"
Such were the sentiments of a man, whose views have
been so much, and so designedly misrepresented; whose
strong solicitude for the liberties of America, saw in the
constitutional strength of each department of government,
the only security against usurpation; who sought to con-
nect with every grant of power, its appropriate check; and
who having advised every precaution for the public safety,
which the most prudent foresight could suggest, believed
that a generous confidence on the part of the people, was
as essential to their happiness, as an honest administration
by their rulers.
Such were the sentiments of a man, whose views have
been so much, and so designedly misrepresented; whose
strong solicitude for the liberties of America, saw in the
constitutional strength of each department of government,
the only security against usurpation; who sought to con-
nect with every grant of power, its appropriate check; and
who having advised every precaution for the public safety,
which the most prudent foresight could suggest, believed
that a generous confidence on the part of the people, was
as essential to their happiness, as an honest administration
by their rulers.
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? 362 THE LIFE OF
to be chosen by the private proprietors, and four by con-
gress; the minister of finance having the privilege of in-
specting all their proceedings.
A full examination of the principles of the proposed in-
stitution would exceed the proper limits of this work, but
a few desultory observations on some of the features of this
plan, may not be misplaced.
The introduction of landed security, as a part of the capi-
tal stock, is the provision which, in a merely commercial
view, might perhaps have been deemed most objectionable.
But it is to be remembered, that commercial convenience
was merely an incidental consideration. The primary ob-
ject was similar to that of the bank of England; after ab-
sorbing the previous issues, to obtain a monopoly of the cir-
culation, and by that means to secure a safe and uniform
currency.
But had the sole purpose of Colonel Hamilton been the
granting facilities to trade, it is by no. means obvious that
his plan would have been less effective.
It is true, that the country would not furnish an adequate
amount of specie, or of equivalent available personal secu-
rities to fill the stock; and that for this reason, the defici-
ency was sought to be supplied by landed security. But
this landed security, though less readily convertible than
the government debt of England, which forms the basis of
its bank, might be pledged for an amount of cash of rela-
tive value, and there would still exist the use of the lands,
and the use of the value of its representative.
That the landed security was not convertible to meet the
immediate wants of the bank, would be less objectionable,
in the minds of those who entertain the opinion, not without
strong reasons, that the capital of a bank should remain a
permanent vested fund, upon which to base a credit, not a
fund to be appropriated to its current uses.
It is possible that this provision might have diminished
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? HAMILTON. 363
the number of merely moneyed subscribers; but as this plan
was to go into operation, at a time when the prevailing dis-
trust of paper securities would dispose individuals, amidst a
choice of evils, to prefer an institution which would furnish
this additional support, to a capital of which the specie com-
ponent was the most alluring ingredient, this disadvantage
would have been more than compensated.
The power of coining money, was introduced merely to
. enable the bank to convert its plate into specie; but it was
a power which, under proper checks, might have been ex-
tended with advantage.
The privilege of contracting with the French govern-
ment, for the supply of its armies, was highly desirable
from this consideration, that the greater part of the specie
was derived from the expenditures of France, and passing
through the bank, would have increased its credit and effi-
ciency, while the great profits to be derived from the con-
tracts, would have offered large inducements to subscri-
bers.
The article which rendered the bank responsible for the
redemption of the existing paper, had in view the import-
ance of relieving the country from a fluctuating medium,
which infected all credit. The amount of the annuity to
be secured by congress to the bank, was not fixed, from
the difficulty of estimating the whole amount of the govern-
ment issues; a difficulty which was increased by this
circumstance, that this plan proposed to embrace all the
State emissions, as essential to every efficient scheme of
finance, -- a fact of high interest, in reference to the great
question of the "Assumption," which threatened an insu-
perable obstacle to the fiscal system of the present govern-
ment.
The permission to the bank to dissolve or sell at plea-
sure, was introduced to encourage men to adventure in it,
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? 364 THE LIFE OF
from a confidence, that when once engaged, the profits
would induce them to continue.
In reply to the inquiry, where funds are to be procured,
in the present impotent state of the federal government,
Colonel Hamilton says, " I answer, there are ample means,
and they must be had. Congress must deal plainly with
their constituents; they must tell them that power without
revenue, is a bubble; that unless they give them substan-
tial resources of the latter, they will not have enough of
the former either to prosecute the war, or to maintain the
union in peace; that in short, they must, in justice to the
public, and to their own honour, renounce the vain at-
tempt of carrying on the war without either, -- a perse-
verance in which can only deceive the people, and betray
their safety. They must demand an instant, positive, and
perpetual investiture of an impost on trade; a land tax
and a poll tax to be collected by their own agents. This
act to become a part of the confederation. It has ever
been my opinion, that congress ought to have complete so-
vereignty in all but the mere municipal law of each state,
and I wish to see a convention of all the states, with
full power to alter and amend, finally and irrevocably, the
present futile and senseless confederation. "
After stating the plan of the bank, "these," he says, " as
has already been observed, are only intended as outlines.
The form of administration for the bank, and all other mat-
ters, may be easily determined. If the leading principles
are once approved, we shall find good models in the differ-
ent European banks, which we can accommodate to our cir-
cumstances. Great care, in particular, should be employed
to guard against counterfeits; and, I think, methods may
be devised that will be effectual.
"I see nothing to prevent the practicability of a plan of
this kind, but a distrust of the final success of the war, which
may make men afraid to risk any considerable part of their
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? HAMILTON. 36S
fortunes in the public funds; but without being an enthu-
siast, I will venture to assert, that with such a resource as
is here proposed, the loss of our independence is impossible.
All we have to fear is, that the want of money may disband
the army, or so perplex and enfeeble our operations, as to
create in the people a general disgust and alarm, which may
make them clamour for peace on any terms. But if a judi-
cious administration of our finances, assisted by a bank,
takes place, and the ancient security of property is restored,
no convulsion is to be apprehended; our opposition will
soon assume an aspect of system and vigour, that will re-
lieve and encourage the people, and put an end to the hopes
of the enemy. 'Tis evident, they have it not in their pow-
er to subdue us by force of arms;-- in all these states they
have not more than fifteen thousand effective troops, nor is
it possible for them much to augment this number. The
East and West Indies demand reinforcements. In all the
islands they have not, at this time, above five thousand men;
a force not more than equal to the proper garrisoning of
Jamaica alone, and which, the moment they lose a maritime
superiority in those seas, will leave them much cause to fear
for their possessions. They will probably send out fifteen
hundred or two thousand men to recruit their regiments
already here, but this is the utmost they can do.
"Our allies have five thousand men at Rhode-Island,
which in the worst event that can happen, will be recruit-
ed to eight, to co-operate with us on a defensive plan. --
Should our army amount to no more than fifteen thousand
men, the combined forces, though not equal to the expulsion
of the enemy, will be equal to the purpose of compelling
them to renounce their offensive, and content themselves
with maintaining one or two capital points. This is on the
supposition, that the public have the means of putting their
troops in activity. By stopping the progress of their con-
quests, and reducing them to an unmeaning and disgrace-
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? 366 THE LIFE OF
ful defensive, we destroy the national expectation of suc-
cess, from which the ministry draw their resources. They
are in a situation, where the want of splendid successes is
ruin. They have carried taxation nearly to its extreme
boundary; they have mortgaged all their funds; they have
a large unfunded debt, besides the enormous mass which is
funded. This must necessarily create apprehensions in
their most sanguine partizans, and if these are not counter-
acted by nattering events, from time to time, they cannot
much longer continue the delusion. Indeed, in that case, I
suppose they must themselves despair. The game we play,
is a sure game, if we play it with skill. I have calculated,
in the preceding observations, on the most disadvantageous
side; many events may turn up in the course of the summer,
to make even the present campaign decisive. "
On the twenty-sixth of May, the following reply was re-
ceived from the Superintendent of Finance.
ROBERT MORRIS TO COLONEL HAMILTON.
