burgoyne, -- thus
dismembered, and dislocated, maintained all her constancy
and all her firmness.
Justice to those patriots who resisted and ultimately de-
feated this Cabal, would seem to require that the persons
who composed it should be indicated; but, as the removal
of the commander-in-chief was never brought to a direct
vot. i. 21
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? 162 THE LIFE OF
question, and as the votes on several of the prominent acts
which have been referred to, are not recorded, much must
remain in uncertainty.
Among the friends of Washington, were to be remarked
the manly sense, the practised wisdom, the unbending firm-
ness of Robert Morris, detecting by his strong sagacity
every intrigue of the opposition, and overcoming their ob-
stinacy by his superior determination. There was also
found Charles Carroll, whose high and generous constancy
of character inspired confidence in his friends, and pre-
vented the zeal of party from blinding those who were
under its influence. There, also, the rich and varied powers
of Gouverneur Morris were forever kept in play, surpri-
sing all around him by the fertility of his erratic genius.
There was Duer, with stores of wit that never were ex-
hausted, and a rich, vivid, and spontaneous eloquence that
rose with every renewed effort, braving, defying, and dis-
concerting the hostile majority. There, also, were Bou-
dinot of New-Jersey, Burke of North Carolina, Paca of
Maryland, and others whose names are not distinguished.
Of the individuals who were believed to have controlled
the measures of the Cabal, the Lees and the Adamses*
have been indicated as the most conspicuous. As to the
former, the allegation has been denied; and of the part
taken by John Adams, who was nominated at the height
of its influence a Commissioner to France, history is silent,
and has directed its attention to Samuel Adams, whose
early services, zeal, and proscription have imparted to his
character a singular interest; but who, born with all the
qualities to aid in subverting an established government,
was devoid of those necessary to build one up.
Proceeding on the principle that all confidence is unsafe,
he laboured to confine the powers of the confederation
* Letter of Edward Rutledge to Mr. Jay. --Life of John Jay, p. 25, vol. 2.
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? HAMILTON. 163
within the narrowest limits, and opposed with obstinacy
every effort to enlarge them.
This spirit of indiscriminate distrust darkened all his
counsels, and was combined with a fanaticism which disre-
garded experience, and undervalued human agency. Thus
in the most alarming periods of the revolution, when the
condition of the country ought to have unchained his mind,
-- while he cheered the hesitating with reiterated appeals
to Providence,* he opposed long enlistments, from an appre-
hension of standing armies, and contended for a rotation in
command, on the ground that if the precedent were once
established, "no military chieftain could ever take a flight
beyond the reach of vengeance. "
With these doctrines, he swayed for a time the coun-
cils of the congress of seventeen hundred and seventy-seven,
which he characterized "as the smallest but truest con-
gress they ever had;" and without, probably, any malevo-
lence to Washington, or respect for Gates, he engaged
warmly in the projects of the Cabal, to displace the former
from the command and advance his rival.
* An instance of this kind is related of this more than ordinary man, who
led on the bold by his courage, and stirred up the tranquil by his arts; and
who though himself the victim of superstition, was not the less aware how
deep its sources spring in the human breast At a moment when congress
was sitting disheartened and hesitating, the arrival of a vessel with military
stores from France was announced. Availing himself of this intelligence, he
arose from his seat, and exclaiming with extended arms -- " It is a sign from
Heaven! Providence, -- Providence is on our side! " dissipated the doubts of
those around him. With the same sublimated feeling, when an unlimited
price was offered him by an agent of the king, he replied in a determined
manner: "I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of Kings.
No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of
my country. Tell Governor Gage 'It is the advice of Samuel Adams to him
to insult no longer the feelings of an exasperated people. '"
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? CHAPTER VIII. 1/
[1778. ]
The events of the last campaign had indicated the ne-
cessity of more efficient measures for the organization of
the army; and congress, yielding to the earnest solicitation
of Washington, now entered upon this duty. Before sta-
ting the measures which were adopted, a few preliminary
remarks may be necessary.
Rarely were a people less prepared for arms than the
American colonists at the commencement of the revolution.
They had neither soldiers, generals, nor engineers; neither
the munitions* nor the knowledge of war; -- all were to
be acquired by exertion and experience, and every thing
to be surmounted by energy and fortitude.
Among the few individuals who had reaped military in-
formation in the war of seventeen hundred and fifty-six,
Washington was the only American who had obtained an
extensive reputation. Eminent as were the soldierly qua-
lities which he there displayed, his experience was too limit-
ed to entitle him to the principal command; and on the
large scale on which the war was to be conducted, he had
almost all its science to learn.
Philip Schuyler, known as Colonel Schuyler, was the
only other member of the congress of seventeen hundred
and seventy-five who had any pretensions to the character
of a soldier; the capacity in which he had previously served,
had given him an accurate knowledge of the civil depart-
ments of an army, but beyond this, his attainments did not
extend; and whatever other information he possessed, was
*May 11, 1776, the lead was torn from the roofs of the Exchange and City
Hall for bullets, and every article of brass taken from the houses.
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? 106 THE LIFE OF
the acquisition of an active mind, fruitful in resource, and
of great practical energy.
The duty of organizing the military establishment was
confided by congress to these two gentlemen. * The first
object to which, after filling the general staff, congress di-
rected their attention, was the organization of the militia.
All the inhabitants of the colonies, fit for duty, were recom-
mended to form military associations; one-fourth of whom
were to be chosen minute men, distributed into battalions
and companies, to be relieved by new drafts, after perform-
ing a tour of four months' duty; the field officers to be ap-
pointed by the conventions of the respective states. Such
was the embryo of an army, destined to win the liberty of an
extensive empire.
