This
suspicion
becomes a certainty, as one
investigation after another shows the same results.
investigation after another shows the same results.
Applied Eugenics by Roswell H. Johnson and Paul Popenoe
[103]
Karl Pearson and his associates have shown that there is a tendency to
assortative mating for longevity: that people from long-lived stocks
actually do marry people from similar stocks, more frequently than would
be the case if the matings were at random. An increase of this tendency
would be eugenically desirable. [104] So much for the physique.
Though eugenics is popularly supposed to be concerned almost wholly with
the physical, properly it gives most attention to mental traits,
recognizing that these are the ones which most frequently make races
stand or fall, and that attention to the physique is worth while mainly
to furnish a sound body in which the sound mind may function. Now men
and women may excel mentally in very many different ways, and eugenics,
which seeks not to produce a uniform good type, but excellence in all
desirable types, is not concerned to pick out any particular sort of
mental superiority and exalt it as a standard for sexual selection. But
the tendency, shown in Miss Gilmore's study, for men to prefer the more
intelligent girls in secondary schools, is gratifying to the eugenist,
since high mental endowment is principally a matter of heredity. From a
eugenic point of view it would be well could such intellectual
accomplishments weigh even more heavily with the average young man, and
less weight be put on such superficial characteristics as "flashiness,"
ability to use the latest slang freely, and other "smart" traits which
are usually considered attractive in a girl, but which have no real
value and soon become tiresome. They are not wholly bad in themselves,
but certainly should not influence a young man very seriously in his
choice of a wife, nor a young woman in her choice of a husband. It is to
be feared that such standards are largely promoted by the stage, the
popular song, and popular fiction.
In a sense, the education which a young woman has received is no
concern of the eugenist, since it can not be transmitted to her
children. Yet when, as often happens, children die because their mother
was not properly trained to bring them up, this feature of education
does become a concern of eugenics. Young men are more and more coming to
demand that their wives know something about woman's work, and this
demand must not only increase, but must be adequately met. Woman's
education is treated in more detail in another chapter.
It is proper to point out here, however, that in many cases woman's
education gives no great opportunity to judge of her real intellectual
ability. Her natural endowment in this respect should be judged also by
that of her sisters, brothers, parents, uncles, aunts and grandparents.
If a girl comes of an intellectual ancestry, it is likely that she
herself will carry such traits germinally, even if she has never had an
opportunity to develop them. She can, then, pass them on to her own
children. Francis Galton long ago pointed out the good results of a
custom obtaining in Germany, whereby college professors tended to marry
the daughters or sisters of college professors. A tendency for men of
science to marry women of scientific attainments or training is marked
among biologists, at least, in the United States; and the number of
cases in which musicians intermarry is striking. Such assortative mating
means that the offspring will usually be well endowed with a talent.
Finally, young people should be taught a greater appreciation of the
lasting qualities of comradeship, for which the purely emotional factors
that make up mere sexual attraction are far from offering a satisfactory
substitute.
It will not be out of place here to point out that a change in the
social valuation of reputability and honor is greatly needed for the
better working of sexual selection. The conspicuous waste and leisure
that Thorstein Veblen points out as the chief criterion of reputability
at present have a dubious relation to high mental or moral endowment,
far less than has wealth. There is much left to be done to achieve a
meritorious distribution of wealth. The fact that the insignia of
success are too often awarded to trickery, callousness and luck does not
argue for the abolition altogether of the financial success element in
reputability, in favor of a "dead level" of equality such as would
result from the application of certain communistic ideals. Distinctions,
rightly awarded, are an aid, not a hindrance to sexual selection, and
effort should be directed, from the eugenic point of view, no less to
the proper recognition of true superiority than to the elimination of
unjustified differentiations of reputability.
This leads to the consideration of moral standards, and here again
details are complex but the broad outlines clear. It seems probable that
morality is to a considerable extent a matter of heredity, and the care
of the eugenist should be to work with every force that makes for a
clear understanding of the moral factors of the world, and to work
against every force that tends to confuse the issues. When the issue is
clear cut, most people will by instinct tend to marry into moral rather
than immoral stocks.
True quality, then, should be emphasized at the expense of false
standards. Money, social status, family alignment, though indicators to
some degree, must not be taken too much at their face value. Emphasis is
to be placed on real merit as shown by achievement, or on descent from
the meritoriously eminent, whether or not such eminence has led to the
accumulation of a family fortune and inclusion in an exclusive social
set. In this respect, it is important that the value of a high average
of ancestry should be realized. A single case of eminence in a pedigree
should not weigh too heavily. When it is remembered that statistically
one grandparent counts for less than one-sixteenth in the heredity of an
individual, it will be obvious that the individual whose sole claim to
consideration is a distinguished grandfather, is not necessarily a
matrimonial prize. A general high level of morality and mentality in a
family is much more advantageous, from the eugenic point of view, than
one "lion" several generations back.
While we desire very strongly to emphasize the importance of breeding
and the great value of a good ancestry, it is only fair to utter a word
of warning in this connection. Good ancestry does not _necessarily_ make
a man or woman a desirable partner. What stockmen know as the "pure-bred
scrub" is a recognized evil in animal breeding, and not altogether
absent from human society. Due to any one or more of a number of causes,
it is possible for a germinal degenerate to appear in a good family;
discrimination should certainly be made against such an individual.
Furthermore, it is possible that there occasionally arises what may be
called a mutant of very desirable character from a eugenic point of
view. Furthermore a stock in general below mediocrity will occasionally,
due to some fortuitous but fortunate combination of traits, give rise to
an individual of marked ability or even eminence, who will be able to
transmit in some degree that valuable new combination of traits to his
or her own progeny. Persons of this character are to be regarded by
eugenists as distinctly desirable husbands or wives.
The desirability of selecting a wife (or husband) from a family of more
than one or two children was emphasized by Benjamin Franklin, and is
also one of the time-honored traditions of the Arabs, who have always
looked at eugenics in a very practical, if somewhat cold-blooded way. It
has two advantages: in the first place, one can get a better idea of
what the individual really is, by examining sisters and brothers; and in
the second place, there will be less danger of a childless marriage,
since it is already proved that the individual comes of a fertile stock.
Francis Galton showed clearly the havoc wrought in the English peerage,
by marriages with heiresses (an heiress there being nearly always an
only child). Such women were childless in a much larger proportion than
ordinary women.
"Marrying a man to reform him" is a speculation in which many women have
indulged and usually--it may be said without fear of contradiction--with
unfortunate results. It is always likely that she will fail to reform
him; it is certain that she can not reform his germ-plasm. Psychologists
agree that the character of a man or woman undergoes little radical
change after the age of 25; and the eugenist knows that it is largely
determined, _potentially_, when the individual is born. It is,
therefore, in most cases the height of folly to select a partner with
any marked undesirable trait, with the idea that it will change after a
few years.
All these suggestions have in general been directed at the young man or
woman, but it is admitted that if they reach their target at all, it is
likely to be by an indirect route. No rules or devices can take the
place, in influencing sexual selection, of that lofty and rational ideal
of marriage which must be brought about by the uplifting of public
opinion. It is difficult to bring under the control of reason a subject
that has so long been left to caprice and impulse; yet much can
unquestionably be done, in an age of growing social responsibility, to
put marriage in a truer perspective. Much is already being done, but not
in every case of change is the future biological welfare of the race
sufficiently borne in mind. The interests of the individual are too
often regarded to the exclusion of posterity. The eugenist would not
sacrifice the individual, but he would add the welfare of posterity to
that of the individual, when the standards of sexual selection are being
fixed. It is only necessary to make the young person remember that he
will marry, not merely an individual, but a family; and that not only
his own happiness but to some extent the quality of future generations
is being determined by his choice.
We must have (1) the proper ideals of mating but (2) these ideals must
be realized. It is known that many young people have the highest kind of
ideals of sexual selection, and find themselves quite unable to act on
them. The college woman may have a definite idea of the kind of husband
she wants; but if he never seeks her, she often dies celibate. The young
man of science may have an ideal bride in his mind, but if he never
finds her, he may finally marry his landlady's daughter. Opportunity for
sexual selection must be given, as well as suitable standards; and while
education is perhaps improving the standards each year, it is to be
feared that modern social conditions, especially in the large cities,
tend steadily to decrease the opportunity.
Statistical evidence, as well as common observation, indicates that the
upper classes have a much wider range of choice in marriage than the
lower classes. The figures given by Karl Pearson for the degree of
resemblance between husband and wife with regard to phthisis are so
remarkable as to be worth quoting in this connection:
All poor +. 01
Prosperous poor +. 16
Middle classes +. 24
Professional classes +. 28
It can hardly be argued that infection between husband and wife would
vary like this, even if infection, in general, could be proved.
Moreover, the least resemblance is among the poor, where infection
should be greatest. Professor Pearson thinks, as seems reasonable, that
this series of figures indicates principally assortative mating, and
shows that among the poor there is less choice, the selection of a
husband or wife being more largely due to propinquity or some other more
or less random factor. With a rise in the social scale, opportunity for
choice of one from a number of possible mates becomes greater and
greater; the tendency for an unconscious selection of likeness then has
a chance to appear, as the coefficients graphically show.