SIR,
It is some time since I received your performance, dated
the thirtieth April last. I have read it with that attention
which it greatly deserves, and finding many points of it to
coincide with my own opinions on the subject, it naturally
strengthened that confidence which every man ought to
possess, to a certain degree, in his own judgement. You
will very soon see the plan of a bank published, and sub-
scriptions opened for its establishment, having already met
with the approbation of congress. It only remains for indi-
viduals to do their part, and a foundation will be laid for
the anticipation of taxes and funds, by a paper credit that
cannot depreciate. The capital proposed, falls far short of
your idea, and, indeed, far short of what it ought to be; but
the capital may afterwards be increased to almost anv
amount. To propose a larger sum in the outset, and fail
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? HAMILTON. 367
in the attempt to raise it, might prove fatal; to begin with
what is clearly in our power to accomplish, and on that be-
ginning to establish the credit that will inevitably command
the future increase of capital, seems the most certain road
to success. I have thought much about interweaving a
land security with the capital of this bank, but am apprehen-
sive it would convey to the public mind an idea of paper
being circulated on that credit; and that the bank, of con-
sequence, must fail in its payments in case of any conside-
rable run on it, and we must expect that its ruin will be
attempted by external and internal foes. I have, therefore,
left that point to the future deliberations of the directors of
this bank, to whom, in due time, I shall communicate your
address. I esteem myself much your debtor for this piece,
not merely on account of the personal respect you have
been pleased to express, but also on account of your good
intentions; and for these, and the pains you have taken, I
not only think, but on all proper occasions shall say, the
public are also indebted to you.
My office is new, and I am young in the execution of it.
Communications from men of genius and abilities will always
be acceptable, and yours will ever command the attention of
Sir, your obedient, humble servant,
Robt. Morris.
Col. Alex. Hamilton, of the Artillery.
The plan referred to in the preceding letter was submit-
ted to congress on the seventeenth, adopted on the twenty-
sixth*, and published, with an address from Mr. Morris, on
the twenty-eighth of May, 1781.
* The votes on this question, give an important indication of the views of
congress, at that day, on this " constructive power. " Of the eleven states pre-
sent, eight, viz. New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-Jersey,
Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia, were in favour.
Massachusetts was against it, with one vote from Pennsylvania. Of the /our
memben from Virginia, James Madison was alone in the negative.
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? 368 THE LIFE OF
The capital was four hundred thousand dollars, in shares
of four hundred dollars each, payable in gold or silver.
Its notes were made payable on demand, and receivable
for taxes: a power was given to enlarge the capital: the
superintendent of finance was authorized to inspect the
books; and on the last day of the year, an ordinance pass-
ed, incorporating it under the name of the Bank of North
America.
Great as was the merit of Mr. Morris in the suggestion
of this plan, he acquired a still stronger title to applause for
the skill, energy, and judgement, with which it was carried
into execution.
His principal reliance for a supply of coin, was founded
upon an engagement of the Governor General of Havan-
nah to remit to the United States four hundred thousand
dollars in specie, to be repaid by annual shipments of flour,
which were to be guarantied by France, but which en-
gagement was not fulfilled.
It has been stated that the whole specie capital of this
bank, when it commenced its operations, did not exceed
forty thousand dollars; and such was the apprehension of
this small resource being exhausted, that persons were em-
ployed, during the earlier part of its existence, to follow
those who had demanded specie and obtain it from them,
at any price, so as to return it into the coffers of the bank.
This institution, nevertheless, soon obtained extensive
confidence ; ministered largely to the wants of government;
and after its utility had been fully tested in furnishing a me-
dium of exchange throughout the states, as safe and more
convenient than the precious metals; relief in the payment
of the public burthens; increased facilities to the internal
and external commerce of the country; the state of Penn-
sylvania, by which it also had been incorporated, under the
delusion of popular prejudice repealed its charter, on the
extraordinary ground of the dangerous influence of foreign
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? HAMILTON. 360
capital on the free institutions of the country; forgetting,
that without such capital, that freedom, and those institu-
tions, would probably not have been established: but the
returning good sense of the state renewed the charter the
ensuing year.
The project for a convention of the states, which Hamil-
ton first proposed in his letter to Mr. Duane, seems not to
have met with much countenance in congress; but the ex-
position which he had given of the defects of the existing
government, enforced by the embarrassments with which
that body found themselves perpetually clogged, rendered
an enlargement of the powers of the confederation a sub-
ject of frequent and anxious deliberation.
Aware of the impediments which public opinion would
interpose to the successful attainment of this great object,
Hamilton commenced, at this time, a series of numbers,
under the title of " The Continentalist. "
The earlier essays were published in July and August,
1781. They were then suspended until after the surren-
der of York Town, when they were resumed, at intervals,
and continued during a part of the succeeding year. Many
of them are lost, but a sufficient number remain to show
the design of the publication. The first part was devoted to
an examination of the defects of the existing league, and to
an exposure of the groundless jealousy of power to which he
attributed the hostility of the people to an enlargement of the
authority of the federal government. Several of the essays
onthisbranch ofthesubject. cannotbe found. The succeeding
numbers are occupied with a brief enumeration of the pow-
ers with which the government ought to be clothed. Of
these, the principal were, first, the power of regulating
trade; comprehending a right of granting bounties and
premiums, by way of encouragement; of imposing duties
of every kind, as well for revenue as regulation; of ap-
pointing all officers of the customs, and of laying embar-
vol. I. 47
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? 370 the life or
goes in extraordinary emergencies. Second, a moderate
land tax, at a specific rate, to be granted to the federal go-
vernment in perpetuity, and to be levied, (if congress think
proper,) by their own collectors. Third, a moderate capi-
tation tax. Fourth, the disposal of all unlocated land, for
the benefit of the United States. Fifth, a certain propor-
tion of the product of all the mines existing in the United
States; and sixth, the appointment of all the land and na-
val officers by congress.
Much space is allotted, to show the necessity of confer-
ring on the general government specific funds, under their
exclusive control, as a basis upon which he proposed to
build up a system of public credit, and the same reasons
are recapitulated at large, which are contained in the elabo-
rate letter to Mr. Morris; one consideration is worthy of
remark,-- notwithstanding the zeal with which the esta-
blishment of permanent funds is advocated, both in this,
and all his other financial papers, there will be observed
the most scrupulous care to introduce provisions in every
scheme of finance, of which he was the author, to operate
as a check upon the proneness of governments to incur
debts, and insure their discharge, as fast as might be con-
sistent with public convenience.
The necessity of conferring the power of regulating
trade, in its fullest sense, both by bounties and prohibitions,
is clearly and strongly stated; and the consequences of con-
flicting state tarifFs. distinctly portrayed. Butwhilethis essen-
tial attribute of national sovereignty is claimed, a similar dis-
cretion is evinced, as to the extent to which this power should
be exercised. "Easy duties on commerce" are contended
for, in order to lighten the charges on production; and
while the necessity is shown of granting to the federal go-
vernment adequate funds, the policy of its relying on a com-
pound of permanent and occasional supplies is exhibited.
"The federal government," he says, " should neither be in-
^
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? HAMILTON. 371
dependent, nor too much dependent. It should neither be
raised above responsibility or control, nor should it want
the means of maintaining its own weight, authority, digni-
ty, and credit. To this end, permanent funds are indis-
pensable; but they ought to be of such a nature, and so
moderate in their amount, as never to be inconvenient. "
The collection of the national revenues, by officers ap-
pointed by congress, is shown to be essential to the success
of the system, and is urged from the farther consideration,
that their appointment, and also that of all military officers,
of every rank, would be the means of creating, in the inte-
rior of each state, a mass of influence in favour of the fede-
ral government. "The great danger," he says, has been
shown to be, "that it will not have power enough to de-
fend itself, and preserve the union; not that it will ever be-
come formidable to the general liberty. A mere regard to
the interests of the confederacy will never be a principle
sufficiently active to curb the ambition and intrigues of dif-
ferent members. Force cannot effect it.