Of this kind of force General Washington was authorized
to employ a body, not to exceed twenty-two thousand
troops, in the vicinity of Boston; and five thousand more,
under the command of General Lee, were directed to be
mustered for the protection of New-York.
At an adjourned meeting of congress,! a new continen-
tal army was ordered to be enlisted for one year, by battal-
ions, to be raised in the respective colonies, according to
their numbers; and of these, the forces intended to be en-
camped near Boston, were to amount to twenty thousand
men.
Powers were, at the same time, conferred on the com-
mander-in-chief, of impressing whatever might be necessary
for its use, and of calling forth, from time to time, portions
of the reserve.
The enlistments, under this arrangement, gave little assu-
rance of success in creating an efficient force. The spirit
* June 14,1775. -- Messrs. Deane, Cushing, an'l Hewes, were also of the
committee.
f November 4, 1775.
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? HAMILTON. 167
of the people brought them rapidly into the field on an emer-
gency; but there were few of that order of men who
would, from choice, endure the privations of a military life,
augmented as they were by the defects of a new and very
imperfect establishment.
The prejudices of the country were also strong against
any thing in the shape of a regular army. In vain were
the militia required to submit, while in service, to the arti-
cles of war. Both officers and men resisted every mea-
sure for the introduction of discipline; and it will be re-
marked, as a strong indication of the prevailing jealousy
of an exercise of power over the militia, that within a
month after authorizing them to be called into service by
the commander-in-chief, congress found it necessary, in
compliance with public opinion, and at a time when they
were waging a contest for their liberties with the greatest
empire of Europe, to pass a resolution, that these powers
were only to be exercised with the consent of the state
authorities. *
In the winter of the ensuing year, measures were taken
for more efficient arrangements: of these, the division of
the colonies, into military departments, was among the first.
Those north of Virginia composed the northern; the re-
mainder the southern; while, from the desire of preserv-
ing the operations in that quarter distinct, that of Canada
formed a third department.
On the arrival of the English troops near New-York,
more vigorous measures were adopted. An order was
issued for a levy of thirteen thousand eight hundred men
to reinforce the army, a flying camp of ten thousand more
was directed to be embodied in the Jersies, and the gene-
ral staff enlarged.
These were, however, all temporary expedients. The
* Dec. 7,1775.
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? 168 THE LIFE OF
result of the contest on Long Island proved how little reli-
ance could be placed on militia, for any other purpose than
as transient auxiliaries; and, although the exertions of their
officers gave to particular corps discipline and system, yet
for a general scale of connected operations, they were
utterly inefficient. The letters of Washington are full
of the most urgent solicitations for a permanent esta-
blishment, without which he felt that he was waging a
hopeless contest, alike disastrous to the American cause,
and fatal to his own reputation. In one instance, he avows,
after enumerating the difficulties under which he laboured,
"If I were called upon to declare upon oath whether the
militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, on the whole,
I should subscribe to the latter. "
Experience did more to effect a change than the most
cogent arguments; and after a protracted discussion of
a report from the Board of war, which had been elected
in the preceding month of June, congress adopted a re-
solution* to raise eighty-eight battalions, to be enlisted for
three years, or during the war, to be apportioned among
the several states, giving a bounty to those who served
to its close; at the same time jealously providing that
the appointment of all, except general officers, should re-
main with the states, though the commissions proceeded
from congress, and confiding to the states the provision of
arms and munitions for their respective quotas.
This resolution, in pursuance of the suggestion of the
commander-in-chief, was followed by the introduction of
more efficient articles of war.
At the close of the year,f the fears of congress extorted
from them a resolution, investing Washington for a term
of six months with general powers; and their critical
*Sept. 16, 1776. f December 27th, 1776.
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? 146 THE LIFE OF
The importance of drawing reinforcements, at this time,
from the northern army, and the disastrous consequences
which resulted from General Gates' conduct, have been seen
in the previous chapter.
Early in the month of October, General Vaughan, in or-
der to create a diversion in favour of Burgoyne, moved up
the Hudson, came in sight on the fifth, and on the night of
the sixth of that month attacked the Forts Clinton and Mont-
gomery. The former, a circular height, defended by a line
for musketry, with a barbet battery in the centre of three
guns, and flanked by two redoubts: the latter, "strongly
fortified by nature, almost inaccessible in itself, and suffi-
ciently manned," were both, "after a feeble and unskilful de-
fence, carried by storm," and the greater part of the troops
captured, with the loss of cannon and stores of immense
value, and of two frigates. Governor Clinton, who com-
manded, a man of courage, and, on most occasions, active
and vigorous, having escaped.
On the fifteenth of the same month, the enemy made a
descent on Esopus, which, with a barbarity that affixed in-
famy on the expedition, was burnt to the ground; no de-
fence other than the scattered firing of the inhabitants being
offered, while a large body of troops remained unemployed
in the vicinity.
While Gates assigned to Hamilton "a projected attack on
Ticonderoga, and the importance of the arsenal at Albany,"
as the pretext for maintaining an army around him, the re-
covery of these fortresses was deemed by his party in con-
Morris, Roberdeau, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie, Perm,
Harnett, Laurens. --18.
For the general resolution.
Affirmative. --Messrs. Folsom, J. Adams, Lovell, Law, Williams, Dunne,
Duer, Elmer, Morris, Clingan, Smith, Rumsey, Jones, F. L. Lee, Harvie,
Penn, Harnett, Laurens. --18.
Negative. --Messrs. S. Adams, Gerry, Marchant, Dyer, Roberdeau. -- 5.