If such a class as the peerage of Great Britain be considered, it is
evident that the range of choice in marriage is almost unlimited. There
are few girls who can resist the glamor of a title. The hereditary peer
can therefore marry almost anyone he likes and if he does not marry one
of his own class he can select and (until recently) usually has selected
the daughter of some man who by distinguished ability has risen from a
lower social or financial position. Thus the hereditary nobilities of
Europe have been able to maintain themselves; and a similar process is
undoubtedly taking place among the idle rich who occupy an analogous
position in the United States.
But it is the desire of eugenics to raise the average ability of the
whole population, as well as to encourage the production of leaders. To
fulfill this desire, it is obvious that one of the necessary means is to
extend to all desirable classes that range of choice which is now
possessed only by those near the top of the social ladder. It is hardly
necessary to urge young people to widen the range of their
acquaintance, for they will do it without urging if the opportunity is
presented to them. It is highly necessary for parents, and for
organizations and municipalities, deliberately to seek to further every
means which will bring unmarried young people together under proper
supervision. Social workers have already perceived the need of
institutional as well as municipal action on these lines, although they
have not in every case recognized the eugenic aspect, and from their
efforts it is probable that suitable institutions, such as social
centers and recreation piers, and municipal dance halls, will be greatly
multiplied.
It is an encouraging sign to see such items as this from a Washington
newspaper: "The Modern Dancing Club of the Margaret Wilson Social Center
gave a masquerade ball at the Grover Cleveland school last night, which
was attended by about 100 couples. " Still more promising are such
institutions as the self-supporting Inkowa camp for young women, at
Greenwood Lake, N. J. , conducted by a committee of which Miss Anne Morgan
is president, and directed by Miss Grace Parker. Near it is a similar
camp, Kechuka, for young men, and during the summer both are full of
young people from New York City. A newspaper account says:
There is no charity, no philanthropy, no subsidy connected with
Camp Inkowa. Its members are successful business women, who earn
from $15 to $25 a week. Board in the camp is $9 a week. So every
girl who goes there for a vacation has the comfortable feeling that
she pays her way fully. This rate includes all the activities of
camp life.
Architects, doctors, lawyers, bookkeepers, bank clerks, young
business men of many kinds are the guests of Kechuka. Next week 28
young men from the National City Bank will begin their vacations
there.
Inkowa includes young women teachers, stenographers, librarians,
private secretaries and girls doing clerical work for insurance
companies and other similar business institutions.
Saturday and Sunday are "at home" days at Camp Inkowa and the young
men from Kechuka may come to call on the Inkowa girls, participate
with them in the day's "hike" or go on the moonlight cruise around
the lake if there happens to be one.
"Young men and women need clean, healthy association with each
other," Miss Parker told me yesterday, when I spent the day at Camp
Inkowa. "Social workers in New York city ask me sometimes, 'How
dare you put young men and women in camps so near to each other? '
"How dare you not do it? No plan of recreation or out-of-door life
which does not include the healthy association of men and woman can
be a success. Young men and women need each other's society. And if
you get the right kind they won't abuse their freedom. "
The churches have been important instruments in this connection, and the
worth of their services can hardly be over-estimated, as they tend to
bring together young people of similar tastes and, in general, of a
superior character. Such organizations as the Young People's Society of
Christian Endeavor serve the eugenic end in a satisfactory way; it is
almost the unanimous opinion of competent observers that matches "made
in the church" turn out well. Some idea of the importance of the
churches may be gathered from a census which F. O. George of the
University of Pittsburgh made of 75 married couples of his acquaintance,
asking them where they first met each other. The answers were:
Church 32
School (only 3 at college) 19
Private home 17
Dance 7
--
75
These results need not be thought typical of more than a small part of
the country's population, yet they show how far-reaching the influence
of the church may be on sexual selection. Quite apart from altruistic
motives, the churches might well encourage social affairs where the
young people could meet, because to do so is one of the surest way of
perpetuating the church.
An increase in the number of non-sectarian bisexual societies, clubs
and similar organizations, and a diminution of the number of those
limited to men or to women alone is greatly to be desired. It is
doubtful whether the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. are, while separated,
as useful to society as they might be. Each of them tends to create a
celibate community, where the chance for meeting possible mates is
practically nil. The men's organization has made, so far as we are
aware, little organized attempt to meet this problem. The women's
organization in some cities has made the attempt, but apparently with
indifferent success. The idea of a merger of the two organizations with
reasonable differentiation as well would probably meet with little
approval from their directors just now, but is worth considering as an
answer to the urgent problem of providing social contacts for young
people in large cities.
It is encouraging that thoughtful people in all walks of life are
beginning to realize the seriousness of this problem of contacts for the
young, and the necessity of finding some solution. The novelist Miss
Maria Thompson Davies of Sweetbriar Farm, Madison, Tenn. , is quoted in a
recent newspaper interview as saying:
"I'm a Wellesley woman, but one reason why I'm dead against women's
colleges is because they shut girls up with women, at the most
impressionable period of the girls' lives, when they should be meeting
members of the opposite sex continually, learning to tolerate their
little weaknesses and getting ready to marry them. "
"The city should make arrangements to chaperon the meetings of its young
citizens. There ought to be municipal gathering places where, under the
supervision of tactful, warm-hearted women--themselves successfully
married--girls and young men might get introduced to each other and
might get acquainted. "
If it is thought that the time has not yet come for such municipal
action, there is certainly plenty of opportunity for action by the
parents, relatives and friends of young persons. The match-making
proclivities of some mothers are matters of current jest: where subtly
and wisely done they might better be taken seriously and held up as
examples worthy of imitation. Formal "full dress" social functions for
young people, where acquaintance is likely to be too perfunctory, should
be discouraged, and should give place to informal dances, beach parties,
house parties and the like, where boys and girls will have a chance to
come to know each other, and, at the proper age, to fall in love. Let
social stratification be not too rigid, yet maintained on the basis of
intrinsic worth rather than solely on financial or social position. If
parents will make it a matter of concern to give their boys and girls as
many desirable acquaintances of the opposite sex as possible, and to
give them opportunity for ripening these acquaintances, the problem of
the improvement of sexual selection will be greatly helped. Young people
from homes where such social advantages can not be given, or in large
cities where home life is for most of them non-existent, must become the
concern of the municipality, the churches, and every institution and
organization that has the welfare of the community and the race at
heart.
To sum up this chapter, we have pointed out the importance of sexual
selection, and shown that its eugenic action depends on young people
having the proper ideals, and being able to live up to these ideals.
Eugenists have in the past devoted themselves perhaps too exclusively to
the inculcation of sound ideals, without giving adequate attention to
the possibility of these high standards being acted upon. One of the
greatest problems confronting eugenics is that of giving young people of
marriageable age a greater range of choice. Much could be done by
organized action; but it is one of the hopeful features of the problem
that it can be handled in large part by intelligent individual action.
If older people would make a conscious effort to help young people widen
their circles of suitable acquaintances, they would make a valuable
contribution to race betterment.
CHAPTER XII
INCREASING THE MARRIAGE RATE OF THE SUPERIOR
No race can long survive unless it conforms to the principles of
eugenics, and indisputably the chief requirement for race survival is
that the superior part of the race should equal or surpass the inferior
part in fecundity.
It follows that the superior members of the community must marry, and at
a reasonably early age. If in the best elements of the community
celibacy increases, or if marriage is postponed far into the
reproductive period, the racial contribution of the superior will
necessarily fall, and after a few generations the race will consist
mainly of the descendants of inferior people, its eugenic average being
thereby much lowered.
In a survey of vital statistics, to ascertain whether marriages are as
frequent and as early as national welfare requires, the eugenist finds
at first no particularly alarming figures.
In France, to whose vital statistics one naturally turns whenever race
suicide is suggested (and usually with a holier-than-thou attitude which
the Frenchman might much more correctly assume toward America), it
appears that there has been a very slight decrease in the proportion of
persons under 20 who are married, but that between the ages of 20 and 30
the proportion of those married has risen during recent years. The same
condition exists all over Europe, according to F. H. Hankins,[105]
except in England and Scotland. "Moreover on the whole marriages take
place earlier in France than in England, Germany or America. Nor is this
all, for a larger proportion of the French population is married than in
any of these countries. Thus the birth-rate in France has continued to
fall in spite of those very conditions which should have sustained it
or even caused it to increase. "
In America, conditions are not dissimilar. Although it is generally
believed that young persons are marrying at a later age than they did
formerly, the census figures show that for the population as a whole the
reverse is the case. Marriages are not only more numerous, but are
contracted at earlier ages than they were a quarter of a century ago.
Comparison of census returns for 1890, 1900 and 1910, reveals that for
both sexes the percentage of married has steadily increased and the
percentage listed as single has as steadily decreased. The census
classifies young men, for this purpose, in three age-groups: 15-19,
20-24, and 25-34; and in every one of these groups, a larger proportion
was married in 1910 than in 1900 or 1890. Conditions are the same for
women. So far as the United States as a whole is concerned, therefore,
marriage is neither being avoided altogether, nor postponed unduly,--in
fact, conditions in both respects seem to be improving every year.
