No More Learning

]

[Footnote 473: Collier's Tracts on the Stage are, on the whole his best
pieces. But there is much that is striking in his political pamphlets.
His "Persuasive to Consider anon, tendered to the Royalists,
particularly those of the Church of England," seems to me one of the
best productions of the Jacobite press. ]

[Footnote 474: See Brokesby's Life of Dodwell. The Discourse against
Marriages in different Communions is known to me, I ought to say, only
from Brokesby's copious abstract. That Discourse is very rare. It was
originally printed as a preface to a sermon preached by Leslie. When
Leslie collected his works he omitted the discourse, probably because he
was ashamed of it. The Treatise on the Lawfulness of Instrumental Music
I have read; and incredibly absurd it is. ]

[Footnote 475: Dodwell tells us that the title of the work in which he
first promulgated this theory was framed with great care and precision.
I will therefore transcribe the title-page. "An Epistolary Discourse
proving from Scripture and the First Fathers that the Soul is naturally
Mortal, but Immortalized actually by the Pleasure of God to Punishment
or to Reward, by its Union with the Divine Baptismal Spirit, wherein
is proved that none have the Power of giving this Divine Immortalizing
Spirit since the Apostles but only the Bishops. By H. Dodwell. " Dr.
Clarke, in a Letter to Dodwell (1706), says that this Epistolary
Discourse is "a book at which all good men are sorry, and all profane
men rejoice. "]

[Footnote 476: See Leslie's Rehearsals, No. 286, 287. ]

[Footnote 477: See his works, and the highly curious life of him which
was compiled from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson. ]

[Footnote 478: See Fitzwilliam's correspondence with Lady Russell, and
his evidence on the trial of Ashton, in the State Trials. The only
work which Fitzwilliam, as far as I have been able to discover, ever
published was a sermon on the Rye House Plot, preached a few weeks after
Russell's execution. There are some sentences in this sermon which I a
little wonder that the widow and the family forgave. ]

[Footnote 479: Cyprian, in one of his Epistles, addresses the confessors
thus: "Quosdam audio inficere numerum vestrum, et laudem praecipui
nominis prava sua conversatione destruere. . . Cum quanto nominis vestri
pudore delinquitur quando alius aliquis temulentus et lasciviens
demoratur; alius in eam patriam unde extorris est regreditur, ut
deprehensus non eam quasi Christianus, sed quasi nocens pereat. " He uses
still stronger language in the book de Unitate Ecclesiae: "Neque enim
confessio immunem facet ab insidiis diaboli, aut contra tentationes et
pericula et incursus atque impetus saeculares adhuc in saeculo positum
perpetua securitate defendit; caeterum nunquam in confessoribus fraudes
et stupra et adulteria postmodum videremus, quae nunc in quibusdam
videntes ingemiscimus et dolemus. "]

[Footnote 480: Much curious information about the nonjurors will be
found in the Biographical Memoirs of William Bowyer, printer, which
forms the first volume of Nichols's Literary Anecdotes of the eighteenth
century. A specimen of Wagstaffe's prescriptions is in the Bodleian
Library. ]

[Footnote 481: Cibber's play, as Cibber wrote it, ceased to be popular
when the Jacobites ceased to be formidable, and is now known only to
the curious. In 1768 Bickerstaffe altered it into the Hypocrite, and
substituted Dr. Cantwell, the Methodist, for Dr. Wolfe, the Nonjuror.
"I do not think," said Johnson, "the character of the Hypocrite
justly applicable to the Methodists; but it was very applicable to
the nonjurors. " Boswell asked him if it were true that the nonjuring
clergymen intrigued with the wives of their patrons. "I am afraid," said
Johnson, "many of them did. " This conversation took place on the 27th of
March 1775. It was not merely in careless tally that Johnson expressed
an unfavourable opinion of the nonjurors. In his Life of Fenton, who was
a nonjuror, are these remarkable words: "It must be remembered that he
kept his name unsullied, and never suffered himself to be reduced, like
too many of the same sect to mean arts and dishonourable shifts. " See
the Character of a Jacobite, 1690. Even in Kettlewell's Life compiled
from the papers of his friends Hickes and Nelson, will be found
admissions which show that, very soon after the schism, some of
the nonjuring clergy fell into habits of idleness, dependence, and
mendicancy, which lowered the character of the whole party. "Several
undeserving persons, who are always the most confident, by their going
up and down, did much prejudice to the truly deserving, whose modesty
would not suffer them to solicit for themselves. . . . . . Mr. Kettlewell
was also very sensible that some of his brethren spent too much of their
time in places of concourse and news, by depending for their subsistence
upon those whom they there got acquainted with. "]