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? HAMILTON. 147
gress a more adequate reason; but it was a wholly insuffi-
cient one.
On the first of November, Washington had addressed an
official letter to that body, informing them that he had writ-
ten to Generals Dickinson and Forman, to afford every aid
in their power to the posts on the Delaware; mentioning
the mission of Hamilton to Gates; that the enemy were
stronger than he had supposed; that reinforcements were
coming in to General Howe, while by the departure of the
Virginia militia, he had no aid to the continental troops other
than a body from Philadelphia and a few from Maryland,
and giving indisputable reasons for his not attempting to dis-
lodge the enemy from Philadelphia.
Notwithstanding these circumstances, the Cabal had given
to Gates an independent command; had limited, by its first
resolution, the succours which Washington was to receive to
two thousand five hundred men, although he had deemed
nearly three times that number necessary to enable him to give
a decisive blow to the enemy; and had sought by the last, to
render the extent of the reinforcements, and the measures of
the main army dependent on the concurrence of an inferior
and a rival; as to whom it was the intention, that he should
add to his newly-earned honours, the easy recovery of the
Highland passes, "to the end that his army might be in rea-
diness to pursue such operations as congress shall direct;"
while, in the mean time, the fall of the posts on the Delaware,
and the undisturbed possession of Philadelphia by the ene-
my, would have produced such invidious contrasts, and art-
fully excited discontent would have become so loud, and
calumny so bold, that an apparent deference to public opin-
ion might have justified the sacrifice of Washington.
The refusal of the commander-in-chief to march directly
to Philadelphia, on the embarkation of Howe, in the pre-
ceding spring, was one of the earliest avowed causes of
dissatisfaction.
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? 148 THE LIFE OF
The state of Pennsylvania, which had hitherto escaped
the calamities of invasion, readily listened to the suggestions
which were thrown out against Washington; and many
members of congress, who looked to the preservation of
that city as the principal subject of solicitude, were willing,
for this purpose, to sacrifice the more important object of
preventing a junction of the British forces.
These feelings, unfortunately for the service, found a
powerful auxiliary in General Mifflin, a native of Pennsyl-
vania, of extensive influence, great activity and great per-
sonal popularity, but of a hot, impatient temper, an ambition
little disposed to be satisfied with a fair share of favour, and
a judgment, which, though prompt, was not free from the
influence of flattery or prejudice.
This gentleman had performed, at the beginning of the
revolution, the duties of Quarter-master-general, a station
which he left; but, after serving a short time in the line of
the army, resumed, at the request of congress, in the autumn
of 1776, and continued to fill until just before the army retired
from the field.
A committee of congress, appointed to investigate the state
of that department, made a report conveying the most seri-
ous censures upon General Mifflin. The public property was
represented as being scattered in every direction, and only
saved by the casual interference of some officer of the fine.
"Not a gentleman of any rank in this department is in
camp, although the duties of the office require constant and
unremitting attention. Not a moment's time," say they,
"is to be lost, in placing a man of approved abilities and
extensive capacity at the head of the department, who will
restore it to some degree of order and regularity, whose
provident care will immediately relieve the wants of the
army, and extend itself to those which must be satisfied, be-
fore we can expect vigour, enterprise, and success. "
Such censure, the frequent, nay constant and unavoid-
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? HAMILTON. 149
able complaints of Washington, and his earnest desire to place
Greene at the head of this department, between whom and
Mifflin unkind feelings existed, were alike calculated to irri-
tate his mind, and embitter his hostility to the commander-
in-chief.
On the 8th of October he addressed a letter to congress
requesting leave to resign his commission as major-general
and quarter-master-general, on account of ill health.
Compelled by the force of public opinion, congress ac-
cepted his resignation as quarter-master-general, but resol-
ved that his rank and commission as major-general should
be retained, but without pay, until their farther order.
And yet on the same day, such was the influence of the
cabal in congress, that, in the selection of the members of
the board of war, Mifflin was placed at its head; while to
render it less offensive to Washington, Colonel Pickering,
and Colonel Harrison, the general's secretary, were asso-
ciated with him.
Notwithstanding the language of congress respecting the
terms of the convention with Burgoyne, the public discon-
tent could not be stifled. The committee of New-York
wrote in terms of the strongest censure; and it became
necessary to bring the subject again under the considera-
tion of congress. The committee to which it was referred
brought in a report ;* but in the belief that more time was
necessary to obtain a proper knowledge of the facts, it was
proposed to postpone the consideration of it, which was
adopted,! but not without a wide division of opinion. J This
subject was subsequently resumed, when motions for a
committee of inquiry, and for obtaining intelligence, were
defeated; and yet such was the dissatisfaction of subsequent
* November 8. f November 22.
J Nov. 8. The votes were--affirmative, Folsom, Gerry, Law, Williami,
Duane, Duer, Elmer, Smith, Harvie, Perrin, Hamett
.
Negative. Samuel Adams. John Adams, Lovell, Marchant, Dyerr, Rober-
d<<au, Clingan, Jones, F. L. Lee, Laurens.
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? 150 THE LIFE OF
congresses with this capitulation, that the obligations of good
faith were forgotten -- at least, never fulfilled.
General Mifflin and Colonel Pickering accepted seats at
the board of war, but Colonel Harrison, from considerations
of delicacy arising from his relation to the commander-in-
chief, declined the appointment.