So far the findings should gratify every eugenist. But the census
returns permit further analysis of the figures. They classify the
population under four headings: Native White of Native Parentage, Native
White of Foreign Parentage or of Mixed Parentage, Foreign-born White,
and Negro. Except among Foreign-born Whites, who are standing still, the
returns for 1910 show that in every one of these groups the marriage
rate has steadily increased during the past three decades; and that the
age of marriage is steadily declining in all groups during the same
period, with a slight irregularity of no real importance in the
statistics for foreign-born males.
On the whole, then, the marriage statistics of the United States are
reassuring. Even if examination is limited to the Native Whites of
Native Parentage, who are probably of greater eugenic worth, as a group,
than any of the other three, the marriage rate is found to be moving in
the right direction.
But going a step farther, one finds that within this group there are
great irregularities, which do not appear when the group is considered
as a whole. And these irregularities are of a nature to give the
eugenist grave concern.
If one sought, for example, to find a group of women distinctly superior
to the average, he might safely take the college graduates. Their
superior quality as a class lies in the facts that:
(a) They have survived the weeding-out process of grammar and high
school, and the repeated elimination by examinations in college.
(b) They have persevered, after those with less mental ability have
grown tired of the strain and have voluntarily dropped out.
(c) Some have even forced their way to college against great obstacles,
because attracted by the opportunities it offers them for mental
activity.
(d) Some have gone to college because their excellence has been
discovered by teachers or others who have strongly urged it.
All these attributes can not be merely acquired, but must be in some
degree inherent. Furthermore, these girls are not only superior in
themselves, but are ordinarily from superior parents, because
(a) Their parents have in most cases cooperated by desiring this higher
education for their daughters.
(b) The parents have in most cases had sufficient economic efficiency to
be able to afford a college course for their daughters.
Therefore, although the number of college women in the United States is
not great, their value eugenically is wholly disproportionate to their
numbers. If marriage within such a selected class as this is being
avoided, or greatly postponed, the eugenist can not help feeling
concerned.
And the first glance at the statistics gives adequate ground for
uneasiness. Take the figures for Wellesley College, for instance:
_Status in fall of 1912_ _Graduates_ _All students_
Per cent married (graduated 1879-1888) 55% 60%
Per cent married in:
10 years from graduation 35% 37%
20 years from graduation 48% 49%
From a racial standpoint, the significant marriage rate of any group of
women is the percentage that have married before the end of the
child-bearing period. Classes graduating later than 1888 are therefore
not included, and the record shows the marital status in the fall of
1912. In compiling these data deceased members and the few lost from
record are of course omitted.
In the foregoing study care was taken to distinguish as to when the
marriage took place. Obviously marriages with the women at 45 or over
being sterile must not be counted where it is the fecundity of the
marriage that is being studied. The reader is warned therefore to make
any necessary correction for this factor in the studies to follow in
some of which unfortunately care has not been taken to make the
necessary distinction.
Turn to Mount Holyoke College, the oldest of the great institutions for
the higher education of women in this country. Professor Amy Hewes has
collected the following data:
_Decade of graduation Per cent remaining single Per cent marrying_
1842-1849 14. 6 85. 4
1850-1859 24. 5 75. 5
1860-1869 39. 1 60. 9
1870-1879 40. 6 59. 4
1880-1889 42. 4 57. 6
1890-1892 50. 0 50. 0
Bryn Mawr College, between 1888 and 1900, graduated 376 girls, of whom
165, or 43. 9%, had married up to January 1, 1913.
Studying the Vassar College graduates between 1867 and 1892, Robert J.
Sprague found that 509 of the total of 959 had married, leaving 47%
celibate. Adding the classes up to 1900, it was found that less than
half of the total number of graduates of the institution had married.
Remembering what a selected group of young women go to college, the
eugenist can hardly help suspecting that the women's colleges of the
United States, as at present conducted, are from his point of view doing
great harm to the race.
This suspicion becomes a certainty, as one
investigation after another shows the same results. Statistics compiled
on marriages among college women (1901) showed that:
45% of college women marry before the age of 40.
90% of all United States women marry before the age of 40.
96% of Arkansas women marry before the age of 40.
80% of Massachusetts women marry before the age of 40.
In Massachusetts, it is further to be noted, 30% of all women have
married at the age when college women are just graduating.
It has, moreover, been demonstrated that the women who belong to Phi
Beta Kappa and other honor societies, and therefore represent a second
selection from an already selected class, have a lower marriage rate
than college women in general.
In reply to such facts, the eugenist is often told that the college
graduates marry as often and as early as the other members of their
families. We are comparing conditions that can not properly be compared,
we are informed, when we match the college woman's marriage rate with
that of a non-college woman who comes from a lower level of society.
But the facts will not bear out this apology. Miss M. R. Smith's
statistics[106] from the data of the Collegiate Alumnae show the true
situation. The average age at marriage was found to be for
_Years_
College women 26. 3
Their sisters 24. 2
Their cousins 24. 7
Their friends 24. 2
and the age distribution of those married was as follows:
_Equivalent_
_Percentage of married_ _College_ _non-college_
Under 23 years 8. 6 30. 1
23-32 years 83. 2 64. 9
33 and over 8. 0 5. 0
[Illustration: Wellesley Graduates and Non-graduates
FIG. 36. --Graph showing at a glance the record of the student
body in regard to marriage and birth rates, during the years indicated.
Statistics for the latest years have not been compiled, because it is
obvious that girls who graduated during the last fifteen years still
have a chance to marry and become mothers. ]
If these differences did not bring about any change in the birth-rate,
they could be neglected. A slight sacrifice might even be made, for the
sake of having mothers better prepared. But taken in connection with the
birth-rate figures which we shall present in the next chapter, they form
a serious indictment against the women's colleges of the United States.
Such conditions are not wholly confined to women's colleges, or to any
one geographical area. Miss Helen D. Murphey has compiled the statistics
for Washington Seminary, in Washington, Pennsylvania, a secondary school
for women, founded in 1837. The marriage rate among the graduates of
this institution has steadily declined, as is shown in the following
table where the records are considered by decades:
'45 '55 '65 '75 '85 '95 '00
Per cent. married 78 74 67 72 59 57 55
Per cent. who have gone into 20 13 12 19 30 30 39
other occupations than
home-making
A graph, plotted to show how soon after graduation these girls have
married, demonstrates that the greatest number of them wed five or six
years after receiving their diplomas, but that the number of those
marrying 10 years afterward is not very much less than that of the girls
who become brides in the first or second year after graduation (see Fig.
35).
C. S. Castle's investigation[107] of the ages at which eminent women of
various periods have married, is interesting in this connection, in
spite of the small number of individuals with which it deals:
_Century_ _Average age_ _Range_ _Number of cases_
12 16. 2 8-30 5
13 16. 6 12-29 5
14 13. 8 6-18 11
15 17. 6 13-26 20
16 21. 7 12-50 28
17 20. 0 13-43 30
18 23. 1 13-53 127
19 26. 2 15-67 189
Women in coeducational colleges, particularly the great universities of
the west, can not be compared without corrections with the women of the
eastern separate colleges, because they represent different family and
environmental selection. Their record none the less deserves careful
study. Miss Shinn[108] calculated the marriage rate of college women as
follows, assuming graduation at the age of 22:
_Women over_ _Coeducated_ _Separate_
25 38. 1 29. 6
30 49. 1 40. 1
35 53. 6 46. 6
40 56. 9 51. 8
She has shown that only a part of this discrepancy is attributable to
the geographic difference, some of it is the effect of lack of
co-education. Some of it is also attributable to the type of education.
The marriage rate of women graduates of Iowa State College[109] is as
follows:
1872-81 95. 8
1882-91 62. 5
1892-01 71. 2
1902-06 69. 0
Study of the alumni register of Oberlin,[110] one of the oldest
coeducational institutions, shows that the marriage rate of women
graduates, 1884-1905, was 65. 2%, only 34. 8% of them remaining unmarried.
If the later period, 1890-1905, alone is taken, only 55. 2% of the girls
have married. The figures for the last few classes in this period are
probably not complete.
At Kansas State Agricultural College, 1885-1905, 67. 6% of the women
graduates have married. At Ohio State University in the same period, the
percentage is only 54. 0. Wisconsin University, 1870-1905, shows a
percentage of 51. 8, the figures for the last five years of that period
being:
1901 33. 9
1902 52. 9
1903 45. 1
1904 32. 3
1905 37. 4
From alumni records of the University of Illinois, 54% of the women,
1880-1905, are found to be married.
It is difficult to discuss these figures without extensive study of each
case. But that only 53% of the women graduates of three great
universities like Illinois, Ohio and Wisconsin, should be married, 10
years after graduation, indicates that something is wrong.
In most cases it is not possible to tell, from the alumni records of the
above colleges, whether the male graduates are or are not married. But
the class lists of Harvard and Yale have recently been carefully studied
by John C. Phillips,[111] who finds that in the period 1851-1890 74% of
the Harvard graduates and 78% of the Yale graduates married. In that
period, he found, the age of marriage has advanced only about 1 year,
from a little over 30 to just about 31. This is a much higher rate than
that of college women.
Statistics from Stanford University[112] offer an interesting comparison
because they are available for both men and women. Of 670 male
graduates, classes 1892 to 1900, inclusive, 490 or 73. 2% were reported
as married in 1910. Of 330 women, 160 or 48. 5% were married. These
figures are not complete, as some of the graduates in the later classes
must have married since 1910.