[Footnote 482: Reresby's Memoirs, 344]

[Footnote 483: Birch's Life of Tillotson. ]

[Footnote 484: See the Discourse concerning the Ecclesiastical
Commission, 1689. ]

[Footnote 485: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux; Gentleman's
Magazine for June and July, 1745. ]

[Footnote 486: Diary of the Proceedings of the Commissioners, taken by
Dr. Williams afterwards Bishop of Chichester, one of the Commissioners,
every night after he went home from the several meetings. This most
curious Diary was printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854. ]

[Footnote 487: Williams's Diary. ]

[Footnote 488: Williams's Diary. ]

[Footnote 489: Ibid. ]

[Footnote 490: See the alterations in the Book of Common Prayer prepared
by the Royal Commissioners for the revision of the Liturgy in 1689, and
printed by order of the House of Commons in 1854. ]

[Footnote 491: It is difficult to conceive stronger or clearer language
than that used by the Council. Touton toinun anagnosthenton orisan
e agia sunodos, eteran pistin medeni ekseinai prospherein, egoun
suggraphein, e suntithenia, para ten oristheisan para ton agion pateron
ton en te Nikaeon sunegthonton sun agio pneumati tous de tolmontas
e suntithenai pistin eteran, egoun prokomizein, e prospherein tois
ethegousin epistrephein eis epignosin tes agetheias e eks Ellinismou
e eks Ioudaismon, i eks aireseos oiasdepotoun, toutous, ei men eien
episkopoi i klerikoi, allotrious einai tous episkopon, tes
episkopes, kai tous klerikous ton kliron ei de laikoi eien,
agathematizesthai--Concil. Ephes. Actio VI. ]

[Footnote 492: Williams's Diary; Alterations in the Book of Common
Prayer. ]

[Footnote 493: It is curious to consider how those great masters of the
Latin tongue who used to sup with Maecenas and Pollio would have been
perplexed by "Tibi Cherubim et Seraphim incessabili voce proclamant,
Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth;" or by "Ideo cum
angelis et archangelis, cum thronis et dominationibus. "]

[Footnote 494: I will give two specimens of Patrick's workmanship. "He
maketh me," says David, "to lie down in green pastures: he leadeth me
beside the still waters. " Patrick's version is as follows: "For as a
good shepherd leads his sheep in the violent heat to shady places,
where they may lie down and feed (not in parched but) in fresh and
green pastures, and in the evening leads them (not to muddy and troubled
waters, but) to pure and quiet streams; so hath he already made a fair
and plentiful provision for me, which I enjoy in peace without any
disturbance. "

In the Song of Solomon is an exquisitely beautiful verse. "I charge you,
O daughters of Jerusalem, if ye find my beloved, that ye tell him that
I am sick of love. " Patrick's version runs thus: "So I turned myself to
those of my neighbours and familiar acquaintance who were awakened by
my cries to come and see what the matter was; and conjured them, as they
would answer it to God, that, if they met with my beloved, they would
let him know--What shall I say? --What shall I desire you to tell him but
that I do not enjoy myself now that I want his company, nor can be well
till I recover his love again. "]

[Footnote 495: William's dislike of the Cathedral service is
sarcastically noticed by Leslie in the Rehearsal, No. 7. See also
a Letter from a Member of the House of Commons to his Friend in the
Country, 1689, and Bisset's Modern Fanatic, 1710. ]

[Footnote 496: See the Order in Council of Jan. 9. 1683. ]