Within a short interval, a report of the board of war
stated, that, after a conference with General Mifflin, they
were of opinion, that "a sufficient number of commissioners
had not been appointed in order to give due weight to the
execution of the regulations which might be recommended
by the board, and adopted by congress, and particularly for
enabling one of the board to visit, from time to time, the
different armies, in order to see that their regulations were
executed, and to examine what the wants of the army were,
and what defects or abuses prevail from time to time in
the different departments. " Upon this reportit was resolved
that two additional commissioners be appointed; and on
the 27th of November three commissioners were elected,
and General Gates appointed President of the board of
war. A resolution was also adopted, that the President of
congress should inform General Gates of his appointment,
expressing "the high sense congress entertain of his abili-
ties and peculiar fitness to discharge the duties of that im-
portant office, upon the right execution of which the success
of the American cause does eminently depend -- that it is
the intention of congress to continue his rank as major-ge-
neral, and that he may officiate at the board or in the field,
as occasion may require; and that he be requested to re-
pair to congress with all convenient despatch, to enter upon
the duties of his appointment. "
The whole of the proceedings following the events which
have been related were distinctly understood, as prepara-
tory to more decisive measures of hostility: and the selec-
tion of General Mifflin in the first instance, known to be
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? HAMILTON. 151
hostile to the commander-in-chief, and the choice of Gates
as a coadjutor, at the head of a department, invested with a
control of all the military operations with which Washing-
ton had immediate intercourse, and upon which he must
chiefly depend, left no room to doubt the nature of the in-
fluence which then controlled the policy of congress. If
any question could have existed, it was soon after removed
by an act of the most unequivocal hostility--this was, a
resolution founded upon a report of the board of war, to
whom were referred the letters of Brigadier Conway," that
it was essential to the promotion of discipline in the Ame-
rican army, and to the reformation of the various abuses
which prevail in the different departments, that an appoint-
ment be made of Inspectors-General, agreeable to the prac-
tice of the best disciplined armies in Europe" -- that this
appointment be conferred on experienced and vigilant ge-
neral officers, who are acquainted with whatever relates
to the general economy, manoeuvres, and discipline of a
well-regulated army. "
Powers were conferred on this office in effect para-
mount to those of the commander-in-chief. It was resolved
that two inspectors-general should be appointed; and on the
same day* Conway was elected inspector-general, and also
appointed a major-general of the army -- the man who had
been detected intriguing with Gates, and whom Washington
denounced as a " dangerous incendiary. "
This last step following the recent advancement of Wil-
kinson to the grade of brigadier, was resented by the army
as a gross indignity. General Greene in a manly and inde-
pendent letterf rebuked the conduct of congress. A re-
monstrance was presented by the general and field officers
without the knowledge of Washington --Conway was com-
pelled to retire from the inspectorship, and Wilkinson to
resign his short-lived honours.
* December 13th, 1777. t Dated January 12th, 1778.
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? 152 THE LIFE OF
The communications received by Washington from vari-
ous parts of the country, and from his friends in congress,
fully confirmed the belief that a party had been formed
against him in that body, and was rapidly extending.
Rumours were put in circulation, that, yielding to the
public feeling, he purposed to resign, and to such an extent
was the impression created, that some of his warmest
friends were alarmed, lest, under all the pressure of cir-
cumstances he might be led to this sacrifice. But Washing-
ton was surrounded by men who knew his value, and would
have sustained his determination had it faltered; but never
for an instant did he indulge a purpose of such fatal
tendency. "The moment," said he, "I become sensible the
majority of the people wish me out, I will resign; until then
I am determined to withstand this intrigue. "
His course was obvious: relying with confidence and
security on his well-founded popularity, he assumed a tone
of decision and independence in his correspondence with
congress, which at once proved his fearlessness of the char-
ges which were maliciously circulated against him, and his
consciousness, that in an issue between that body and the
nation, his policy would receive its just estimate.
A short time after the appointment of Conway as in-
spector-general, the same faction, in full pursuit of their
object, though a committee had recently visited the camp,
and reported measures of reform in the different depart-
ments of the army, adopted with the concurrence of Wash-
ington and Greene, succeeded in the election of a new
committee* of three members of congress and three mem-
bers of the board of war, to repair to head-quarters, with
general powers, "to reorganize the different battalions; to
recommend the appointment of general officers; to remove
officers in the civil departments of the army, and to adopt
* January 10th, 1778.
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? HAMILTON. 153
such measures as they should judge necessary for introdu-
cing economy, and promoting discipline and good morals in
the army. "
A committee with such powers, could be viewed in no
other light than as a permanent court of inquiry on the con-
duct of the commander-in-chief, to exercise the most rigid
inquisition. The members of the committee were Messrs.
Dana, Reed, and Folsom of congress, and Generals Gates,
Mifflin, and Colonel Pickering of the board of war.
Aware of the distressed situation of the army from the
reiterated representations of the commander-in-chief, the
same faction, as though their intention was to accumulate
insult upon insult, adopted a resolution,* "applauding the
rising spirit of the people of Pennsylvania to recover their
capital, declaring the readiness of congress to aid in it, and
directing the committee in camp to consult with the President
and Council of Pennsylvania, and with General Washington,
on the practicability of an attack. " At the same time,
anonymous charges were addressed to the President of
Congress, to provoke the angry feelings of that body, and
the excitement of the legislature of Pennsylvania was called
in aid to co-operate with the projects of the Cabal. The
language of this resolution, called forth an indignant remon-
strance from the commander-in-chief, in which, after por-
traying the condition of the army, destitute of food, cloth-
ing, and shelter, he animadverted strongly on the reckless
indifference to their sufferings, evinced by these agitators, j-
An incident occurred at this time, which marks the effect
* January 16, 1778.