The conditions existing at Stanford are likewise found at Syracuse, on
the opposite side of the continent. Here, as H. J. Banker has shown,[113]
the men graduates marry most frequently 4. 5 years after taking their
degrees, and the women 4. 7 years. Of the women 57% marry, of the men
81%. The women marry at the average age of 27. 7 years and the men at
28. 8. Less than one-fourth of the marrying men married women within the
college. The last five decades he studied show a steady decrease in the
number of women graduates who marry, while the men are much more
constant. His figures are:
_Per cent of men_ _Per cent of women_
_Decade_ _graduates_ _graduates_
_married_ _married_
1852-61 81 87
1862-71 87 87
1872-81 90 81
1882-91 84 55
1892-01 73 48
C. B. Davenport, looking at the record of his own classmates at Harvard,
found[114] in 1909 that among the 328 original members there were 287
surviving, of whom nearly a third (31%) had never married.
"Of these (287)," he continues, "26 were in 'Who's Who in America? ' We
should expect, were success in professional life promoted by
bachelorship, to find something over a third of those in Who's Who to be
unmarried. Actually all but two, or less than 8%, were married, and one
of these has since married. The only still unmarried man was a temporary
member of the class and is an artist who has resided for a large part of
the time in Europe. There is, therefore, no reason to believe that
bachelorship favors professional success. "
Particularly pernicious in tending to prevent marriage is the influence
of certain professional schools, some of which have come to require a
college degree for entrance. In such a case the aspiring physician, for
example, can hardly hope to obtain a license to practice until he has
reached the age of 27 since 4 years are required in Medical College and
1 year in a hospital. His marriage must in almost every case be
postponed until a number of years after that of the young men of his own
class who have followed business careers.
This brief survey is enough to prove that the best educated young women
(and to a less extent young men) of the United States, who for many
reasons may be considered superior, are in many cases avoiding marriage
altogether, and in other cases postponing it longer than is desirable.
The women in the separate colleges of the East have the worst record in
this respect, but that of the women graduates of some of the
coeducational schools leaves much to be desired.
It is difficult to separate the causes which result in a postponement of
marriage, from those that result in a total avoidance of marriage. To a
large extent the causes are the same, and the result differs only in
degree. The effect of absolute celibacy of superior people, from a
eugenic point of view, is of course obvious to all, but the racial
effect of postponement of marriage, even for a few years, is not always
so clearly realized. The diagram in Fig. 36 may give a clearer
appreciation of this situation.
Francis Galton clearly perceived the importance of this point, and
attempted in several ways to arrive at a just idea of it. One of the
most striking of his investigations is based on Dr. Duncan's statistics
from a maternity hospital. Dividing the mothers into five-year groups,
according to their age, and stating the median age of the group for the
sake of simplicity, instead of giving the limits, he arrived at the
following table:
_Age of mother at_ _Approximate average_
_her marriage_ _fertility_
17 9. 00--6 * 1. 5
22 7. 50--5 * 1. 5
27 6. 00--4 * 1. 5
32 4. 50--3 * 1. 5
which shows that the relative fertility of mothers married at the ages
of 17, 22, 27 and 32, respectively, is as 6, 5, 4, and 3 approximately.
"The increase in population by a habit of early marriages," he adds, "is
further augmented by the greater rapidity with which the generations
follow each other. By the joint effect of these two causes, a large
effect is in time produced. "
Certainly the object of eugenics is not to merely increase human
numbers. Quality is more important than quantity in a birth-rate. But it
must be evident that other things being equal, a group which marries
early will, after a number of generations, supplant a group which
marries even a few years later. And there is abundant evidence to show
that some of the best elements of the old, white, American race are
being rapidly eliminated from the population of America, because of
postponement or avoidance of marriage.
Taking the men alone, we find that failure to marry may often be
ascribed to one of the following reasons:
1. The cultivation of a taste for sexual variety and a consequent
unwillingness to submit to the restraints of marriage.
2. Pessimism in regard to women from premature or unfortunate sex
experiences.
3. Infection by venereal disease.
4. Deficiency in normal sexual feeling, or perversion.
5. Deficiency of one kind or another, physical or mental, causing
difficulty in getting an acceptable mate.
The persons in groups 4 and 5 certainly and in groups 1, 2, and 3
probably to a less extent, are inferior, and their celibacy is an
advantage to the race, rather than a disadvantage, from a eugenic point
of view. Their inferiority is in part the result of bad environment. But
since innate inferiority is so frequently a large factor, the bad
environment often being experienced only because the nature was inferior
to start with, the average of the group as a whole must be considered
innately inferior.
Then there are among celibate men two other classes, largely superior by
nature:
6. Those who seek some other end so ardently that they will not make the
necessary sacrifice in money and freedom, in order to marry.
7. Those whose likelihood of early marriage is reduced by a prolonged
education and apprenticeship. Prolongation of the celibate period often
results in life-long celibacy.
Some of the most important means of remedying the above conditions, in
so far as they are dysgenic, can be grouped under three general heads:
1. Try to lead all young men to avoid a loose sexual life and venereal
disease. A general effort will be heeded more by the superior than by
the inferior.
2. Hold up the role of husband and father as particularly honorable, and
proclaim its shirking, without adequate cause, as dishonorable. Depict
it as a happier and healthier state than celibacy or pseudo-celibacy.
For a man to say he has never met a girl he can love simply means he has
not diligently sought one, or else he has a deficient emotional
equipment; for there are many, surprisingly many, estimable, attractive,
unmarried women.
3. Cease prolonging the educational period past the early twenties. It
is time to call a halt on the schools and universities, whose constant
lengthening of the educational period will result in a serious loss to
the race. External circumstances of an educational nature should not be
allowed to force a young man to postpone his marriage past the age of
25. This means that students must be allowed to specialize earlier. If
there is need of limiting the number of candidates, competitive entrance
examinations may be arranged on some rational basis. Superior young men
should marry, even at some cost to their early efficiency. The high
efficiency of any profession can be more safely kept up by demanding a
minimum amount of continuation work in afternoon, evening, or seasonal
classes, laboratories, or clinics. No more graduate fellowships should
be established until those now existing carry a stipend adequate for
marriage. Those which already carry larger stipends should not be
limited to bachelors, as are the most valuable awards at Princeton, the
ten yearly Proctor fellowships of $1,000 each.
The causes of the remarkable failure of college women to marry can not
be exhaustively investigated here, but for the purposes of eugenics they
may be roughly classified as unavoidable and avoidable. Under the first
heading must be placed those girls who are inherently unmarriageable,
either because of physical defect or, more frequently, mental
defect,--most often an over-development of intellect at the expense of
the emotions, which makes a girl either unattractive to men, or inclines
her toward a celibate career and away from marriage and motherhood.
Opinions differ as to the proportion of college girls who are inherently
unmarriageable. Anyone who has been much among them will testify that a
large proportion of them are not inherently unmarriageable, however, and
their celibacy for the most part must be classified as avoidable. Their
failure to marry may be because
(1) They desire not to marry, due to a preference for a career, or
development of a cynical attitude toward men and matrimony, due to a
faulty education, or
(2) They desire to marry, but do not, for a variety of reasons such as:
(a) They are educated for careers, such as school-teaching, where they
have little opportunity to meet men.
(b) Their education makes them less desirable mates than girls who have
had some training along the lines of home-making and mothercraft.
(c) They have remained in partial segregation until past the age when
they are physically most attractive, and when the other girls of their
age are marrying.
(d) Due to their own education, they demand on the part of suitors a
higher degree of education than the young men of their acquaintance
possess. A girl of this type wants to marry but desires a man who is
educationally her equal or superior. As men of such type are relatively
rare, her chances of marriage are reduced.
(e) Their experience in college makes them desire a standard of living
higher than that of their own families or of the men among whom they
were brought up. They become resistant to the suit of men who are of
ordinary economic status. While waiting for the appearance of a suitor
who is above the average in both intelligence and wealth, they pass the
marriageable age.
(f) They are better educated than the young men of their acquaintance,
and the latter are afraid of them. Some young men dislike to marry girls
who know more than they do, except in the distinctively feminine fields.
These and various similar causes help to lower the marriage-rate of
college women and to account for the large number of alumnae who desire
to marry but are unable to do so. In the interest of eugenics, the
various difficulties must be met in appropriate ways.
Marriage is not desirable for those who are eugenically inferior, from
weak constitutions, defective sexuality, or inherent mental deficiency.
But beyond these groups of women are the much larger groups of celibates
who are distinctly superior, and whose chances of marriage have been
reduced for one of the reasons mentioned above or through living in
cities with an undue proportion of female residents. Then there are,
besides these, superior women who, because they are brought up in
families without brothers or brothers' friends, are so unnaturally shy
that they are unable to become friendly with men, however much they may
care to. It is evident that life in a separate college for women often
intensifies this defect. There are still other women who repel men by a
manner of extreme self-repression and coldness, sometimes the result of
parents' or teachers' over-zealous efforts to inculcate modesty and
reserve, traits valuable in due degree but harmful in excess.