[Footnote 497: See Collier's Desertion discussed, 1689. Thomas Carte,
who was a disciple, and, at one time, an assistant of Collier, inserted,
so late as the year 1747, in a bulky History of England, an exquisitely
absurd note in which he assured the world that, to his certain
knowledge, the Pretender had cured the scrofula, and very gravely
inferred that the healing virtue was transmitted by inheritance, and was
quite independent of any unction. See Carte's History of England, vol,
i. page 297. ]

[Footnote 498: See the Preface to a Treatise on Wounds, by Richard
Wiseman, Sergeant Chirurgeon to His Majesty, 1676. But the fullest
information on this curious subject will be found in the Charisma
Basilicon, by John Browne, Chirurgeon in ordinary to His Majesty, 1684.
See also The Ceremonies used in the Time of King Henry VII. for the
Healing of them that be Diseased with the King's Evil, published by
His Majesty's Command, 1686; Evelyn's Diary, March 18. 1684; and Bishop
Cartwright's Diary, August 28, 29, and 30. 1687. It is incredible
that so large a proportion of the population should have been really
scrofulous. No doubt many persons who had slight and transient maladies
were brought to the king, and the recovery of these persons kept up the
vulgar belief in the efficacy of his touch. ]

[Footnote 499: Paris Gazette, April 23. 1689. ]

[Footnote 500: See Whiston's Life of himself. Poor Whiston, who believed
in every thing but the Trinity, tells us gravely that the single person
whom William touched was cured, notwithstanding His Majesty's want of
faith. See also the Athenian Mercury of January 16. 1691. ]

[Footnote 501: In several recent publications the apprehension that
differences might arise between the Convocation of York and the
Convocation of Canterbury has been contemptuously pronounced chimerical.
But it is not easy to understand why two independent Convocations should
be less likely to differ than two Houses of the same Convocation; and
it is matter of notoriety that, in the reigns of William the Third and
Anne, the two Houses of the Convocation of Canterbury scarcely ever
agreed. ]

[Footnote 502: Birch's Life of Tillotson; Life of Prideaux. From
Clarendon's Diary, it appears that he and Rochester were at Oxford on
the 23rd of September. ]

[Footnote 503: See the Roll in the Historical Account of the present
Convocation, appended to the second edition of Vox Cleri, 1690. The most
considerable name that I perceive in the list of proctors chosen by
the parochial clergy is that of Dr. John Mill, the editor of the Greek
Testament. ]

[Footnote 504: Tillotson to Lady Russell, April 19. 1690. ]

[Footnote 505: Birch's Life of Tillotson. The account there given of the
coldness between Compton and Tillotson was taken by Birch from the MSS.
of Henry Wharton, and is confirmed by many circumstances which are known
from other sources of intelligence. ]

[Footnote 506: Chamberlayne's State of England, 18th edition. ]

[Footnote 507: Condo ad Synodum per Gulielmum Beveregium, 1689. ]

[Footnote 508: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Historical Account of the
Present Convocation. ]

[Footnote 509: Kennet's History, iii. 552. ]

[Footnote 510: Historical Account of the Present Convocation, 1689. ]

[Footnote 511: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Burnet,
ii. 58. ; Kennet's History of the Reign of William and Mary. ]

[Footnote 512: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet's
History. ]

[Footnote 513: Historical Account of the Present Convocation; Kennet. ]

[Footnote 514: Historical Account of the Present Convocation. ]

[Footnote 515: That there was such a jealousy as I have described is
admitted in the pamphlet entitled Vox Cleri. "Some country ministers now
of the Convocation, do now see in what great ease and plenty the City
ministers live, who have their readers and lecturers, and frequent
supplies, and sometimes tarry in the vestry till prayers be ended, and
have great dignities in the Church, besides their rich parishes in the
City. " The author of this tract, once widely celebrated, was Thomas
Long, proctor for the clergy of the diocese of Exeter. In another
pamphlet, published at this time, the rural clergymen are said to have
seen with an evil eye their London brethren refreshing themselves with
sack after preaching. Several satirical allusions to the fable of the
Town Mouse and the Country Mouse will be found in the pamphlets of that
winter. ]