j "I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distress-
ing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fire-side,
than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without
clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for
the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them, and from
my soul pity those miseries which it is not in my power to relieve or to pre-
vent. "
vol. I. 20
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? 154 THE LIFE OF
of the letter of the ninth of January, addressed by Washing-
ton to Gates. It will be observed, that the appointment of
the committee to visit camp, was made on the twelfth of
January. That letter was received about this time; for it
will be perceived, by a juggle with his partizans, a resolu-
tion was adopted on the twentieth of January, "that the
members attending the business of the board of war, inquire
of General Gates whether he can go to camp agreeably to
his appointment, for the purpose expressed in the resolution
of the tenth instant, and when he can set out on that busi-
ness ;" and on the afternoon of the same day, "the members
of the board of war reported to congress sundry reasons as-
signed by General Gates why the members of the board of
war ought immediately to enter on the business of that de-
partment;" and it was resolved that General Gates and Ge-
neral Mifflin should be excused from attending camp, and
Messrs. Morris and Carroll, (for the tide had already begun
to turn,) known friends of Washington, were substituted.
At the close of the preceding year, Messrs. Lee and Lo-
vell, two members of the committee of foreign affairs, had
enclosed to the commander-in-chief, a plan and various re-
solutions of congress, for an attack upon Canada, during the
next campaign, in conjunction with a body of French troops.
In a very able letter received by congress from Washing-
ton, all the bearings of this project were examined: -- The
force necessary for success, the requisite supplies, the na-
ture and extent of the resistance, the obstacles to be over-
come, and the uncertainty of results depending on a co-
operation upon so extensive and complex a plan, and requi-
ring a coincidence of circumstances too fortunate to be hoped
for; and the scheme, it was supposed, had been abandoned;
but the successes on the northern frontier had, at this time,
so much inflated the minds of that body, that a new pro-
ject was brought forward and countenanced, for a winter
expedition into Canada, and a committee was appointed to
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? HAMILTON. 155
confer with Washington on the means of carrying on this
campaign.
This committee, in an interview with him, had been fully
satisfied that the project was impracticable, and, for a time,
this design appeared also to have been relinquished.
The Cabal had, however, decided not to yield their pur-
pose, (a favourite object with the people,) which might have
the double effect of adding lustre to their influence, and
giving an opportunity to their favourite Conway to gather
laurels, where Schuyler and St. Clair had been unfortunate.
Notwithstanding the ascertained wants of the army* had
induced congress, (forgetful of the principles which had so
lately introduced into the confederation, the narrow clauses
which were productive of so much subsequent inconveni-
ence,) only a month prior to this time, to take the extraor-
dinary step of recommending the enactment of laws, by
the several legislatures, of the most oppressive and arbitrary
character. ! Within a week after the resolution to capture
Philadelphia, the board of war, to whom the subject had
been transferred from the committee previously appointed,
introduced a report, which was adopted,^ recommending
* Washington, in a circular, states, "that there were, on the twenty-ninth
of December, two thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight men unfit for duty,
by reason of their being barefoot and otherwise naked. " -- December 29,1777.
f On the twentieth December, 1777, the legislatures were earnestly recom-
mended forthwith to enact laws, appointing suitable persons to seize and take
for the use of the continental army of the said states, all the necessary articles
suitable for the clothing of the army; to empower the commissary-general to
seize stock and every kind of provision necessary for the army; and among
other things, to enact laws limiting the number of retailers of goods, who were
to be compelled to take licenses and execute bonds; that no person should sell 4y
wholesale except the importer, and then only to such licensed retailers; and pro-
viding, that no person, not licensed, sliould be permitted to buy more than was
necessary for their domestic use. An address was published by congress to the
states, in which a hope was expressed, that these measures would be carried
into execution as secretly and expeditiously as possible.
t January 22, 1778.
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? 156 THE LIFE OF
that an irruption be made into Canada, and investing them-
selves with authority, for the execution of this scheme
under such general officers as congress should appoint,
and to apply for such sums of money as they should think
proper and requisite for the expedition, entirely departing
from the established courtesy of consulting Washington.
The succeeding day was chosen for the appointment of
these officers ; when the Marquis de la Fayette, (to cultivate
whose favour, after long delay, congress on the first of De-
cember, had resolved it would be agreeable to them should
be appointed to the command of a division,) Generals
Conway and Stark were elected.
To use the language of La Fayette,* "among the gene-
ral attacks upon the confidential friends of General Wash-
ington, for it would have been too unpopular to have in-
dulged in open attacks upon him personally, in which his
pretended incapacity had rendered the campaign in the south
so different from that in the north, under a general conver-
sant with European tactics, and the much-lamented influence
of such men as Greene, Knox, and Hamilton, over the sub-
jugated mind of the commander-in-chief, were artfully sug-
gested and circulated. It had not been deemed expedient
to include La Fayette; -- a better use, it was supposed,
might be made of his growing popularity with the country,
and of his correspondence with his friends in Europe. "
With this view, the selection of him had been made,
though then but twenty years of age, and only six months
in the country, to the command of a department attended
with innumerable local difficulties, which no other than a
native could surmount; augmented by the character of the
troops to whom the service must be confided, and depend-
ing principally on militia, from whom nothing but the per-
* Manuscript Memoir of General La Fayette.
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? HAMILTON. 157
sonal influence of the general or the most exact discipline
could derive any essential aid.
The prospect of glory and separate command, it was
supposed, would dazzle the youthful and ardent mind of
La Fayette, and tempt him to become a partizan to their de-
signs, while the real conduct of the enterprise would devolve
on Conway.
The proceeding of the board of war towards Wash-
ington, on carrying this point, was in a similar spirit. The
official letter from General Gates was transmitted to La
Fayette, through the handsof Washington,without any ex-
planation.