When will educators learn that the education of the emotions is as
important as that of the intellect? When will the schools awake to the
fact that a large part of life consists in relations with other human
beings, and that much of their educational effort is absolutely
valueless, or detrimental, to success in the fundamentally necessary
practice of dealing with other individuals which is imposed on every
one? Many a college girl of the finest innate qualities, who sincerely
desires to enter matrimony, is unable to find a husband of her own
class, simply because she has been rendered so cold and unattractive, so
over-stuffed intellectually and starved emotionally, that a typical man
does not desire to spend the rest of his life in her company.
Karl Pearson and his associates have shown that there is a tendency to
assortative mating for longevity: that people from long-lived stocks
actually do marry people from similar stocks, more frequently than would
be the case if the matings were at random. An increase of this tendency
would be eugenically desirable. [104] So much for the physique.
Though eugenics is popularly supposed to be concerned almost wholly with
the physical, properly it gives most attention to mental traits,
recognizing that these are the ones which most frequently make races
stand or fall, and that attention to the physique is worth while mainly
to furnish a sound body in which the sound mind may function. Now men
and women may excel mentally in very many different ways, and eugenics,
which seeks not to produce a uniform good type, but excellence in all
desirable types, is not concerned to pick out any particular sort of
mental superiority and exalt it as a standard for sexual selection. But
the tendency, shown in Miss Gilmore's study, for men to prefer the more
intelligent girls in secondary schools, is gratifying to the eugenist,
since high mental endowment is principally a matter of heredity. From a
eugenic point of view it would be well could such intellectual
accomplishments weigh even more heavily with the average young man, and
less weight be put on such superficial characteristics as "flashiness,"
ability to use the latest slang freely, and other "smart" traits which
are usually considered attractive in a girl, but which have no real
value and soon become tiresome. They are not wholly bad in themselves,
but certainly should not influence a young man very seriously in his
choice of a wife, nor a young woman in her choice of a husband. It is to
be feared that such standards are largely promoted by the stage, the
popular song, and popular fiction.
In a sense, the education which a young woman has received is no
concern of the eugenist, since it can not be transmitted to her
children. Yet when, as often happens, children die because their mother
was not properly trained to bring them up, this feature of education
does become a concern of eugenics. Young men are more and more coming to
demand that their wives know something about woman's work, and this
demand must not only increase, but must be adequately met. Woman's
education is treated in more detail in another chapter.
It is proper to point out here, however, that in many cases woman's
education gives no great opportunity to judge of her real intellectual
ability. Her natural endowment in this respect should be judged also by
that of her sisters, brothers, parents, uncles, aunts and grandparents.
If a girl comes of an intellectual ancestry, it is likely that she
herself will carry such traits germinally, even if she has never had an
opportunity to develop them. She can, then, pass them on to her own
children. Francis Galton long ago pointed out the good results of a
custom obtaining in Germany, whereby college professors tended to marry
the daughters or sisters of college professors. A tendency for men of
science to marry women of scientific attainments or training is marked
among biologists, at least, in the United States; and the number of
cases in which musicians intermarry is striking. Such assortative mating
means that the offspring will usually be well endowed with a talent.
Finally, young people should be taught a greater appreciation of the
lasting qualities of comradeship, for which the purely emotional factors
that make up mere sexual attraction are far from offering a satisfactory
substitute.
It will not be out of place here to point out that a change in the
social valuation of reputability and honor is greatly needed for the
better working of sexual selection. The conspicuous waste and leisure
that Thorstein Veblen points out as the chief criterion of reputability
at present have a dubious relation to high mental or moral endowment,
far less than has wealth. There is much left to be done to achieve a
meritorious distribution of wealth. The fact that the insignia of
success are too often awarded to trickery, callousness and luck does not
argue for the abolition altogether of the financial success element in
reputability, in favor of a "dead level" of equality such as would
result from the application of certain communistic ideals. Distinctions,
rightly awarded, are an aid, not a hindrance to sexual selection, and
effort should be directed, from the eugenic point of view, no less to
the proper recognition of true superiority than to the elimination of
unjustified differentiations of reputability.
This leads to the consideration of moral standards, and here again
details are complex but the broad outlines clear. It seems probable that
morality is to a considerable extent a matter of heredity, and the care
of the eugenist should be to work with every force that makes for a
clear understanding of the moral factors of the world, and to work
against every force that tends to confuse the issues. When the issue is
clear cut, most people will by instinct tend to marry into moral rather
than immoral stocks.
True quality, then, should be emphasized at the expense of false
standards. Money, social status, family alignment, though indicators to
some degree, must not be taken too much at their face value. Emphasis is
to be placed on real merit as shown by achievement, or on descent from
the meritoriously eminent, whether or not such eminence has led to the
accumulation of a family fortune and inclusion in an exclusive social
set. In this respect, it is important that the value of a high average
of ancestry should be realized. A single case of eminence in a pedigree
should not weigh too heavily. When it is remembered that statistically
one grandparent counts for less than one-sixteenth in the heredity of an
individual, it will be obvious that the individual whose sole claim to
consideration is a distinguished grandfather, is not necessarily a
matrimonial prize. A general high level of morality and mentality in a
family is much more advantageous, from the eugenic point of view, than
one "lion" several generations back.
While we desire very strongly to emphasize the importance of breeding
and the great value of a good ancestry, it is only fair to utter a word
of warning in this connection. Good ancestry does not _necessarily_ make
a man or woman a desirable partner. What stockmen know as the "pure-bred
scrub" is a recognized evil in animal breeding, and not altogether
absent from human society. Due to any one or more of a number of causes,
it is possible for a germinal degenerate to appear in a good family;
discrimination should certainly be made against such an individual.
Furthermore, it is possible that there occasionally arises what may be
called a mutant of very desirable character from a eugenic point of
view. Furthermore a stock in general below mediocrity will occasionally,
due to some fortuitous but fortunate combination of traits, give rise to
an individual of marked ability or even eminence, who will be able to
transmit in some degree that valuable new combination of traits to his
or her own progeny. Persons of this character are to be regarded by
eugenists as distinctly desirable husbands or wives.
The desirability of selecting a wife (or husband) from a family of more
than one or two children was emphasized by Benjamin Franklin, and is
also one of the time-honored traditions of the Arabs, who have always
looked at eugenics in a very practical, if somewhat cold-blooded way. It
has two advantages: in the first place, one can get a better idea of
what the individual really is, by examining sisters and brothers; and in
the second place, there will be less danger of a childless marriage,
since it is already proved that the individual comes of a fertile stock.
Francis Galton showed clearly the havoc wrought in the English peerage,
by marriages with heiresses (an heiress there being nearly always an
only child). Such women were childless in a much larger proportion than
ordinary women.
"Marrying a man to reform him" is a speculation in which many women have
indulged and usually--it may be said without fear of contradiction--with
unfortunate results. It is always likely that she will fail to reform
him; it is certain that she can not reform his germ-plasm. Psychologists
agree that the character of a man or woman undergoes little radical
change after the age of 25; and the eugenist knows that it is largely
determined, _potentially_, when the individual is born. It is,
therefore, in most cases the height of folly to select a partner with
any marked undesirable trait, with the idea that it will change after a
few years.
All these suggestions have in general been directed at the young man or
woman, but it is admitted that if they reach their target at all, it is
likely to be by an indirect route. No rules or devices can take the
place, in influencing sexual selection, of that lofty and rational ideal
of marriage which must be brought about by the uplifting of public
opinion. It is difficult to bring under the control of reason a subject
that has so long been left to caprice and impulse; yet much can
unquestionably be done, in an age of growing social responsibility, to
put marriage in a truer perspective. Much is already being done, but not
in every case of change is the future biological welfare of the race
sufficiently borne in mind. The interests of the individual are too
often regarded to the exclusion of posterity. The eugenist would not
sacrifice the individual, but he would add the welfare of posterity to
that of the individual, when the standards of sexual selection are being
fixed. It is only necessary to make the young person remember that he
will marry, not merely an individual, but a family; and that not only
his own happiness but to some extent the quality of future generations
is being determined by his choice.
We must have (1) the proper ideals of mating but (2) these ideals must
be realized. It is known that many young people have the highest kind of
ideals of sexual selection, and find themselves quite unable to act on
them. The college woman may have a definite idea of the kind of husband
she wants; but if he never seeks her, she often dies celibate. The young
man of science may have an ideal bride in his mind, but if he never
finds her, he may finally marry his landlady's daughter. Opportunity for
sexual selection must be given, as well as suitable standards; and while
education is perhaps improving the standards each year, it is to be
feared that modern social conditions, especially in the large cities,
tend steadily to decrease the opportunity.
Statistical evidence, as well as common observation, indicates that the
upper classes have a much wider range of choice in marriage than the
lower classes. The figures given by Karl Pearson for the degree of
resemblance between husband and wife with regard to phthisis are so
remarkable as to be worth quoting in this connection:
All poor +. 01
Prosperous poor +. 16
Middle classes +. 24
Professional classes +. 28
It can hardly be argued that infection between husband and wife would
vary like this, even if infection, in general, could be proved.
Moreover, the least resemblance is among the poor, where infection
should be greatest. Professor Pearson thinks, as seems reasonable, that
this series of figures indicates principally assortative mating, and
shows that among the poor there is less choice, the selection of a
husband or wife being more largely due to propinquity or some other more
or less random factor. With a rise in the social scale, opportunity for
choice of one from a number of possible mates becomes greater and
greater; the tendency for an unconscious selection of likeness then has
a chance to appear, as the coefficients graphically show.