[Footnote 516: Barnet, ii, 33, 34. The best narratives of what passed
in this Convocation are the Historical Account appended to the second
edition of Vox Cleri, and the passage in Kennet's History to which I
have already referred the reader. The former narrative is by a very high
churchman, the latter by a very low churchman. Those who are desirous
of obtaining fuller information must consult the contemporary pamphlets.
Among them are Vox Populi; Vox Laici; Vox Regis et Regni; the Healing
Attempt; the Letter to a Friend, by Dean Prideaux the Letter from a
Minister in the Country to a Member of the Convocation; the Answer to
the Merry Answer to Vox Cleri; the Remarks from the Country upon two
Letters relating to the Convocation; the Vindication of the Letters in
answer to Vox Cleri; the Answer to the Country Minister's Letter. All
these tracts appeared late in 1689 or early in 1690. ]

[Footnote 517: "Halifax a eu une reprimande severe publiquement dans le
conseil par le Prince d'Orange pour avoir trop balance. "--Avaux to De
Croissy, Dublin, June 1689. "his mercurial Wit," says Burnet, ii. 4. ,
"was not well suited with the King's phlegm. "]

[Footnote 518: Clarendon's Diary, Oct. 10 1689; Lords' Journals, Oct.
19. 1689. ]

[Footnote 519: Commons' Journals, Oct. 24. 1689. ]

[Footnote 520: Ibid. , Nov. 2. 1689. ]

[Footnote 521: Commons' Journals, Nov. 7. 19. , Dec. 30 1689. The rule
of the House then was that no petition could be received against the
imposition of a tax. This rule was, after a very hard fight, rescinded
in 1842. The petition of the Jews was not received, and is not mentioned
in the Journals. But something may be learned about it from Narcissus
Luttrell's Diary and from Grey's Debates, Nov. 19. 1689,]

[Footnote 522: James, in the very treatise in which he tried to prove
the Pope to be Antichrist, says "For myself, if that were yet the
question, I would with all my heart give my consent that the Bishop of
Rome should have the first seat. " There is a remarkable letter on this
subject written by James to Charles and Buckingham, when they were in
Spain. Heylyn, speaking of Laud's negotiation with Rome, says: "So that
upon the point the Pope was to content himself among us in England
with a priority instead of a superiority over other Bishops, and with
a primacy instead of a supremacy in those parts of Christendom, which
I conceive no man of learning and sobriety would have grudged to grant
him,"]

[Footnote 523: Stat. 1 W & M. sess. 2. c 2. ]

[Footnote 524: Treasury Minute Book, Nov. 3. 1689. ]

[Footnote 525: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, Nov. 13, 14. 18.
19. 23. 28. 1689. ]

[Footnote 526: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, November 26. and
27. 1689. ]

[Footnote 527: Commons' Journals, November 28. , December 2. 1689. ]

[Footnote 528: Commons' Journals and Grey's Debates, November 30. ,
December 2 1689. ]

[Footnote 529: London Gazette, September 2 1689; Observations upon Mr.
Walker's Account of the Siege of Londonderry, licensed October 4. 1689;
Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Mr. J. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel,
a Defence of Mr. G. Walker written by his Friend in his Absence, 1690. ]

[Footnote 530: Walker's True Account, 1689; An Apology for the Failures
charged on the True Account, 1689; Reflections on the Apology, 1689; A
Vindication of the True Account by Walker, 1689; Mackenzie's Narrative,
1690; Mr. Mackenzie's Narrative a False Libel, 1690; Dr. Walker's
Invisible Champion foyled by Mackenzie, 1690; Weiwood's Mercurius
Reformatus, Dec. 4. and 11 1689. The Oxford editor of Burnet's History
expresses his surprise at the silence which the Bishop observes about
Walker. In the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. there is an animated panegyric
on Walker. Why that panegyric does not appear in the History, I am at a
loss to explain.
]

[Footnote 531: Commons' Journals, November 18 and 19. 1689; and Grey's
Debates. ]

[Footnote 532: Wade's Confession, Harl. MS. 6845. ]

[Footnote 533: See the Preface to the First Edition of his Memoirs,
Vevay, 1698. ]

[Footnote 534: "Colonel Ludlow, an old Oliverian, and one of King
Charles the First his Judges, is arrived lately in this kingdom from
Switzerland. "-Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, September 1689. ]

[Footnote 535: Third Caveat against the Whigs, 1712. ]