Obvious as was the purpose of this insult, the delicacy,of
Washington did not permit him, on the delivery of the
packet to the marquis, to say more than this: -- " Since it
is to be so, I had rather it was you than any body else. "
"LaFayette, struckwith the proffered opportunity of coun-
teracting a measure, the tendency of which was not less in-
jurious to the cause, than invidious to his paternal friend,
under the pretence that it was necessary for him to visit
congress to arrange the ^measures for the expedition, pro-
ceeded immediately to York Town,* and there omitted no
arguments with Gates, and in his conferences with Laurens,
* An incident occurred at this place, perhaps too minute to be recorded. Ge-
neral Gates, soon after he was placed at the head of the board of war, thought
fit to assume some appearance of state. His table was filled with plotting
civilians, discontented officers, and favour-seeking foreigners; and never wag
this giddy man more happy than when he saw assembled around him a little
court, basking under the sunshine of his new fortunes. His festive air and
high hilarity, were contrasted with the sober decencies which surrounded
Washington, and seemed appropriate to one who carried fortune in his train.
It was during a scene of this kind that La Fayette arrived, when, after much
gayety, finding the standing toast omitted, he requested the gentlemen again
to be seated, and said, " You have forgotten our beloved commander-in-chief,
General Washington, and the army. " This open avowal, by one whose in-
fluence with France was so well known, alarmed those who had calculated
on her aid, through the assurances of Conway, and dispelled the dream.
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? 158 THE LIFE OP
the President of congress, to convince them that the whole
charge of the military operations should be under the con-
trol of the commander-in-chief. Finding that his views were
little in accordance with the intentions of the faction, he
firmly resisted the temptations which were offered by the
glory and facilities of an independent command, and stated
that, considering himself as one of Washington's family, he
could not accept the trust, except on the condition that he
should act under Washington's immediate orders. "
To this proposition the board of war were compelled to
accede, and at the request of La Fayette, Baron de Kalb, a
senior officer to Conway, was attached to the command.
La Fayette having rendered this important service to the
country, after a conference with Washington, proceeded
immediately to Albany; where, in pursuance of the instruc-
tions of the board of war, he ought to have found a body of
two thousand five hundred men, besides militia, at the Co-
hoes, and all the means "of acting on the ice on lake Cham-
plain and burning the British flotilla, whence he was to
proceed to Montreal. "
On his arrival at Albany, Schuyler, deeply affected with
his recent conduct to Washington, generously volunteered
to aid the marquis in the objects of his expedition, but the
preparations being insufficient, the project was abandoned.
La Fayette was rewarded for his alacrity by the thanks of
congress, and retained this department through the winter;
while Conway, having on the failure of this plan been
thrown out of command, was ordered to repair to the post
at Peekskill, under McDougall. Finding himself sinking
rapidly in public esteem, as his intrigues became known,
he resigned his commission, and then endeavoured to re-
sume it. On the 27th May, 1778, General Gates wrote to
congress stating, " I hope sir, congress will not think me
importunate when I say, I wish that the only gentleman
who has left France with the rank of colonel of foot,
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? HAMILTON. 159
should not be returned to his prince and nation in any
other manner than such as becomes the gratitude, honour,
and dignity of the United States ;" but the exhortation was
in vain; and on the 28th of April, on a formal vote of con-
gress of twenty-one members, four only voted in his favour,
Messrs. Gerry, Chase, F. Lee and Banister of Virginia.
Washington soon reaped the fruits of his elevated for-
bearance: the party which had erected themselves against
him, despairing of success, were contented with interposing
petty obstacles and vexatious embarrassments; which,
though they added to the sufferings of the army, only served
to call forth more signal evidences of the zeal of the officers,
and virtue and patriotism of the troops, who all exclaimed,
"No Washington -- No Army! "
While this series of acts of a character by no means
equivocal occurred, a tale had been artfully circulated
at the seat of government, of designs in the army, inimical
to the liberties of the republic. Direct efforts were stated
to have been made to overturn the system of the confede-
ration, and to invest the commander-in-chief with all the
powers of government; and it was insinuated that the lead-
ing officers in the army were in favour of this project, and
that it required only time for its completion.
These calumnies, for there never existed a particle of
evidence on which to sustain them, were cherished by the
faction; apprehensions for the national liberties were feign-
ed; the necessity of keeping a check on the army, and ex-
pelling from it individuals whom the faction both feared
and hated, became with them a popular topic, and a resolu-
tion was pompously introduced and adopted by congress,*
in which the friends of Washington were compelled from
policy to concur, requiring oaths of allegiance to the United
States, and of abjuration of Great Britain, to be taken by
all the officers in service of government, and certificates
* February 3d, 1778.
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? 160 THE LIFE OF
to be filed with congress of their compliance with this
measure. Had a new motive or any instance of treason
occurred? Had the cause of the nation suffered materi-
ally from any noted violation of public engagements, or
any recent manifestation been given of a disposition to
compromise the national interests, this harsh measure,
of a nature always little efficacious in preserving fidelity,
might have been resorted to; but as a new pledge required
from an army, who under more severe trials, and exposed
to the greatest temptations, had sustained a character of the
highest and most uncorrupted fealty to their country, it
was regarded at the time and must always be considered,
as the unnecessary demand of a too jealous caution, or as
an outrage on a patriotism, and a devotion never surpassed.
As a closing scene in the fate of this Cabal, a resolution was
passed by congress, stating that "alarming consequences
are likely to ensue, from a longer delay of appointing
proper persons to fill the quarter-master-general's depart-
ment; that the committee at camp, in conjunction with
General Washington, be authorized forthwith to make
proper appointments. " The arrangement of this depart-
ment, as framed by the board of war was abandoned, and
General Greene was appointed in place of Mifflin, who
upon an inquiry being instituted preliminary to a court-
martial, requested leave to resign.