If such a class as the peerage of Great Britain be considered, it is
evident that the range of choice in marriage is almost unlimited. There
are few girls who can resist the glamor of a title. The hereditary peer
can therefore marry almost anyone he likes and if he does not marry one
of his own class he can select and (until recently) usually has selected
the daughter of some man who by distinguished ability has risen from a
lower social or financial position. Thus the hereditary nobilities of
Europe have been able to maintain themselves; and a similar process is
undoubtedly taking place among the idle rich who occupy an analogous
position in the United States.
But it is the desire of eugenics to raise the average ability of the
whole population, as well as to encourage the production of leaders. To
fulfill this desire, it is obvious that one of the necessary means is to
extend to all desirable classes that range of choice which is now
possessed only by those near the top of the social ladder. It is hardly
necessary to urge young people to widen the range of their
acquaintance, for they will do it without urging if the opportunity is
presented to them. It is highly necessary for parents, and for
organizations and municipalities, deliberately to seek to further every
means which will bring unmarried young people together under proper
supervision. Social workers have already perceived the need of
institutional as well as municipal action on these lines, although they
have not in every case recognized the eugenic aspect, and from their
efforts it is probable that suitable institutions, such as social
centers and recreation piers, and municipal dance halls, will be greatly
multiplied.
It is an encouraging sign to see such items as this from a Washington
newspaper: "The Modern Dancing Club of the Margaret Wilson Social Center
gave a masquerade ball at the Grover Cleveland school last night, which
was attended by about 100 couples. " Still more promising are such
institutions as the self-supporting Inkowa camp for young women, at
Greenwood Lake, N. J. , conducted by a committee of which Miss Anne Morgan
is president, and directed by Miss Grace Parker. Near it is a similar
camp, Kechuka, for young men, and during the summer both are full of
young people from New York City. A newspaper account says:
There is no charity, no philanthropy, no subsidy connected with
Camp Inkowa. Its members are successful business women, who earn
from $15 to $25 a week. Board in the camp is $9 a week. So every
girl who goes there for a vacation has the comfortable feeling that
she pays her way fully. This rate includes all the activities of
camp life.
Architects, doctors, lawyers, bookkeepers, bank clerks, young
business men of many kinds are the guests of Kechuka. Next week 28
young men from the National City Bank will begin their vacations
there.
Inkowa includes young women teachers, stenographers, librarians,
private secretaries and girls doing clerical work for insurance
companies and other similar business institutions.
Saturday and Sunday are "at home" days at Camp Inkowa and the young
men from Kechuka may come to call on the Inkowa girls, participate
with them in the day's "hike" or go on the moonlight cruise around
the lake if there happens to be one.
"Young men and women need clean, healthy association with each
other," Miss Parker told me yesterday, when I spent the day at Camp
Inkowa. "Social workers in New York city ask me sometimes, 'How
dare you put young men and women in camps so near to each other? '
"How dare you not do it? No plan of recreation or out-of-door life
which does not include the healthy association of men and woman can
be a success. Young men and women need each other's society. And if
you get the right kind they won't abuse their freedom. "
The churches have been important instruments in this connection, and the
worth of their services can hardly be over-estimated, as they tend to
bring together young people of similar tastes and, in general, of a
superior character. Such organizations as the Young People's Society of
Christian Endeavor serve the eugenic end in a satisfactory way; it is
almost the unanimous opinion of competent observers that matches "made
in the church" turn out well. Some idea of the importance of the
churches may be gathered from a census which F. O. George of the
University of Pittsburgh made of 75 married couples of his acquaintance,
asking them where they first met each other. The answers were:
Church 32
School (only 3 at college) 19
Private home 17
Dance 7
--
75
These results need not be thought typical of more than a small part of
the country's population, yet they show how far-reaching the influence
of the church may be on sexual selection. Quite apart from altruistic
motives, the churches might well encourage social affairs where the
young people could meet, because to do so is one of the surest way of
perpetuating the church.
An increase in the number of non-sectarian bisexual societies, clubs
and similar organizations, and a diminution of the number of those
limited to men or to women alone is greatly to be desired. It is
doubtful whether the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. are, while separated,
as useful to society as they might be. Each of them tends to create a
celibate community, where the chance for meeting possible mates is
practically nil. The men's organization has made, so far as we are
aware, little organized attempt to meet this problem. The women's
organization in some cities has made the attempt, but apparently with
indifferent success. The idea of a merger of the two organizations with
reasonable differentiation as well would probably meet with little
approval from their directors just now, but is worth considering as an
answer to the urgent problem of providing social contacts for young
people in large cities.
It is encouraging that thoughtful people in all walks of life are
beginning to realize the seriousness of this problem of contacts for the
young, and the necessity of finding some solution. The novelist Miss
Maria Thompson Davies of Sweetbriar Farm, Madison, Tenn. , is quoted in a
recent newspaper interview as saying:
"I'm a Wellesley woman, but one reason why I'm dead against women's
colleges is because they shut girls up with women, at the most
impressionable period of the girls' lives, when they should be meeting
members of the opposite sex continually, learning to tolerate their
little weaknesses and getting ready to marry them. "
"The city should make arrangements to chaperon the meetings of its young
citizens. There ought to be municipal gathering places where, under the
supervision of tactful, warm-hearted women--themselves successfully
married--girls and young men might get introduced to each other and
might get acquainted. "
If it is thought that the time has not yet come for such municipal
action, there is certainly plenty of opportunity for action by the
parents, relatives and friends of young persons. The match-making
proclivities of some mothers are matters of current jest: where subtly
and wisely done they might better be taken seriously and held up as
examples worthy of imitation. Formal "full dress" social functions for
young people, where acquaintance is likely to be too perfunctory, should
be discouraged, and should give place to informal dances, beach parties,
house parties and the like, where boys and girls will have a chance to
come to know each other, and, at the proper age, to fall in love. Let
social stratification be not too rigid, yet maintained on the basis of
intrinsic worth rather than solely on financial or social position. If
parents will make it a matter of concern to give their boys and girls as
many desirable acquaintances of the opposite sex as possible, and to
give them opportunity for ripening these acquaintances, the problem of
the improvement of sexual selection will be greatly helped. Young people
from homes where such social advantages can not be given, or in large
cities where home life is for most of them non-existent, must become the
concern of the municipality, the churches, and every institution and
organization that has the welfare of the community and the race at
heart.
To sum up this chapter, we have pointed out the importance of sexual
selection, and shown that its eugenic action depends on young people
having the proper ideals, and being able to live up to these ideals.
Eugenists have in the past devoted themselves perhaps too exclusively to
the inculcation of sound ideals, without giving adequate attention to
the possibility of these high standards being acted upon. One of the
greatest problems confronting eugenics is that of giving young people of
marriageable age a greater range of choice. Much could be done by
organized action; but it is one of the hopeful features of the problem
that it can be handled in large part by intelligent individual action.
If older people would make a conscious effort to help young people widen
their circles of suitable acquaintances, they would make a valuable
contribution to race betterment.
CHAPTER XII
INCREASING THE MARRIAGE RATE OF THE SUPERIOR
No race can long survive unless it conforms to the principles of
eugenics, and indisputably the chief requirement for race survival is
that the superior part of the race should equal or surpass the inferior
part in fecundity.
It follows that the superior members of the community must marry, and at
a reasonably early age. If in the best elements of the community
celibacy increases, or if marriage is postponed far into the
reproductive period, the racial contribution of the superior will
necessarily fall, and after a few generations the race will consist
mainly of the descendants of inferior people, its eugenic average being
thereby much lowered.
In a survey of vital statistics, to ascertain whether marriages are as
frequent and as early as national welfare requires, the eugenist finds
at first no particularly alarming figures.
In France, to whose vital statistics one naturally turns whenever race
suicide is suggested (and usually with a holier-than-thou attitude which
the Frenchman might much more correctly assume toward America), it
appears that there has been a very slight decrease in the proportion of
persons under 20 who are married, but that between the ages of 20 and 30
the proportion of those married has risen during recent years. The same
condition exists all over Europe, according to F. H. Hankins,[105]
except in England and Scotland. "Moreover on the whole marriages take
place earlier in France than in England, Germany or America. Nor is this
all, for a larger proportion of the French population is married than in
any of these countries. Thus the birth-rate in France has continued to
fall in spite of those very conditions which should have sustained it
or even caused it to increase. "
In America, conditions are not dissimilar. Although it is generally
believed that young persons are marrying at a later age than they did
formerly, the census figures show that for the population as a whole the
reverse is the case. Marriages are not only more numerous, but are
contracted at earlier ages than they were a quarter of a century ago.
Comparison of census returns for 1890, 1900 and 1910, reveals that for
both sexes the percentage of married has steadily increased and the
percentage listed as single has as steadily decreased. The census
classifies young men, for this purpose, in three age-groups: 15-19,
20-24, and 25-34; and in every one of these groups, a larger proportion
was married in 1910 than in 1900 or 1890. Conditions are the same for
women. So far as the United States as a whole is concerned, therefore,
marriage is neither being avoided altogether, nor postponed unduly,--in
fact, conditions in both respects seem to be improving every year.