"A contest of arms will seldom be between the common
sovereign and a single refractory member, but between dis-
tinct combinations of the several parts against each other;
a sympathy of situations, will be apt to produce associates
to the disobedient. The application of force is always dis-
agreeable; the issue uncertain. It will be wiser to obviate
the necessity of it, by interesting such a number of indivi-
duals in each state in support of the federal government, as
will be a counterpoise to the ambition of others, and will
make it difficult for them to unite the people in opposition
to the just and necessary measures of the union. There is
something noble and magnificent in the perspective of a
great federative republic, closely linked in the pursuit of
a common interest, tranquil and prosperous at home, re-
spectable abroad; there is something proportionably dimi-
nutive and contemptible, in the prospect of a number of
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? 372 THE LIFE OF
petty states, with the appearance only of union, -- jarring,
jealous, and perverse, -- without any determined direction,
-- fluctuating and unhappy at home, weak and insignifi-
cant by their dissensions in the eyes of other nations. Hap-
py America, if those to whom thou hast entrusted the
guardianship of thy infancy, know how to provide for thy
future repose, but miserable and undone, if their negligence
or ignorance permits the spirit of discord to erect her ban-
ners on the ruins of thy tranquillity!
"
Such were the sentiments of a man, whose views have
been so much, and so designedly misrepresented; whose
strong solicitude for the liberties of America, saw in the
constitutional strength of each department of government,
the only security against usurpation; who sought to con-
nect with every grant of power, its appropriate check; and
who having advised every precaution for the public safety,
which the most prudent foresight could suggest, believed
that a generous confidence on the part of the people, was
as essential to their happiness, as an honest administration
by their rulers.
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? HAMILTON. 378
CHAPTER XIV.
[1781. ]
The urgent representations made to congress by the
French minister, M. de la Luzerne, of the reluctance of
the French court to extend their aids beyond what had al-
ready been granted, -- the intimation that the state of Eu-
rope might possibly lead France to an arrangement, which,
as the best terms that could be obtained for the United
States, would be founded on the principle of uti possidetis,
and the difficulties which Colonel Laurens had encountered
in his mission, all concurred to prompt an attempt upon
New-York, which had been abandoned in the previous au-
tumn, and which the letters of La Fayette show, was now
in contemplation. General Washington, early in this year,
(but at what precise time we are unable to state,) proceed-
ed to Newport, for the purpose of concerting measures
with General Rochambeau, in which journey, it would ap-
pear, from the following note, without date, that notwith-
standing their recent difference, he was attended by Colo-
nel Hamilton, -- which is also of importance to show, that
the difference which had taken place, had produced no di-
minution of respect in the breast of the General.
DEAR HAMILTON,
I shall be obliged to you for the answer to the address,
as soon as it is convenient to you. If we do not ride to
the Point to see the fleet pass out, I am to have a confer-
ence with Count de Rochambeau, and the engineer, di-
rectly after breakfast, at which I wish you to be present.
I am, sincerely and affectionately, yours,
Geo. Washington.
Half past--, A. M.
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? 374 THE LIFE OP
This interview having taken place, Washington returned
to the army, and immediately ordered them from their quar-
ters, with directions to encamp at Peekskill, whence they
moved down the eastern banks of the Hudson, waiting the
junction of the French forces, which soon after marched.
The advance having arrived, on the sixth of July an ex-
pedition was pushed forward, under General Lincoln, in
the hope of surprising the enemy's works at King's Bridge.
After an unimportant skirmish, the detachment returned to
the main body, then at Dobbs' Ferry, a position on the Hud-
son, a little more than twenty miles from New-York, where
the American army crossed in the disastrous retreat of 1776.
Hamilton, who had proceeded to Albany, after his return
from Newport, anxious to take part in the interesting ope-
rations which were about to occur, finding his application
for a command unattended to, determined to bring the ques-
tion to a definitive issue. The following extract from a let-
ter written to Mrs. Hamilton, gives the course of this affair.
Camp, near Dobbs' Ferry, July 10th, 1781.
"The day before yesterday I arrived here, but for want
of an opportunity could not write any sooner; indeed, I
know of none now. Finding, when I came here, that no-
thing was said on the subject of a command, I wrote the
General a letter, and enclosed him my commission. This
morning Tilghman came to me in his name, pressed me to
retain my commission, with an assurance that he would en-
deavour, by all means, to give me a command, nearly such
as I could have desired in the present circumstances of the
army. Though I know you would be happy to hear I had
rejected this proposal, it is a pleasure my reputation would
not permit me to afford you. I consented to retain my
commission, and accept the command. I quarter, at present,
by a very polite and warm invitation, with General Lincoln,
and experience from the officers of both armies every mark
of esteem. "
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? HAMILTON. 375
It was at this post that Washington first received the in-
telligence that the squadron of De Grasse was approach-
ing the coast of Virginia. A council of war was held, to
which Hamilton was invited by General Washington. The
plan of a southern campaign was then discussed, and though
reluctant to relinquish the attempt on New-York, so long
entertained, it was determined, for the most cogent reasons,
to make a forced march on Lord Cornwallis.
It became of the utmost importance to conceal this pur-
pose. The idea was thrown out, that the French fleet was
expected at Shrewsbury, and that the army was to march
and join it there; and, to complete the deception, lines for
an encampment were marked out on the Jersey side, ovens
constructed, and a body of men advanced, as if to take a
position for the combined forces. At this particular crisis,
Washington felt the full value of his exertions in obtaining
secret intelligence. A communication was constantly kept
up with New-York, and it was soon ascertained that the
deception was complete. The extent of the imposition on
Sir Henry Clinton has always been a subject of surprise,
but a stratagem which was adopted by Washington, and
which fully succeeded, will serve to explain it. There was
an individual in New-Jersey, who at one time held a con-
siderable rank in the militia, and who had been employed
by Washington to gain intelligence. In this service he had
proved himself shrewd, observing, and alert; and the in-
formation he had given, at the commencement of his ca-
reer, had been of much importance. Some time prior to
this period, General Washington had discovered this man
to be a traitor, and that, under cover of serving the Ameri-
can cause, he was in fact in the pay of Sir Henry Clinton.
He determined to take advantage of this discovery, and
under the pretence of employing him to get farther advices,
Washington sent for him to head quarters, where he threw
in his way a map, prepared for the purpose, marked with
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? 3T6 THE LIFE OF
the pretended route of the army to Shrewsbury, and with
plans of the land and naval attack upon New-York. Anx-
ious to confirm his impressions by every possible means,
this same individual sought an interview with Colonel Ha-
milton, and under semblance of a zeal for the American in-
terests, inquired of him the destination of the army. Ha-
milton, confident that a disclosure by him of the actual in-
tentions of the commander-in-chief, would be the most cer-
tain means of deceiving him, as it could not be supposed
that he would communicate such an important and confi-
dential secret, at once replied, "we are going to Virginia. "
The spy, thus completely duped, hastened with his informa-
tion to the enemy, and communicated it to Sir Henry Clin-
ton, who was in vain prompted by others to suspect the real
designs of the Americans, and replied to every importunity,
that he had information of a kind, and from a source, that
could not be disputed.
The intelligence of De Grasse's approach, had been com-
municated to General Washington by the Superintendent
of Finance, who immediately on the receipt of it, proceeded
express to head quarters. The probability of Cornwallis'
capture, now became strong. But a great obstacle existed:
-- it was the utter incapacity of moving the army for want
of funds. Robert Morris, on this occasion, rendered one of
those great services to his country, which no other indivi-
dual could have performed ; -- he assumed the responsibi-
lity of moving the army. Washington, aware of the em-
barrassed finances, inquired where were his means? He
replied, that he did not himself know, but that he would find
them. He immediately returned to Philadelphia, secured
all the water craft on the Delaware, provided supplies on
the route of the army, and while Washington was collecting
a force to protect West Point, raised a large portion of the
necessary funds on his personal responsibility.