General Gates, in the mean time, (every scheme of the
board of war over which he had presided having been
found impracticable,) was directed to take the command of
the posts on the Hudson, with authority to call on the ad-
jacent states for aid in fortifying and obstructing that
river, but with a prudent proviso full of meaning, suggested
by. the result of Hamilton's important mission to him in the
previous autumn, "that he be directed from time to time
to afford every assistance in his power, in forwarding the
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? HAMILTON. 161
drafts and other reinforcements destined for the main
army. "
The country had now passed through the most trying
period of its history; and when a true estimate is formed
of its situation at that moment, the surrender at Sara-
toga, the event which established the United States among
nations, must be regarded as the occurrence which por-
tended to it the most serious calamities.
Until that time America had seen little else but disaster.
She then began to triumph; and as the intelligence of this
success spread over the country, the public mind became
intoxicated, and even congress lost its balance.
This attempt to unveil the counsels of that secret con-
clave which doomed Washington to disgrace, -- which,
would, in all probability, have defeated the revolution, or if
not, would have robbed America of the pride of boasting a
native as her leader, has unavoidably been imperfect; but
enough of truth has been gathered to indicate the path of
inquiry.
When time shall give the whole of this eventful story, the
historian will not forget to remark, among other incidents,
that while Pennsylvania was chilled and dissatisfied, the
votes of Maryland, of North Carolina and Georgia di-
vided, -- his native Virginia misrepresented, -- the power-
ful influence of New-England marshalled under adverse
leaders; that New-York, though her metropolis and her
mountain passes were in the hands of the enemy, -- her tem-
porary seat of government in ashes, though just relieved
from subjugation by the capitulation of Burgoyne, -- thus
dismembered, and dislocated, maintained all her constancy
and all her firmness.
Justice to those patriots who resisted and ultimately de-
feated this Cabal, would seem to require that the persons
who composed it should be indicated; but, as the removal
of the commander-in-chief was never brought to a direct
vot. i. 21
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? 162 THE LIFE OF
question, and as the votes on several of the prominent acts
which have been referred to, are not recorded, much must
remain in uncertainty.
Among the friends of Washington, were to be remarked
the manly sense, the practised wisdom, the unbending firm-
ness of Robert Morris, detecting by his strong sagacity
every intrigue of the opposition, and overcoming their ob-
stinacy by his superior determination. There was also
found Charles Carroll, whose high and generous constancy
of character inspired confidence in his friends, and pre-
vented the zeal of party from blinding those who were
under its influence. There, also, the rich and varied powers
of Gouverneur Morris were forever kept in play, surpri-
sing all around him by the fertility of his erratic genius.
There was Duer, with stores of wit that never were ex-
hausted, and a rich, vivid, and spontaneous eloquence that
rose with every renewed effort, braving, defying, and dis-
concerting the hostile majority. There, also, were Bou-
dinot of New-Jersey, Burke of North Carolina, Paca of
Maryland, and others whose names are not distinguished.
Of the individuals who were believed to have controlled
the measures of the Cabal, the Lees and the Adamses*
have been indicated as the most conspicuous. As to the
former, the allegation has been denied; and of the part
taken by John Adams, who was nominated at the height
of its influence a Commissioner to France, history is silent,
and has directed its attention to Samuel Adams, whose
early services, zeal, and proscription have imparted to his
character a singular interest; but who, born with all the
qualities to aid in subverting an established government,
was devoid of those necessary to build one up.
Proceeding on the principle that all confidence is unsafe,
he laboured to confine the powers of the confederation
* Letter of Edward Rutledge to Mr. Jay. --Life of John Jay, p. 25, vol. 2.
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? HAMILTON. 163
within the narrowest limits, and opposed with obstinacy
every effort to enlarge them.
This spirit of indiscriminate distrust darkened all his
counsels, and was combined with a fanaticism which disre-
garded experience, and undervalued human agency. Thus
in the most alarming periods of the revolution, when the
condition of the country ought to have unchained his mind,
-- while he cheered the hesitating with reiterated appeals
to Providence,* he opposed long enlistments, from an appre-
hension of standing armies, and contended for a rotation in
command, on the ground that if the precedent were once
established, "no military chieftain could ever take a flight
beyond the reach of vengeance. "
With these doctrines, he swayed for a time the coun-
cils of the congress of seventeen hundred and seventy-seven,
which he characterized "as the smallest but truest con-
gress they ever had;" and without, probably, any malevo-
lence to Washington, or respect for Gates, he engaged
warmly in the projects of the Cabal, to displace the former
from the command and advance his rival.
* An instance of this kind is related of this more than ordinary man, who
led on the bold by his courage, and stirred up the tranquil by his arts; and
who though himself the victim of superstition, was not the less aware how
deep its sources spring in the human breast At a moment when congress
was sitting disheartened and hesitating, the arrival of a vessel with military
stores from France was announced. Availing himself of this intelligence, he
arose from his seat, and exclaiming with extended arms -- " It is a sign from
Heaven! Providence, -- Providence is on our side! " dissipated the doubts of
those around him. With the same sublimated feeling, when an unlimited
price was offered him by an agent of the king, he replied in a determined
manner: "I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of Kings.
No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of
my country. Tell Governor Gage 'It is the advice of Samuel Adams to him
to insult no longer the feelings of an exasperated people. '"
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? CHAPTER VIII. 1/
[1778. ]
The events of the last campaign had indicated the ne-
cessity of more efficient measures for the organization of
the army; and congress, yielding to the earnest solicitation
of Washington, now entered upon this duty. Before sta-
ting the measures which were adopted, a few preliminary
remarks may be necessary.