So far the findings should gratify every eugenist. But the census
returns permit further analysis of the figures. They classify the
population under four headings: Native White of Native Parentage, Native
White of Foreign Parentage or of Mixed Parentage, Foreign-born White,
and Negro. Except among Foreign-born Whites, who are standing still, the
returns for 1910 show that in every one of these groups the marriage
rate has steadily increased during the past three decades; and that the
age of marriage is steadily declining in all groups during the same
period, with a slight irregularity of no real importance in the
statistics for foreign-born males.
On the whole, then, the marriage statistics of the United States are
reassuring. Even if examination is limited to the Native Whites of
Native Parentage, who are probably of greater eugenic worth, as a group,
than any of the other three, the marriage rate is found to be moving in
the right direction.
But going a step farther, one finds that within this group there are
great irregularities, which do not appear when the group is considered
as a whole. And these irregularities are of a nature to give the
eugenist grave concern.
If one sought, for example, to find a group of women distinctly superior
to the average, he might safely take the college graduates. Their
superior quality as a class lies in the facts that:
(a) They have survived the weeding-out process of grammar and high
school, and the repeated elimination by examinations in college.
(b) They have persevered, after those with less mental ability have
grown tired of the strain and have voluntarily dropped out.
(c) Some have even forced their way to college against great obstacles,
because attracted by the opportunities it offers them for mental
activity.
(d) Some have gone to college because their excellence has been
discovered by teachers or others who have strongly urged it.
All these attributes can not be merely acquired, but must be in some
degree inherent. Furthermore, these girls are not only superior in
themselves, but are ordinarily from superior parents, because
(a) Their parents have in most cases cooperated by desiring this higher
education for their daughters.
(b) The parents have in most cases had sufficient economic efficiency to
be able to afford a college course for their daughters.
Therefore, although the number of college women in the United States is
not great, their value eugenically is wholly disproportionate to their
numbers. If marriage within such a selected class as this is being
avoided, or greatly postponed, the eugenist can not help feeling
concerned.
And the first glance at the statistics gives adequate ground for
uneasiness. Take the figures for Wellesley College, for instance:
_Status in fall of 1912_ _Graduates_ _All students_
Per cent married (graduated 1879-1888) 55% 60%
Per cent married in:
10 years from graduation 35% 37%
20 years from graduation 48% 49%
From a racial standpoint, the significant marriage rate of any group of
women is the percentage that have married before the end of the
child-bearing period. Classes graduating later than 1888 are therefore
not included, and the record shows the marital status in the fall of
1912. In compiling these data deceased members and the few lost from
record are of course omitted.
In the foregoing study care was taken to distinguish as to when the
marriage took place. Obviously marriages with the women at 45 or over
being sterile must not be counted where it is the fecundity of the
marriage that is being studied. The reader is warned therefore to make
any necessary correction for this factor in the studies to follow in
some of which unfortunately care has not been taken to make the
necessary distinction.
Turn to Mount Holyoke College, the oldest of the great institutions for
the higher education of women in this country. Professor Amy Hewes has
collected the following data:
_Decade of graduation Per cent remaining single Per cent marrying_
1842-1849 14. 6 85. 4
1850-1859 24. 5 75. 5
1860-1869 39. 1 60. 9
1870-1879 40. 6 59. 4
1880-1889 42. 4 57. 6
1890-1892 50. 0 50. 0
Bryn Mawr College, between 1888 and 1900, graduated 376 girls, of whom
165, or 43. 9%, had married up to January 1, 1913.
Studying the Vassar College graduates between 1867 and 1892, Robert J.
Sprague found that 509 of the total of 959 had married, leaving 47%
celibate. Adding the classes up to 1900, it was found that less than
half of the total number of graduates of the institution had married.
Remembering what a selected group of young women go to college, the
eugenist can hardly help suspecting that the women's colleges of the
United States, as at present conducted, are from his point of view doing
great harm to the race.
This suspicion becomes a certainty, as one
investigation after another shows the same results. Statistics compiled
on marriages among college women (1901) showed that:
45% of college women marry before the age of 40.
90% of all United States women marry before the age of 40.
96% of Arkansas women marry before the age of 40.
80% of Massachusetts women marry before the age of 40.
In Massachusetts, it is further to be noted, 30% of all women have
married at the age when college women are just graduating.
It has, moreover, been demonstrated that the women who belong to Phi
Beta Kappa and other honor societies, and therefore represent a second
selection from an already selected class, have a lower marriage rate
than college women in general.
In reply to such facts, the eugenist is often told that the college
graduates marry as often and as early as the other members of their
families. We are comparing conditions that can not properly be compared,
we are informed, when we match the college woman's marriage rate with
that of a non-college woman who comes from a lower level of society.
But the facts will not bear out this apology. Miss M. R. Smith's
statistics[106] from the data of the Collegiate Alumnae show the true
situation. The average age at marriage was found to be for
_Years_
College women 26. 3
Their sisters 24. 2
Their cousins 24. 7
Their friends 24. 2
and the age distribution of those married was as follows:
_Equivalent_
_Percentage of married_ _College_ _non-college_
Under 23 years 8. 6 30. 1
23-32 years 83. 2 64. 9
33 and over 8. 0 5. 0
[Illustration: Wellesley Graduates and Non-graduates
FIG. 36. --Graph showing at a glance the record of the student
body in regard to marriage and birth rates, during the years indicated.
Statistics for the latest years have not been compiled, because it is
obvious that girls who graduated during the last fifteen years still
have a chance to marry and become mothers. ]
If these differences did not bring about any change in the birth-rate,
they could be neglected. A slight sacrifice might even be made, for the
sake of having mothers better prepared. But taken in connection with the
birth-rate figures which we shall present in the next chapter, they form
a serious indictment against the women's colleges of the United States.
Such conditions are not wholly confined to women's colleges, or to any
one geographical area. Miss Helen D. Murphey has compiled the statistics
for Washington Seminary, in Washington, Pennsylvania, a secondary school
for women, founded in 1837. The marriage rate among the graduates of
this institution has steadily declined, as is shown in the following
table where the records are considered by decades:
'45 '55 '65 '75 '85 '95 '00
Per cent. married 78 74 67 72 59 57 55
Per cent. who have gone into 20 13 12 19 30 30 39
other occupations than
home-making
A graph, plotted to show how soon after graduation these girls have
married, demonstrates that the greatest number of them wed five or six
years after receiving their diplomas, but that the number of those
marrying 10 years afterward is not very much less than that of the girls
who become brides in the first or second year after graduation (see Fig.
35).
C. S. Castle's investigation[107] of the ages at which eminent women of
various periods have married, is interesting in this connection, in
spite of the small number of individuals with which it deals:
_Century_ _Average age_ _Range_ _Number of cases_
12 16. 2 8-30 5
13 16. 6 12-29 5
14 13. 8 6-18 11
15 17. 6 13-26 20
16 21. 7 12-50 28
17 20. 0 13-43 30
18 23. 1 13-53 127
19 26. 2 15-67 189
Women in coeducational colleges, particularly the great universities of
the west, can not be compared without corrections with the women of the
eastern separate colleges, because they represent different family and
environmental selection. Their record none the less deserves careful
study. Miss Shinn[108] calculated the marriage rate of college women as
follows, assuming graduation at the age of 22:
_Women over_ _Coeducated_ _Separate_
25 38. 1 29. 6
30 49. 1 40. 1
35 53. 6 46. 6
40 56. 9 51. 8
She has shown that only a part of this discrepancy is attributable to
the geographic difference, some of it is the effect of lack of
co-education. Some of it is also attributable to the type of education.
The marriage rate of women graduates of Iowa State College[109] is as
follows:
1872-81 95. 8
1882-91 62. 5
1892-01 71. 2
1902-06 69. 0
Study of the alumni register of Oberlin,[110] one of the oldest
coeducational institutions, shows that the marriage rate of women
graduates, 1884-1905, was 65. 2%, only 34. 8% of them remaining unmarried.
If the later period, 1890-1905, alone is taken, only 55. 2% of the girls
have married. The figures for the last few classes in this period are
probably not complete.
At Kansas State Agricultural College, 1885-1905, 67. 6% of the women
graduates have married. At Ohio State University in the same period, the
percentage is only 54. 0. Wisconsin University, 1870-1905, shows a
percentage of 51. 8, the figures for the last five years of that period
being:
1901 33. 9
1902 52. 9
1903 45. 1
1904 32. 3
1905 37. 4
From alumni records of the University of Illinois, 54% of the women,
1880-1905, are found to be married.
It is difficult to discuss these figures without extensive study of each
case. But that only 53% of the women graduates of three great
universities like Illinois, Ohio and Wisconsin, should be married, 10
years after graduation, indicates that something is wrong.
In most cases it is not possible to tell, from the alumni records of the
above colleges, whether the male graduates are or are not married. But
the class lists of Harvard and Yale have recently been carefully studied
by John C. Phillips,[111] who finds that in the period 1851-1890 74% of
the Harvard graduates and 78% of the Yale graduates married. In that
period, he found, the age of marriage has advanced only about 1 year,
from a little over 30 to just about 31. This is a much higher rate than
that of college women.