Hamilton, in the mean time, had attained his wishes; and
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? HAMILTON. 377
on the sixteenth of August, he writes, -- "I wrote you by
the last post, in which I informed you that I had taken com-
mand of my corps. Major Fish is with me. I prize him
both as a friend and an officer. " And a few days after, he
thus announces to his wife his departure for the south: --
"In my last letter, I informed you that there was a greater
prospect of activity now, than there had been heretofore.
I did this to prepare your mind for an event which, I am
sure, will give you pain. I begged your father, at the same
time, to intimate to you by degrees the probability of its
taking place. I used this method to prevent a surprise,
which might be too severe to you. A part of the army, my
dear girl, is going to Virginia, and I must, of necessity, be
separated at a much greater distance from my beloved wife.
I cannot announce the fatal necessity, without feeling every
thing that a fond husband can feel. I am unhappy ; -- I
am unhappy beyond expression. I am unhappy, because I
am to be so remote from you; because I am to hear from
you less frequently than I am accustomed to do. I am
miserable, because I know you will be so; I am wretched
at the idea of flying so far from you, without a single hour's
interview, to tell you all my pains and all my love. But I
cannot ask permission to visit you. It might be thought
improper to leave my corps at such a time, and upon such
an occasion. I must go without seeing you, -- I must go
without embracing you: -- alas! I must go. But let no
idea, other than of the distance we shall be asunder, disquiet
you. Though I said the prospects of activity will be great-
er, I said it to give your expectations a different turn, and
prepare you for something disagreeable. It is ten to one
that our views will be disappointed, by Cornwallis retiring
to South Carolina by land. At all events, our operations
will be over by the latter end of October, and I will fly to
my home. Don't mention I am going to Virginia. "
The allied armies moved on the twenty-second of August,
vol. i. 48
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? 378 THE LIFE OF
and havnig taken a circuitous route to keep up the decep-
tion, reached Philadelphia on the second of September.
Generals Washington and Rochambeau then proceeded to
an interview with De Grasse; and General Lincoln, com-
manding the Americans, and Baron De Viomenil the French,
moved on to the head of Elk, which they reached on the sixth
of September. From this place, Hamilton again writes, --
"Yesterday, my lovely wife, I wrote to you enclosing you
a letter in one to your father, to the care of Mr. Morris.
To-morrow the post sets out, and to-morrow we embark
for York Town. I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of
writing you a few lines. Constantly uppermost in my
thoughts and affections, I am happy only when my moments
are devoted to some office that respects you. I would give
the world to be able to tell you all I feel, and all I wish, but
consult your own heart, and you will know mine. What
a world will soon be between us! To support the idea, all
my fortitude is insufficient. What must be the case with
you, who have the most female of female hearts? I sink
at the perspective of your distress, and I look to heaven to
be your guardian and supporter. Circumstances which
have just come to my knowledge, assure me that our ope-
rations will be expeditious, as well as our success certain.
Early in November, as I promised you, we shall certainly
meet. Cheer yourself with this idea, and with the assu-
rance of never more being separated. Every day confirms
me in the intention of renouncing public life, and devoting
myself wholly to you. Let others waste their time and their
tranquillity in a vain pursuit of power and glory; -- be it
my object to be happy in a quiet retreat,. with my better
angel. " Again he writes from Annapolis, -- " How che-
quered is human life? --how precarious is happiness? --
how easily do we often part with it for a shadow? These
are the reflections that frequently intrude themselves upon
me, with a painful application. I am going to do my duty.
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? HAMILTON. 379
Our operations will be so conducted, as to economize the
lives of men. Exert your fortitude, and rely upon heaven. "
These repeated expressions of attachment, are but the
gentler declarations of the strong feelings which animated
his breast, always full of tenderness to every object of his
regard. It is apparent from his correspondence at this
time, that he entertained a fixed purpose, should the oppor-
tunity offer, of establishing his military character on still
higher ground, and winning a meed of fame, connected
with the last great event in his country's early glory, and
that he foresaw, with a deep foreboding of danger, the
high enterprise to which his ambition pledged him.
The transports which had been furnished by Barras, in
the absence of De Grasse, reached the harbour between
James Town and Williamsburg, on the twenty-second of
September, with the advance of the Americans, where
they disembarked, the residue soon following. The whole
body moved forward, and on the twenty-eighth arrived
within two miles of the enemy's works at York Town;
Hamilton commanding a corps of light infantry, which was
attached to the division of La Fayette, who had joined with
the remains of the little army of Virginia.
The selection of this position by Lord Cornwallis, under
the circumstances in which he was placed, ean by no means
be regarded as exhibiting a want of military skill. Had
the British General pursued his own wishes, he would have
returned to the command of the army in South Carolina;
but this would have been a violation of his orders from Sir
Henry Clinton, who, apprehensive for his own safety, had
directed a portion of the forces in Virginia to return to New-
York. It had, also, been a favourite object with the Bri-
tish ministry, to establish a permanent and central post,.
whence their naval enterprises could be more successfully
conducted. Portsmouth, at first, attracted the attention of
the British General, but was found wholly unsuited to his
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? 380 THE LIFE OF
purpose. He next had in view the establishment of his
army at Point Comfort, but greater objections existed to
it, and York Town remained the only choice.
This small village, lying on the south side of the noble
stream whence it derives its name, is situated on the beau-
tiful peninsula, formed by the York and the James, in their
approach to the Chesapeake.
Gloucester, which is on the north and opposite side of
the York, projects so far into the river, that the distance
between the headlands little exceeds a mile.
Here Cornwallis, intercepted in his retreat to the inte-
rior by La Fayette, who after a series of masterly move-
ments, had completely kept him at bay, -- deterred, also,
by the violent heats of the season, and cut off by De Grasse
from all hopes of succour by sea, had concentrated his
army, to the number of seven thousand men.
On the west and northwest, his post was protected by an
inlet from the river, a morass, and a deep ravine. On the
high banks of the river to the north, batteries were erect-
ed, which co-operating with those on the Gloucester side,
controlled the river pass, which was narrowed by vessels
sunk in the channel, and was also commanded by several
ships of war stationed in the offing. The south and south-
west, the most accessible points, were covered by an ex-
tensive line of field fortifications, which his army were en-
gaged in throwing up, when the Americans landed.
On their approach, a show of opposition was made on
their left, but a few pieces being advanced by Viomenil,
the enemy receded. On the twenty-ninth of September,
the Americans took their ground in front and on the left of
their works, and kept up a light and scattering fusilade.
The enemy, apprehensive they would get between their
outworks and the town, evacuated the greater part of them
on the following day, and they were occupied by the Ame-
rican light infantry, supported by their allies. During the
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? HAMILTON. 3S1
ensuing days, the besiegers were engaged in throwing up
redoubts, which was effected with great intrepidity, under
a heavy cannonade.
On the sixth of October, the army moved forward, and
opened their first parallel, within six hundred yards of the
enemy, under cover by day light. Hamilton now moved
his corps of light infantry into the works, and planted their
standards on the top of the line of the parallel. On the
ninth and tenth, six heavy batteries, three French and three
American, opened a heavy fire on the British, which dis-
mounted some of their guns, injured their embrasures, and
compelled them to shelter their cannon behind the merlons.
This was followed by an almost entire suspension of the
fire, and the loss of their heaviest vessel, the Charon, a
forty-four gun frigate, by a hot shot from the French bat-
tery, which burnt to the water's edge, presenting, in a serene
night, a magnificent and melancholy spectacle.
On the evening of the eleventh, the second parallel was
opened by Steuben's division, which was carried on within
three hundred and sixty yards of the enemy's batteries,
with amazing rapidity during the night; while their shot
and shells kept up a continual and dazzling blaze, and was
completed on the succeeding day.