Rarely were a people less prepared for arms than the
American colonists at the commencement of the revolution.
They had neither soldiers, generals, nor engineers; neither
the munitions* nor the knowledge of war; -- all were to
be acquired by exertion and experience, and every thing
to be surmounted by energy and fortitude.
Among the few individuals who had reaped military in-
formation in the war of seventeen hundred and fifty-six,
Washington was the only American who had obtained an
extensive reputation. Eminent as were the soldierly qua-
lities which he there displayed, his experience was too limit-
ed to entitle him to the principal command; and on the
large scale on which the war was to be conducted, he had
almost all its science to learn.
Philip Schuyler, known as Colonel Schuyler, was the
only other member of the congress of seventeen hundred
and seventy-five who had any pretensions to the character
of a soldier; the capacity in which he had previously served,
had given him an accurate knowledge of the civil depart-
ments of an army, but beyond this, his attainments did not
extend; and whatever other information he possessed, was
*May 11, 1776, the lead was torn from the roofs of the Exchange and City
Hall for bullets, and every article of brass taken from the houses.
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? 106 THE LIFE OF
the acquisition of an active mind, fruitful in resource, and
of great practical energy.
The duty of organizing the military establishment was
confided by congress to these two gentlemen. * The first
object to which, after filling the general staff, congress di-
rected their attention, was the organization of the militia.
All the inhabitants of the colonies, fit for duty, were recom-
mended to form military associations; one-fourth of whom
were to be chosen minute men, distributed into battalions
and companies, to be relieved by new drafts, after perform-
ing a tour of four months' duty; the field officers to be ap-
pointed by the conventions of the respective states. Such
was the embryo of an army, destined to win the liberty of an
extensive empire.
Of this kind of force General Washington was authorized
to employ a body, not to exceed twenty-two thousand
troops, in the vicinity of Boston; and five thousand more,
under the command of General Lee, were directed to be
mustered for the protection of New-York.
At an adjourned meeting of congress,! a new continen-
tal army was ordered to be enlisted for one year, by battal-
ions, to be raised in the respective colonies, according to
their numbers; and of these, the forces intended to be en-
camped near Boston, were to amount to twenty thousand
men.
Powers were, at the same time, conferred on the com-
mander-in-chief, of impressing whatever might be necessary
for its use, and of calling forth, from time to time, portions
of the reserve.
The enlistments, under this arrangement, gave little assu-
rance of success in creating an efficient force. The spirit
* June 14,1775. -- Messrs. Deane, Cushing, an'l Hewes, were also of the
committee.
f November 4, 1775.
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? HAMILTON. 167
of the people brought them rapidly into the field on an emer-
gency; but there were few of that order of men who
would, from choice, endure the privations of a military life,
augmented as they were by the defects of a new and very
imperfect establishment.
The prejudices of the country were also strong against
any thing in the shape of a regular army. In vain were
the militia required to submit, while in service, to the arti-
cles of war. Both officers and men resisted every mea-
sure for the introduction of discipline; and it will be re-
marked, as a strong indication of the prevailing jealousy
of an exercise of power over the militia, that within a
month after authorizing them to be called into service by
the commander-in-chief, congress found it necessary, in
compliance with public opinion, and at a time when they
were waging a contest for their liberties with the greatest
empire of Europe, to pass a resolution, that these powers
were only to be exercised with the consent of the state
authorities. *
In the winter of the ensuing year, measures were taken
for more efficient arrangements: of these, the division of
the colonies, into military departments, was among the first.
Those north of Virginia composed the northern; the re-
mainder the southern; while, from the desire of preserv-
ing the operations in that quarter distinct, that of Canada
formed a third department.
On the arrival of the English troops near New-York,
more vigorous measures were adopted. An order was
issued for a levy of thirteen thousand eight hundred men
to reinforce the army, a flying camp of ten thousand more
was directed to be embodied in the Jersies, and the gene-
ral staff enlarged.
These were, however, all temporary expedients. The
* Dec. 7,1775.
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? 168 THE LIFE OF
result of the contest on Long Island proved how little reli-
ance could be placed on militia, for any other purpose than
as transient auxiliaries; and, although the exertions of their
officers gave to particular corps discipline and system, yet
for a general scale of connected operations, they were
utterly inefficient. The letters of Washington are full
of the most urgent solicitations for a permanent esta-
blishment, without which he felt that he was waging a
hopeless contest, alike disastrous to the American cause,
and fatal to his own reputation. In one instance, he avows,
after enumerating the difficulties under which he laboured,
"If I were called upon to declare upon oath whether the
militia have been most serviceable or hurtful, on the whole,
I should subscribe to the latter. "
Experience did more to effect a change than the most
cogent arguments; and after a protracted discussion of
a report from the Board of war, which had been elected
in the preceding month of June, congress adopted a re-
solution* to raise eighty-eight battalions, to be enlisted for
three years, or during the war, to be apportioned among
the several states, giving a bounty to those who served
to its close; at the same time jealously providing that
the appointment of all, except general officers, should re-
main with the states, though the commissions proceeded
from congress, and confiding to the states the provision of
arms and munitions for their respective quotas.
This resolution, in pursuance of the suggestion of the
commander-in-chief, was followed by the introduction of
more efficient articles of war.
At the close of the year,f the fears of congress extorted
from them a resolution, investing Washington for a term
of six months with general powers; and their critical
*Sept. 16, 1776. f December 27th, 1776.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-08-20 04:05 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uva.