[Footnote 536: Commons' Journals, November 6. and 8. 1689; Grey's
Debates; London Gazette, November 18. ]

[Footnote 537: "Omme solum forti patria, quia patris. " See Addison's
Travels. It is a remarkable circumstance that Addison, though a Whig,
speaks of Ludlow in language which would better have become a Tory, and
sneers at the inscription as cant. ]

[Footnote 538: Commons' Journals, Nov. 1. 7. 1689. ]

[Footnote 539: Roger North's Life of Dudley North. ]

[Footnote 540: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689. ]

[Footnote 541: Lords' Journals, October 26. and 27. 1689. ]

[Footnote 542: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689. ]

[Footnote 543: Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689; Wood's Athenae
Oxonienses; Dod's Church History, VIII. ii. 3. ]

[Footnote 544: Commons' Journals, October 28. 5689. The proceedings will
be found in the collection of State Trials. ]

[Footnote 545: Lords' Journals, Nov. 2. and 6. 1689. ]

[Footnote 546: Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689; Life of Dudley North. ]

[Footnote 547: The report is in the Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689.
Hampden's examination was on the 18th of November. ]

[Footnote 548: This, I think, is clear from a letter of Lady Montague
to Lady Russell, dated Dec. 23. 1689, three days after the Committee of
Murder had reported. ]

[Footnote 549: Commons' Journals, Dec. 14. 1689; Grey's Debates; Boyer's
Life of William. ]

[Footnote 550: Commons' Journals, Dec. 21. ; Grey's Debates; Oldmixon. ]

[Footnote 551: Commons' Journals, Jan. 2. 1689/90]

[Footnote 552: Thus, I think, must be understood some remarkable
words in a letter written by William to Portland, on the day after
Sacheverell's bold and unexpected move. William calculates the amount of
the supplies, and then says: "S'ils n'y mettent des conditions que vous
savez, c'est une bonne affaire: mais les Wigges sont si glorieux d'avoir
vaincu qu'ils entreprendront tout. "]

[Footnote 553: "The authority of the chair, the awe and reverence to
order, and the due method of debates being irrecoverably lost by the
disorder and tumultuousness of the House. "--Sir J. Trevor to the King,
Appendix to Dalrymple's Memoirs, Part ii. Book 4. ]

[Footnote 554: Commons' Journals, Jan. 10. 1689/90 I have done my best
to frame an account of this contest out of very defective materials.
Burnet's narrative contains more blunders than lines. He evidently
trusted to his memory, and was completely deceived by it. My chief
authorities are the Journals; Grey's Debates; William's Letters to
Portland; the Despatches of Van Citters; a Letter concerning the
Disabling Clauses, lately offered to the House of Commons, for
regulating Corporations, 1690; The True Friends to Corporations
vindicated, in an answer to a letter concerning the Disabling Clauses,
1690; and Some Queries concerning the Election of Members for the
ensuing Parliament, 1690. To this last pamphlet is appended a list of
those who voted for the Sacheverell Clause. See also Clarendon's Diary,
Jan. 10. 1689/90, and the Third Part of the Caveat against the Whigs,
1712. William's Letter of the 10th of January ends thus. The news of the
first division only had reached Kensington. "Il est a present onze eures
de nuit, et dix eures la Chambre Basse estoit encore ensemble. Ainsi
je ne vous puis escrire par cette ordinaire l'issue de l'affaire. Les
previos questions les Tories l'ont emporte de cinq vois. Ainsi vous
pouvez voir que la chose est bien disputee. J'ay si grand somiel, et
mon toux m'incomode que je ne vous en saurez dire davantage. Josques a
mourir a vous. "

On the same night Van Citters wrote to the States General. The debate
he said, had been very sharp. The design of the Whigs, whom he calls
the Presbyterians, had been nothing less than to exclude their opponents
from all offices, and to obtain for themselves the exclusive possession
of power. ]

[Footnote 555: Commons' Journals, Jan. 11 1689/90. ]

[Footnote 556: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Jan. 16. 1690; Van Citters to
the States General, Jan. 21/31]

[Footnote 557: Commons' Journals, Jan. 16. 1689/90]