It now became necessary to obtain possession of two de-
tached redoubts, which were advanced on the left of the
enemy, within three hundred yards in their front, which
enfiladed the whole line of the American entrenchments,
and were supposed to command the communication be-
tween York and Gloucester. The heavy and incessant fire
which had been poured in upon them, it was believed, had
rendered them practicable, and it was determined to carry
them by assault. The work on the extreme left to be
forced by the American light infantry, comprising a part of
La Fayette's division ; that on the right, by a detachment of
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? 362 THE LIFE OF
to be chosen by the private proprietors, and four by con-
gress; the minister of finance having the privilege of in-
specting all their proceedings.
A full examination of the principles of the proposed in-
stitution would exceed the proper limits of this work, but
a few desultory observations on some of the features of this
plan, may not be misplaced.
The introduction of landed security, as a part of the capi-
tal stock, is the provision which, in a merely commercial
view, might perhaps have been deemed most objectionable.
But it is to be remembered, that commercial convenience
was merely an incidental consideration. The primary ob-
ject was similar to that of the bank of England; after ab-
sorbing the previous issues, to obtain a monopoly of the cir-
culation, and by that means to secure a safe and uniform
currency.
But had the sole purpose of Colonel Hamilton been the
granting facilities to trade, it is by no. means obvious that
his plan would have been less effective.
It is true, that the country would not furnish an adequate
amount of specie, or of equivalent available personal secu-
rities to fill the stock; and that for this reason, the defici-
ency was sought to be supplied by landed security. But
this landed security, though less readily convertible than
the government debt of England, which forms the basis of
its bank, might be pledged for an amount of cash of rela-
tive value, and there would still exist the use of the lands,
and the use of the value of its representative.
That the landed security was not convertible to meet the
immediate wants of the bank, would be less objectionable,
in the minds of those who entertain the opinion, not without
strong reasons, that the capital of a bank should remain a
permanent vested fund, upon which to base a credit, not a
fund to be appropriated to its current uses.
It is possible that this provision might have diminished
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? HAMILTON. 363
the number of merely moneyed subscribers; but as this plan
was to go into operation, at a time when the prevailing dis-
trust of paper securities would dispose individuals, amidst a
choice of evils, to prefer an institution which would furnish
this additional support, to a capital of which the specie com-
ponent was the most alluring ingredient, this disadvantage
would have been more than compensated.
The power of coining money, was introduced merely to
. enable the bank to convert its plate into specie; but it was
a power which, under proper checks, might have been ex-
tended with advantage.
The privilege of contracting with the French govern-
ment, for the supply of its armies, was highly desirable
from this consideration, that the greater part of the specie
was derived from the expenditures of France, and passing
through the bank, would have increased its credit and effi-
ciency, while the great profits to be derived from the con-
tracts, would have offered large inducements to subscri-
bers.
The article which rendered the bank responsible for the
redemption of the existing paper, had in view the import-
ance of relieving the country from a fluctuating medium,
which infected all credit. The amount of the annuity to
be secured by congress to the bank, was not fixed, from
the difficulty of estimating the whole amount of the govern-
ment issues; a difficulty which was increased by this
circumstance, that this plan proposed to embrace all the
State emissions, as essential to every efficient scheme of
finance, -- a fact of high interest, in reference to the great
question of the "Assumption," which threatened an insu-
perable obstacle to the fiscal system of the present govern-
ment.
The permission to the bank to dissolve or sell at plea-
sure, was introduced to encourage men to adventure in it,
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? 364 THE LIFE OF
from a confidence, that when once engaged, the profits
would induce them to continue.
In reply to the inquiry, where funds are to be procured,
in the present impotent state of the federal government,
Colonel Hamilton says, " I answer, there are ample means,
and they must be had. Congress must deal plainly with
their constituents; they must tell them that power without
revenue, is a bubble; that unless they give them substan-
tial resources of the latter, they will not have enough of
the former either to prosecute the war, or to maintain the
union in peace; that in short, they must, in justice to the
public, and to their own honour, renounce the vain at-
tempt of carrying on the war without either, -- a perse-
verance in which can only deceive the people, and betray
their safety. They must demand an instant, positive, and
perpetual investiture of an impost on trade; a land tax
and a poll tax to be collected by their own agents. This
act to become a part of the confederation. It has ever
been my opinion, that congress ought to have complete so-
vereignty in all but the mere municipal law of each state,
and I wish to see a convention of all the states, with
full power to alter and amend, finally and irrevocably, the
present futile and senseless confederation. "
After stating the plan of the bank, "these," he says, " as
has already been observed, are only intended as outlines.
The form of administration for the bank, and all other mat-
ters, may be easily determined. If the leading principles
are once approved, we shall find good models in the differ-
ent European banks, which we can accommodate to our cir-
cumstances. Great care, in particular, should be employed
to guard against counterfeits; and, I think, methods may
be devised that will be effectual.
"I see nothing to prevent the practicability of a plan of
this kind, but a distrust of the final success of the war, which
may make men afraid to risk any considerable part of their
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? HAMILTON. 36S
fortunes in the public funds; but without being an enthu-
siast, I will venture to assert, that with such a resource as
is here proposed, the loss of our independence is impossible.
All we have to fear is, that the want of money may disband
the army, or so perplex and enfeeble our operations, as to
create in the people a general disgust and alarm, which may
make them clamour for peace on any terms. But if a judi-
cious administration of our finances, assisted by a bank,
takes place, and the ancient security of property is restored,
no convulsion is to be apprehended; our opposition will
soon assume an aspect of system and vigour, that will re-
lieve and encourage the people, and put an end to the hopes
of the enemy. 'Tis evident, they have it not in their pow-
er to subdue us by force of arms;-- in all these states they
have not more than fifteen thousand effective troops, nor is
it possible for them much to augment this number. The
East and West Indies demand reinforcements. In all the
islands they have not, at this time, above five thousand men;
a force not more than equal to the proper garrisoning of
Jamaica alone, and which, the moment they lose a maritime
superiority in those seas, will leave them much cause to fear
for their possessions. They will probably send out fifteen
hundred or two thousand men to recruit their regiments
already here, but this is the utmost they can do.
"Our allies have five thousand men at Rhode-Island,
which in the worst event that can happen, will be recruit-
ed to eight, to co-operate with us on a defensive plan. --
Should our army amount to no more than fifteen thousand
men, the combined forces, though not equal to the expulsion
of the enemy, will be equal to the purpose of compelling
them to renounce their offensive, and content themselves
with maintaining one or two capital points. This is on the
supposition, that the public have the means of putting their
troops in activity. By stopping the progress of their con-
quests, and reducing them to an unmeaning and disgrace-
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? 366 THE LIFE OF
ful defensive, we destroy the national expectation of suc-
cess, from which the ministry draw their resources. They
are in a situation, where the want of splendid successes is
ruin. They have carried taxation nearly to its extreme
boundary; they have mortgaged all their funds; they have
a large unfunded debt, besides the enormous mass which is
funded. This must necessarily create apprehensions in
their most sanguine partizans, and if these are not counter-
acted by nattering events, from time to time, they cannot
much longer continue the delusion. Indeed, in that case, I
suppose they must themselves despair. The game we play,
is a sure game, if we play it with skill. I have calculated,
in the preceding observations, on the most disadvantageous
side; many events may turn up in the course of the summer,
to make even the present campaign decisive. "
On the twenty-sixth of May, the following reply was re-
ceived from the Superintendent of Finance.
ROBERT MORRIS TO COLONEL HAMILTON.