[Footnote 558: Roger North's Life of Guildford. ]

[Footnote 559: See the account of the proceedings in the collection of
State Trials. ]

[Footnote 560: Commons' Journals, Jan. 20. 1689/90; Grey's Debates, Jan.
18. and 20. ]

[Footnote 561: Commons' Journals, Jan. 21. 1689/90 On the same day
William wrote thus from Kensington to Portland: "C'est aujourd'hui le
grand jour l'eguard du Bill of Indemnite. Selon tout ce que is puis
aprendre, il y aura beaucoup de chaleur, et rien determiner; et de la
maniere que la chose est entourre, il n'y a point d'aparence que cette
affaire viene a aucune conclusion. Et ainsi il se pouroit que la
cession fust fort courts; n'ayant plus dargent a esperer; et les esprits
s'aigrissent ton contre l'autre de plus en plus. " Three days later Van
Citters informed the States General that the excitement about the Bill
of Indemnity was extreme. ]

[Footnote 562: Burnet, ii. 39. ; MS. Memoir written by the first Lord
Lonsdale in the Mackintosh Papers. ]

[Footnote 563: Burnet, ii. 40. ]

[Footnote 564: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, January and February. ]

[Footnote 565: William to Portland, Jan. 10/20 1690. "Les Wiges ont peur
de me perdre trop tost, avant qu'ils n'ayent fait avec moy ce qu'ils
veulent: car, pour leur amitie, vous savez ce qu'il y a a compter
ladessus en ce pays icy. " Jan. 14/24 "Me voila le plus embarasse du
monde, ne sachant quel parti prendre, estant toujours persuade que, sans
que j'aille en Irlande, l'on n'y faira rien qui vaille. Pour avoir du
conseil en cette affaire, je n'en ay point a attendre, personne n'ausant
dire ses sentimens. Et l'on commence deja a dire ouvertement que ce
sont des traitres qui m'ont conseille de preudre cette resolution. " Jan.
21/31 "Je nay encore rien dit,"--he means to the Parliament,--"de mon
voyage pour l'Irlande. Et je ne suis point encore determine si j'en
parlerez: mais je crains que nonobstant j'aurez une adresse pour n'y
point aller ce qui m'embarassera beaucoup, puis que c'est une necssite
absolue que j'y aille. "]

[Footnote 566: William to Portland, Jan 28/Feb 7 1690; Van Citters to
the States General, same date; Evelyn's Diary; Lords' Journals, Jan. 27.
I will quote William's own words. "Vous voirez mon harangue imprimee:
ainsi je ne vous en direz rien. Et pour les raisone qui m'y ont oblige,
je les reserverez a vous les dire jusques a vostre retour. Il semble
que les Toris en sont bien aise, male point les Wiggs. Ils estoient tous
fort surpris quand je leur parlois, n'ayant communique mon dessin qu'a
une seule personne. Je vie des visages long comme un aune, change de
couleur vingt fois pendant que je parlois. Tous ces particularites
jusques a vostre heureux retour. "]

[Footnote 567: Evelyn's Diary; Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 9. 1690; Van
Citters to the States General, Jan 31/Feb 10. ; Lonsdale MS. quoted by
Dalrymple. ]

[Footnote 568: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary]

[Footnote 569: Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 11. 1690. ]

[Footnote 570: Van Citters to the States General, February 14/24. 1690;
Evelyn's Diary. ]

[Footnote 571: William to Portland, Feb 28/March 10 29. 1690; Van
Citters to the States General, March 4/14; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary. ]

[Footnote 572: Van Citters, March 11/21 1689/90; Narcissus Luttrell's
Diary. ]

[Footnote 573: Van Citters to the States General, March 11/21 1690. ]

[Footnote 574: The votes were for Sawyer 165, for Finch 141, for Bennet,
whom I suppose to have been a Whig, 87. At the University every voter
delivers his vote in writing. One of the votes given on this occasion
is in the following words, "Henricus Jenkes, ex amore justitiae, eligit
virum consultissimum Robertum Sawyer. "]

[Footnote 575: Van Citters to the States General, March 18/28 1690. ]