SIR,
It is some time since I received your performance, dated
the thirtieth April last. I have read it with that attention
which it greatly deserves, and finding many points of it to
coincide with my own opinions on the subject, it naturally
strengthened that confidence which every man ought to
possess, to a certain degree, in his own judgement. You
will very soon see the plan of a bank published, and sub-
scriptions opened for its establishment, having already met
with the approbation of congress. It only remains for indi-
viduals to do their part, and a foundation will be laid for
the anticipation of taxes and funds, by a paper credit that
cannot depreciate. The capital proposed, falls far short of
your idea, and, indeed, far short of what it ought to be; but
the capital may afterwards be increased to almost anv
amount. To propose a larger sum in the outset, and fail
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? HAMILTON. 367
in the attempt to raise it, might prove fatal; to begin with
what is clearly in our power to accomplish, and on that be-
ginning to establish the credit that will inevitably command
the future increase of capital, seems the most certain road
to success. I have thought much about interweaving a
land security with the capital of this bank, but am apprehen-
sive it would convey to the public mind an idea of paper
being circulated on that credit; and that the bank, of con-
sequence, must fail in its payments in case of any conside-
rable run on it, and we must expect that its ruin will be
attempted by external and internal foes. I have, therefore,
left that point to the future deliberations of the directors of
this bank, to whom, in due time, I shall communicate your
address. I esteem myself much your debtor for this piece,
not merely on account of the personal respect you have
been pleased to express, but also on account of your good
intentions; and for these, and the pains you have taken, I
not only think, but on all proper occasions shall say, the
public are also indebted to you.
My office is new, and I am young in the execution of it.
Communications from men of genius and abilities will always
be acceptable, and yours will ever command the attention of
Sir, your obedient, humble servant,
Robt. Morris.
Col. Alex. Hamilton, of the Artillery.
The plan referred to in the preceding letter was submit-
ted to congress on the seventeenth, adopted on the twenty-
sixth*, and published, with an address from Mr. Morris, on
the twenty-eighth of May, 1781.
* The votes on this question, give an important indication of the views of
congress, at that day, on this " constructive power. " Of the eleven states pre-
sent, eight, viz. New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-Jersey,
Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia, were in favour.
Massachusetts was against it, with one vote from Pennsylvania. Of the /our
memben from Virginia, James Madison was alone in the negative.
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? 368 THE LIFE OF
The capital was four hundred thousand dollars, in shares
of four hundred dollars each, payable in gold or silver.
Its notes were made payable on demand, and receivable
for taxes: a power was given to enlarge the capital: the
superintendent of finance was authorized to inspect the
books; and on the last day of the year, an ordinance pass-
ed, incorporating it under the name of the Bank of North
America.
Great as was the merit of Mr. Morris in the suggestion
of this plan, he acquired a still stronger title to applause for
the skill, energy, and judgement, with which it was carried
into execution.
His principal reliance for a supply of coin, was founded
upon an engagement of the Governor General of Havan-
nah to remit to the United States four hundred thousand
dollars in specie, to be repaid by annual shipments of flour,
which were to be guarantied by France, but which en-
gagement was not fulfilled.
It has been stated that the whole specie capital of this
bank, when it commenced its operations, did not exceed
forty thousand dollars; and such was the apprehension of
this small resource being exhausted, that persons were em-
ployed, during the earlier part of its existence, to follow
those who had demanded specie and obtain it from them,
at any price, so as to return it into the coffers of the bank.
This institution, nevertheless, soon obtained extensive
confidence ; ministered largely to the wants of government;
and after its utility had been fully tested in furnishing a me-
dium of exchange throughout the states, as safe and more
convenient than the precious metals; relief in the payment
of the public burthens; increased facilities to the internal
and external commerce of the country; the state of Penn-
sylvania, by which it also had been incorporated, under the
delusion of popular prejudice repealed its charter, on the
extraordinary ground of the dangerous influence of foreign
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? HAMILTON. 360
capital on the free institutions of the country; forgetting,
that without such capital, that freedom, and those institu-
tions, would probably not have been established: but the
returning good sense of the state renewed the charter the
ensuing year.
The project for a convention of the states, which Hamil-
ton first proposed in his letter to Mr. Duane, seems not to
have met with much countenance in congress; but the ex-
position which he had given of the defects of the existing
government, enforced by the embarrassments with which
that body found themselves perpetually clogged, rendered
an enlargement of the powers of the confederation a sub-
ject of frequent and anxious deliberation.
Aware of the impediments which public opinion would
interpose to the successful attainment of this great object,
Hamilton commenced, at this time, a series of numbers,
under the title of " The Continentalist. "
The earlier essays were published in July and August,
1781. They were then suspended until after the surren-
der of York Town, when they were resumed, at intervals,
and continued during a part of the succeeding year. Many
of them are lost, but a sufficient number remain to show
the design of the publication. The first part was devoted to
an examination of the defects of the existing league, and to
an exposure of the groundless jealousy of power to which he
attributed the hostility of the people to an enlargement of the
authority of the federal government. Several of the essays
onthisbranch ofthesubject. cannotbe found. The succeeding
numbers are occupied with a brief enumeration of the pow-
ers with which the government ought to be clothed. Of
these, the principal were, first, the power of regulating
trade; comprehending a right of granting bounties and
premiums, by way of encouragement; of imposing duties
of every kind, as well for revenue as regulation; of ap-
pointing all officers of the customs, and of laying embar-
vol. I. 47
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? 370 the life or
goes in extraordinary emergencies. Second, a moderate
land tax, at a specific rate, to be granted to the federal go-
vernment in perpetuity, and to be levied, (if congress think
proper,) by their own collectors. Third, a moderate capi-
tation tax. Fourth, the disposal of all unlocated land, for
the benefit of the United States. Fifth, a certain propor-
tion of the product of all the mines existing in the United
States; and sixth, the appointment of all the land and na-
val officers by congress.
Much space is allotted, to show the necessity of confer-
ring on the general government specific funds, under their
exclusive control, as a basis upon which he proposed to
build up a system of public credit, and the same reasons
are recapitulated at large, which are contained in the elabo-
rate letter to Mr. Morris; one consideration is worthy of
remark,-- notwithstanding the zeal with which the esta-
blishment of permanent funds is advocated, both in this,
and all his other financial papers, there will be observed
the most scrupulous care to introduce provisions in every
scheme of finance, of which he was the author, to operate
as a check upon the proneness of governments to incur
debts, and insure their discharge, as fast as might be con-
sistent with public convenience.
The necessity of conferring the power of regulating
trade, in its fullest sense, both by bounties and prohibitions,
is clearly and strongly stated; and the consequences of con-
flicting state tarifFs. distinctly portrayed. Butwhilethis essen-
tial attribute of national sovereignty is claimed, a similar dis-
cretion is evinced, as to the extent to which this power should
be exercised. "Easy duties on commerce" are contended
for, in order to lighten the charges on production; and
while the necessity is shown of granting to the federal go-
vernment adequate funds, the policy of its relying on a com-
pound of permanent and occasional supplies is exhibited.
"The federal government," he says, " should neither be in-
^
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? HAMILTON. 371
dependent, nor too much dependent. It should neither be
raised above responsibility or control, nor should it want
the means of maintaining its own weight, authority, digni-
ty, and credit. To this end, permanent funds are indis-
pensable; but they ought to be of such a nature, and so
moderate in their amount, as never to be inconvenient. "
The collection of the national revenues, by officers ap-
pointed by congress, is shown to be essential to the success
of the system, and is urged from the farther consideration,
that their appointment, and also that of all military officers,
of every rank, would be the means of creating, in the inte-
rior of each state, a mass of influence in favour of the fede-
ral government. "The great danger," he says, has been
shown to be, "that it will not have power enough to de-
fend itself, and preserve the union; not that it will ever be-
come formidable to the general liberty. A mere regard to
the interests of the confederacy will never be a principle
sufficiently active to curb the ambition and intrigues of dif-
ferent members. Force cannot effect it.