[Footnote 576: It is amusing to see how absurdly foreign pamphleteers,
ignorant of the real state of things in England, exaggerated the
importance of John Hampden, whose name they could not spell. In a French
Dialogue between William and the Ghost of Monmouth, William says, "Entre
ces membres de la Chambre Basse etoit un certain homme hardy, opiniatre,
et zele a l'exces pour sa creance; on l'appelle Embden, egalement
dangereux par son esprit et par son credit. . . . je ne trouvay point de
chemin plus court pour me delivrer de cette traverse que de casser le
parlement, en convoquer un autre, et empescher que cet homme, qui me
faisoit tant d'ombrages, ne fust nomme pour un des deputez au nouvel
parlement. " "Ainsi," says the Ghost, "cette cassation de parlement qui
a fait tant de bruit, et a produit tant de raisonnemens et de
speculations, n'estoit que pour exclure Embden. Mais s'il estoit si
adroit et si zele, comment as-tu pu trouver le moyen de le faire exclure
du nombre des deputez? " To this very sensible question the King
answers, "Il m'a fallu faire d'etranges manoeuvres pour en venir a
bout. "--L'Ombre de Monmouth, 1690. ]

[Footnote 577: "A present tout dependra d'un bon succes en Irlande; et
a quoy il faut que je m'aplique entierement pour regler le mieux que je
puis toutte chose. . . . je vous asseure que je n'ay pas peu sur les bras,
estant aussi mal assiste que je suis. "-William to Portland, Jan 28/Feb 7
1690. ]

[Footnote 578: Van Citters, Feb. 14/24 1689/90; Memoir of the Earl of
Chesterfield by himself; Halifax to Chesterfield, Feb. 6. ; Chesterfield
to Halifax, Feb 8. The editor of the letters of the second Earl of
Chesterfield, not allowing for the change of style, has misplaced this
correspondence by a year. ]

[Footnote 579: Van Citters to the States General, Feb. 11/21 1690. ]

[Footnote 580: A strange peculiarity of his constitution is mentioned in
an account of him which was published a few months after his death.
See the volume entitled "Lives and Characters of the most Illustrious
Persons, British and Foreign, who died in the year 1712. "]

[Footnote 581: Monmouth's pension and the good understanding between
him and the Court are mentioned in a letter from a Jacobite agent in
England, which is in the Archives of the French War Office. The date is
April 8/18 1690. ]

[Footnote 582: The grants of land obtained by Delamere are mentioned
by Narcissus Luttrell. It appears from the Treasury Letter Book of
1690 that Delamere continued to dim the government for money after his
retirement. As to his general character it would not be safe to
trust the representations of satirists. But his own writings, and the
admissions of the divine who preached his funeral sermon, show that his
temper was not the most gentle. Clarendon remarks (Dec. 17. 1688) that
a little thing sufficed to put Lord Delamere into a passion. In the poem
entitled the King of Hearts, Delamere is described as--

"A restless malecontent even when preferred. "

His countenance furnished a subject for satire:

"His boding looks a mind distracted show;
And envy sits engraved upon his brow. "]

[Footnote 583: My notion of Lowther's character has been chiefly formed
from two papers written by himself, one of which has been printed,
though I believe not published. A copy of the other is among the
Mackintosh MSS. Something I have taken from contemporary satires.
That Lowther was too ready to expose his life in private encounters
is sufficiently proved by the fact that, when he was First Lord of the
Treasury, he accepted a challenge from a custom house officer whom he
had dismissed. There was a duel; and Lowther was severely wounded. This
event is mentioned in Luttrell's Diary, April 1690. ]

[Footnote 584: Burnet, ii. 76]

[Footnote 585: Roger North's Life of Guildford. ]

[Footnote 586: Till some years after this time the First Lord of the
Treasury was always the man of highest rank at the Board. Thus Monmouth,
Delamere and Godolphin took their places according to the order of
precedence in which they stood as peers. ]

[Footnote 587: The dedication, however, was thought too laudatory.
"The only thing," Mr. Pope used to say, "he could never forgive his
philosophic master was the dedication to the Essay. "--Ruffhead's Life of
Pope. ]

[Footnote 588: Van Citters to the States General April 25/May 5, 1690.