"A contest of arms will seldom be between the common
sovereign and a single refractory member, but between dis-
tinct combinations of the several parts against each other;
a sympathy of situations, will be apt to produce associates
to the disobedient. The application of force is always dis-
agreeable; the issue uncertain. It will be wiser to obviate
the necessity of it, by interesting such a number of indivi-
duals in each state in support of the federal government, as
will be a counterpoise to the ambition of others, and will
make it difficult for them to unite the people in opposition
to the just and necessary measures of the union. There is
something noble and magnificent in the perspective of a
great federative republic, closely linked in the pursuit of
a common interest, tranquil and prosperous at home, re-
spectable abroad; there is something proportionably dimi-
nutive and contemptible, in the prospect of a number of
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? 372 THE LIFE OF
petty states, with the appearance only of union, -- jarring,
jealous, and perverse, -- without any determined direction,
-- fluctuating and unhappy at home, weak and insignifi-
cant by their dissensions in the eyes of other nations. Hap-
py America, if those to whom thou hast entrusted the
guardianship of thy infancy, know how to provide for thy
future repose, but miserable and undone, if their negligence
or ignorance permits the spirit of discord to erect her ban-
ners on the ruins of thy tranquillity!
"
Such were the sentiments of a man, whose views have
been so much, and so designedly misrepresented; whose
strong solicitude for the liberties of America, saw in the
constitutional strength of each department of government,
the only security against usurpation; who sought to con-
nect with every grant of power, its appropriate check; and
who having advised every precaution for the public safety,
which the most prudent foresight could suggest, believed
that a generous confidence on the part of the people, was
as essential to their happiness, as an honest administration
by their rulers.
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? HAMILTON. 378
CHAPTER XIV.
[1781. ]
The urgent representations made to congress by the
French minister, M. de la Luzerne, of the reluctance of
the French court to extend their aids beyond what had al-
ready been granted, -- the intimation that the state of Eu-
rope might possibly lead France to an arrangement, which,
as the best terms that could be obtained for the United
States, would be founded on the principle of uti possidetis,
and the difficulties which Colonel Laurens had encountered
in his mission, all concurred to prompt an attempt upon
New-York, which had been abandoned in the previous au-
tumn, and which the letters of La Fayette show, was now
in contemplation. General Washington, early in this year,
(but at what precise time we are unable to state,) proceed-
ed to Newport, for the purpose of concerting measures
with General Rochambeau, in which journey, it would ap-
pear, from the following note, without date, that notwith-
standing their recent difference, he was attended by Colo-
nel Hamilton, -- which is also of importance to show, that
the difference which had taken place, had produced no di-
minution of respect in the breast of the General.
DEAR HAMILTON,
I shall be obliged to you for the answer to the address,
as soon as it is convenient to you. If we do not ride to
the Point to see the fleet pass out, I am to have a confer-
ence with Count de Rochambeau, and the engineer, di-
rectly after breakfast, at which I wish you to be present.
I am, sincerely and affectionately, yours,
Geo. Washington.
Half past--, A. M.
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? 374 THE LIFE OP
This interview having taken place, Washington returned
to the army, and immediately ordered them from their quar-
ters, with directions to encamp at Peekskill, whence they
moved down the eastern banks of the Hudson, waiting the
junction of the French forces, which soon after marched.
The advance having arrived, on the sixth of July an ex-
pedition was pushed forward, under General Lincoln, in
the hope of surprising the enemy's works at King's Bridge.
After an unimportant skirmish, the detachment returned to
the main body, then at Dobbs' Ferry, a position on the Hud-
son, a little more than twenty miles from New-York, where
the American army crossed in the disastrous retreat of 1776.
Hamilton, who had proceeded to Albany, after his return
from Newport, anxious to take part in the interesting ope-
rations which were about to occur, finding his application
for a command unattended to, determined to bring the ques-
tion to a definitive issue. The following extract from a let-
ter written to Mrs. Hamilton, gives the course of this affair.
Camp, near Dobbs' Ferry, July 10th, 1781.
"The day before yesterday I arrived here, but for want
of an opportunity could not write any sooner; indeed, I
know of none now. Finding, when I came here, that no-
thing was said on the subject of a command, I wrote the
General a letter, and enclosed him my commission. This
morning Tilghman came to me in his name, pressed me to
retain my commission, with an assurance that he would en-
deavour, by all means, to give me a command, nearly such
as I could have desired in the present circumstances of the
army. Though I know you would be happy to hear I had
rejected this proposal, it is a pleasure my reputation would
not permit me to afford you. I consented to retain my
commission, and accept the command. I quarter, at present,
by a very polite and warm invitation, with General Lincoln,
and experience from the officers of both armies every mark
of esteem. "
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? HAMILTON. 375
It was at this post that Washington first received the in-
telligence that the squadron of De Grasse was approach-
ing the coast of Virginia. A council of war was held, to
which Hamilton was invited by General Washington. The
plan of a southern campaign was then discussed, and though
reluctant to relinquish the attempt on New-York, so long
entertained, it was determined, for the most cogent reasons,
to make a forced march on Lord Cornwallis.
It became of the utmost importance to conceal this pur-
pose. The idea was thrown out, that the French fleet was
expected at Shrewsbury, and that the army was to march
and join it there; and, to complete the deception, lines for
an encampment were marked out on the Jersey side, ovens
constructed, and a body of men advanced, as if to take a
position for the combined forces. At this particular crisis,
Washington felt the full value of his exertions in obtaining
secret intelligence. A communication was constantly kept
up with New-York, and it was soon ascertained that the
deception was complete. The extent of the imposition on
Sir Henry Clinton has always been a subject of surprise,
but a stratagem which was adopted by Washington, and
which fully succeeded, will serve to explain it. There was
an individual in New-Jersey, who at one time held a con-
siderable rank in the militia, and who had been employed
by Washington to gain intelligence. In this service he had
proved himself shrewd, observing, and alert; and the in-
formation he had given, at the commencement of his ca-
reer, had been of much importance. Some time prior to
this period, General Washington had discovered this man
to be a traitor, and that, under cover of serving the Ameri-
can cause, he was in fact in the pay of Sir Henry Clinton.
He determined to take advantage of this discovery, and
under the pretence of employing him to get farther advices,
Washington sent for him to head quarters, where he threw
in his way a map, prepared for the purpose, marked with
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? 3T6 THE LIFE OF
the pretended route of the army to Shrewsbury, and with
plans of the land and naval attack upon New-York. Anx-
ious to confirm his impressions by every possible means,
this same individual sought an interview with Colonel Ha-
milton, and under semblance of a zeal for the American in-
terests, inquired of him the destination of the army. Ha-
milton, confident that a disclosure by him of the actual in-
tentions of the commander-in-chief, would be the most cer-
tain means of deceiving him, as it could not be supposed
that he would communicate such an important and confi-
dential secret, at once replied, "we are going to Virginia. "
The spy, thus completely duped, hastened with his informa-
tion to the enemy, and communicated it to Sir Henry Clin-
ton, who was in vain prompted by others to suspect the real
designs of the Americans, and replied to every importunity,
that he had information of a kind, and from a source, that
could not be disputed.
The intelligence of De Grasse's approach, had been com-
municated to General Washington by the Superintendent
of Finance, who immediately on the receipt of it, proceeded
express to head quarters. The probability of Cornwallis'
capture, now became strong. But a great obstacle existed:
-- it was the utter incapacity of moving the army for want
of funds. Robert Morris, on this occasion, rendered one of
those great services to his country, which no other indivi-
dual could have performed ; -- he assumed the responsibi-
lity of moving the army. Washington, aware of the em-
barrassed finances, inquired where were his means? He
replied, that he did not himself know, but that he would find
them. He immediately returned to Philadelphia, secured
all the water craft on the Delaware, provided supplies on
the route of the army, and while Washington was collecting
a force to protect West Point, raised a large portion of the
necessary funds on his personal responsibility.
Hamilton, in the mean time, had attained his wishes; and
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? HAMILTON. 377
on the sixteenth of August, he writes, -- "I wrote you by
the last post, in which I informed you that I had taken com-
mand of my corps. Major Fish is with me. I prize him
both as a friend and an officer. " And a few days after, he
thus announces to his wife his departure for the south: --
"In my last letter, I informed you that there was a greater
prospect of activity now, than there had been heretofore.
I did this to prepare your mind for an event which, I am
sure, will give you pain. I begged your father, at the same
time, to intimate to you by degrees the probability of its
taking place. I used this method to prevent a surprise,
which might be too severe to you. A part of the army, my
dear girl, is going to Virginia, and I must, of necessity, be
separated at a much greater distance from my beloved wife.
I cannot announce the fatal necessity, without feeling every
thing that a fond husband can feel. I am unhappy ; -- I
am unhappy beyond expression. I am unhappy, because I
am to be so remote from you; because I am to hear from
you less frequently than I am accustomed to do. I am
miserable, because I know you will be so; I am wretched
at the idea of flying so far from you, without a single hour's
interview, to tell you all my pains and all my love. But I
cannot ask permission to visit you. It might be thought
improper to leave my corps at such a time, and upon such
an occasion. I must go without seeing you, -- I must go
without embracing you: -- alas! I must go. But let no
idea, other than of the distance we shall be asunder, disquiet
you. Though I said the prospects of activity will be great-
er, I said it to give your expectations a different turn, and
prepare you for something disagreeable. It is ten to one
that our views will be disappointed, by Cornwallis retiring
to South Carolina by land. At all events, our operations
will be over by the latter end of October, and I will fly to
my home. Don't mention I am going to Virginia. "
The allied armies moved on the twenty-second of August,
vol. i. 48
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? 378 THE LIFE OF
and havnig taken a circuitous route to keep up the decep-
tion, reached Philadelphia on the second of September.
Generals Washington and Rochambeau then proceeded to
an interview with De Grasse; and General Lincoln, com-
manding the Americans, and Baron De Viomenil the French,
moved on to the head of Elk, which they reached on the sixth
of September. From this place, Hamilton again writes, --
"Yesterday, my lovely wife, I wrote to you enclosing you
a letter in one to your father, to the care of Mr. Morris.
To-morrow the post sets out, and to-morrow we embark
for York Town. I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of
writing you a few lines. Constantly uppermost in my
thoughts and affections, I am happy only when my moments
are devoted to some office that respects you. I would give
the world to be able to tell you all I feel, and all I wish, but
consult your own heart, and you will know mine. What
a world will soon be between us! To support the idea, all
my fortitude is insufficient. What must be the case with
you, who have the most female of female hearts? I sink
at the perspective of your distress, and I look to heaven to
be your guardian and supporter. Circumstances which
have just come to my knowledge, assure me that our ope-
rations will be expeditious, as well as our success certain.
Early in November, as I promised you, we shall certainly
meet. Cheer yourself with this idea, and with the assu-
rance of never more being separated. Every day confirms
me in the intention of renouncing public life, and devoting
myself wholly to you. Let others waste their time and their
tranquillity in a vain pursuit of power and glory; -- be it
my object to be happy in a quiet retreat,. with my better
angel. " Again he writes from Annapolis, -- " How che-
quered is human life? --how precarious is happiness? --
how easily do we often part with it for a shadow? These
are the reflections that frequently intrude themselves upon
me, with a painful application. I am going to do my duty.
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? HAMILTON. 379
Our operations will be so conducted, as to economize the
lives of men. Exert your fortitude, and rely upon heaven. "
These repeated expressions of attachment, are but the
gentler declarations of the strong feelings which animated
his breast, always full of tenderness to every object of his
regard. It is apparent from his correspondence at this
time, that he entertained a fixed purpose, should the oppor-
tunity offer, of establishing his military character on still
higher ground, and winning a meed of fame, connected
with the last great event in his country's early glory, and
that he foresaw, with a deep foreboding of danger, the
high enterprise to which his ambition pledged him.
The transports which had been furnished by Barras, in
the absence of De Grasse, reached the harbour between
James Town and Williamsburg, on the twenty-second of
September, with the advance of the Americans, where
they disembarked, the residue soon following. The whole
body moved forward, and on the twenty-eighth arrived
within two miles of the enemy's works at York Town;
Hamilton commanding a corps of light infantry, which was
attached to the division of La Fayette, who had joined with
the remains of the little army of Virginia.
The selection of this position by Lord Cornwallis, under
the circumstances in which he was placed, ean by no means
be regarded as exhibiting a want of military skill. Had
the British General pursued his own wishes, he would have
returned to the command of the army in South Carolina;
but this would have been a violation of his orders from Sir
Henry Clinton, who, apprehensive for his own safety, had
directed a portion of the forces in Virginia to return to New-
York. It had, also, been a favourite object with the Bri-
tish ministry, to establish a permanent and central post,.
whence their naval enterprises could be more successfully
conducted. Portsmouth, at first, attracted the attention of
the British General, but was found wholly unsuited to his
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? 380 THE LIFE OF
purpose. He next had in view the establishment of his
army at Point Comfort, but greater objections existed to
it, and York Town remained the only choice.
This small village, lying on the south side of the noble
stream whence it derives its name, is situated on the beau-
tiful peninsula, formed by the York and the James, in their
approach to the Chesapeake.
Gloucester, which is on the north and opposite side of
the York, projects so far into the river, that the distance
between the headlands little exceeds a mile.
Here Cornwallis, intercepted in his retreat to the inte-
rior by La Fayette, who after a series of masterly move-
ments, had completely kept him at bay, -- deterred, also,
by the violent heats of the season, and cut off by De Grasse
from all hopes of succour by sea, had concentrated his
army, to the number of seven thousand men.
On the west and northwest, his post was protected by an
inlet from the river, a morass, and a deep ravine. On the
high banks of the river to the north, batteries were erect-
ed, which co-operating with those on the Gloucester side,
controlled the river pass, which was narrowed by vessels
sunk in the channel, and was also commanded by several
ships of war stationed in the offing. The south and south-
west, the most accessible points, were covered by an ex-
tensive line of field fortifications, which his army were en-
gaged in throwing up, when the Americans landed.
On their approach, a show of opposition was made on
their left, but a few pieces being advanced by Viomenil,
the enemy receded. On the twenty-ninth of September,
the Americans took their ground in front and on the left of
their works, and kept up a light and scattering fusilade.
The enemy, apprehensive they would get between their
outworks and the town, evacuated the greater part of them
on the following day, and they were occupied by the Ame-
rican light infantry, supported by their allies. During the
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? HAMILTON. 3S1
ensuing days, the besiegers were engaged in throwing up
redoubts, which was effected with great intrepidity, under
a heavy cannonade.
On the sixth of October, the army moved forward, and
opened their first parallel, within six hundred yards of the
enemy, under cover by day light. Hamilton now moved
his corps of light infantry into the works, and planted their
standards on the top of the line of the parallel. On the
ninth and tenth, six heavy batteries, three French and three
American, opened a heavy fire on the British, which dis-
mounted some of their guns, injured their embrasures, and
compelled them to shelter their cannon behind the merlons.
This was followed by an almost entire suspension of the
fire, and the loss of their heaviest vessel, the Charon, a
forty-four gun frigate, by a hot shot from the French bat-
tery, which burnt to the water's edge, presenting, in a serene
night, a magnificent and melancholy spectacle.
On the evening of the eleventh, the second parallel was
opened by Steuben's division, which was carried on within
three hundred and sixty yards of the enemy's batteries,
with amazing rapidity during the night; while their shot
and shells kept up a continual and dazzling blaze, and was
completed on the succeeding day.
It now became necessary to obtain possession of two de-
tached redoubts, which were advanced on the left of the
enemy, within three hundred yards in their front, which
enfiladed the whole line of the American entrenchments,
and were supposed to command the communication be-
tween York and Gloucester. The heavy and incessant fire
which had been poured in upon them, it was believed, had
rendered them practicable, and it was determined to carry
them by assault. The work on the extreme left to be
forced by the American light infantry, comprising a part of
La Fayette's division ; that on the right, by a detachment of
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