Statistics from Stanford University[112] offer an interesting comparison
because they are available for both men and women. Of 670 male
graduates, classes 1892 to 1900, inclusive, 490 or 73. 2% were reported
as married in 1910. Of 330 women, 160 or 48. 5% were married. These
figures are not complete, as some of the graduates in the later classes
must have married since 1910.
The conditions existing at Stanford are likewise found at Syracuse, on
the opposite side of the continent. Here, as H. J. Banker has shown,[113]
the men graduates marry most frequently 4. 5 years after taking their
degrees, and the women 4. 7 years. Of the women 57% marry, of the men
81%. The women marry at the average age of 27. 7 years and the men at
28. 8. Less than one-fourth of the marrying men married women within the
college. The last five decades he studied show a steady decrease in the
number of women graduates who marry, while the men are much more
constant. His figures are:
_Per cent of men_ _Per cent of women_
_Decade_ _graduates_ _graduates_
_married_ _married_
1852-61 81 87
1862-71 87 87
1872-81 90 81
1882-91 84 55
1892-01 73 48
C. B. Davenport, looking at the record of his own classmates at Harvard,
found[114] in 1909 that among the 328 original members there were 287
surviving, of whom nearly a third (31%) had never married.
"Of these (287)," he continues, "26 were in 'Who's Who in America? ' We
should expect, were success in professional life promoted by
bachelorship, to find something over a third of those in Who's Who to be
unmarried. Actually all but two, or less than 8%, were married, and one
of these has since married. The only still unmarried man was a temporary
member of the class and is an artist who has resided for a large part of
the time in Europe. There is, therefore, no reason to believe that
bachelorship favors professional success. "
Particularly pernicious in tending to prevent marriage is the influence
of certain professional schools, some of which have come to require a
college degree for entrance. In such a case the aspiring physician, for
example, can hardly hope to obtain a license to practice until he has
reached the age of 27 since 4 years are required in Medical College and
1 year in a hospital. His marriage must in almost every case be
postponed until a number of years after that of the young men of his own
class who have followed business careers.
This brief survey is enough to prove that the best educated young women
(and to a less extent young men) of the United States, who for many
reasons may be considered superior, are in many cases avoiding marriage
altogether, and in other cases postponing it longer than is desirable.
The women in the separate colleges of the East have the worst record in
this respect, but that of the women graduates of some of the
coeducational schools leaves much to be desired.
It is difficult to separate the causes which result in a postponement of
marriage, from those that result in a total avoidance of marriage. To a
large extent the causes are the same, and the result differs only in
degree. The effect of absolute celibacy of superior people, from a
eugenic point of view, is of course obvious to all, but the racial
effect of postponement of marriage, even for a few years, is not always
so clearly realized. The diagram in Fig. 36 may give a clearer
appreciation of this situation.
Francis Galton clearly perceived the importance of this point, and
attempted in several ways to arrive at a just idea of it. One of the
most striking of his investigations is based on Dr. Duncan's statistics
from a maternity hospital. Dividing the mothers into five-year groups,
according to their age, and stating the median age of the group for the
sake of simplicity, instead of giving the limits, he arrived at the
following table:
_Age of mother at_ _Approximate average_
_her marriage_ _fertility_
17 9. 00--6 * 1. 5
22 7. 50--5 * 1. 5
27 6. 00--4 * 1. 5
32 4. 50--3 * 1. 5
which shows that the relative fertility of mothers married at the ages
of 17, 22, 27 and 32, respectively, is as 6, 5, 4, and 3 approximately.
"The increase in population by a habit of early marriages," he adds, "is
further augmented by the greater rapidity with which the generations
follow each other. By the joint effect of these two causes, a large
effect is in time produced. "
Certainly the object of eugenics is not to merely increase human
numbers. Quality is more important than quantity in a birth-rate. But it
must be evident that other things being equal, a group which marries
early will, after a number of generations, supplant a group which
marries even a few years later. And there is abundant evidence to show
that some of the best elements of the old, white, American race are
being rapidly eliminated from the population of America, because of
postponement or avoidance of marriage.
Taking the men alone, we find that failure to marry may often be
ascribed to one of the following reasons:
1. The cultivation of a taste for sexual variety and a consequent
unwillingness to submit to the restraints of marriage.
2. Pessimism in regard to women from premature or unfortunate sex
experiences.
3. Infection by venereal disease.
4. Deficiency in normal sexual feeling, or perversion.
5. Deficiency of one kind or another, physical or mental, causing
difficulty in getting an acceptable mate.
The persons in groups 4 and 5 certainly and in groups 1, 2, and 3
probably to a less extent, are inferior, and their celibacy is an
advantage to the race, rather than a disadvantage, from a eugenic point
of view. Their inferiority is in part the result of bad environment. But
since innate inferiority is so frequently a large factor, the bad
environment often being experienced only because the nature was inferior
to start with, the average of the group as a whole must be considered
innately inferior.
Then there are among celibate men two other classes, largely superior by
nature:
6. Those who seek some other end so ardently that they will not make the
necessary sacrifice in money and freedom, in order to marry.
7. Those whose likelihood of early marriage is reduced by a prolonged
education and apprenticeship. Prolongation of the celibate period often
results in life-long celibacy.
Some of the most important means of remedying the above conditions, in
so far as they are dysgenic, can be grouped under three general heads:
1. Try to lead all young men to avoid a loose sexual life and venereal
disease. A general effort will be heeded more by the superior than by
the inferior.
2. Hold up the role of husband and father as particularly honorable, and
proclaim its shirking, without adequate cause, as dishonorable. Depict
it as a happier and healthier state than celibacy or pseudo-celibacy.
For a man to say he has never met a girl he can love simply means he has
not diligently sought one, or else he has a deficient emotional
equipment; for there are many, surprisingly many, estimable, attractive,
unmarried women.
3. Cease prolonging the educational period past the early twenties. It
is time to call a halt on the schools and universities, whose constant
lengthening of the educational period will result in a serious loss to
the race. External circumstances of an educational nature should not be
allowed to force a young man to postpone his marriage past the age of
25. This means that students must be allowed to specialize earlier. If
there is need of limiting the number of candidates, competitive entrance
examinations may be arranged on some rational basis. Superior young men
should marry, even at some cost to their early efficiency. The high
efficiency of any profession can be more safely kept up by demanding a
minimum amount of continuation work in afternoon, evening, or seasonal
classes, laboratories, or clinics. No more graduate fellowships should
be established until those now existing carry a stipend adequate for
marriage. Those which already carry larger stipends should not be
limited to bachelors, as are the most valuable awards at Princeton, the
ten yearly Proctor fellowships of $1,000 each.
The causes of the remarkable failure of college women to marry can not
be exhaustively investigated here, but for the purposes of eugenics they
may be roughly classified as unavoidable and avoidable. Under the first
heading must be placed those girls who are inherently unmarriageable,
either because of physical defect or, more frequently, mental
defect,--most often an over-development of intellect at the expense of
the emotions, which makes a girl either unattractive to men, or inclines
her toward a celibate career and away from marriage and motherhood.
Opinions differ as to the proportion of college girls who are inherently
unmarriageable. Anyone who has been much among them will testify that a
large proportion of them are not inherently unmarriageable, however, and
their celibacy for the most part must be classified as avoidable. Their
failure to marry may be because
(1) They desire not to marry, due to a preference for a career, or
development of a cynical attitude toward men and matrimony, due to a
faulty education, or
(2) They desire to marry, but do not, for a variety of reasons such as:
(a) They are educated for careers, such as school-teaching, where they
have little opportunity to meet men.
(b) Their education makes them less desirable mates than girls who have
had some training along the lines of home-making and mothercraft.
(c) They have remained in partial segregation until past the age when
they are physically most attractive, and when the other girls of their
age are marrying.
(d) Due to their own education, they demand on the part of suitors a
higher degree of education than the young men of their acquaintance
possess. A girl of this type wants to marry but desires a man who is
educationally her equal or superior. As men of such type are relatively
rare, her chances of marriage are reduced.
(e) Their experience in college makes them desire a standard of living
higher than that of their own families or of the men among whom they
were brought up. They become resistant to the suit of men who are of
ordinary economic status. While waiting for the appearance of a suitor
who is above the average in both intelligence and wealth, they pass the
marriageable age.
(f) They are better educated than the young men of their acquaintance,
and the latter are afraid of them. Some young men dislike to marry girls
who know more than they do, except in the distinctively feminine fields.
These and various similar causes help to lower the marriage-rate of
college women and to account for the large number of alumnae who desire
to marry but are unable to do so. In the interest of eugenics, the
various difficulties must be met in appropriate ways.
Marriage is not desirable for those who are eugenically inferior, from
weak constitutions, defective sexuality, or inherent mental deficiency.
But beyond these groups of women are the much larger groups of celibates
who are distinctly superior, and whose chances of marriage have been
reduced for one of the reasons mentioned above or through living in
cities with an undue proportion of female residents. Then there are,
besides these, superior women who, because they are brought up in
families without brothers or brothers' friends, are so unnaturally shy
that they are unable to become friendly with men, however much they may
care to. It is evident that life in a separate college for women often
intensifies this defect. There are still other women who repel men by a
manner of extreme self-repression and coldness, sometimes the result of
parents' or teachers' over-zealous efforts to inculcate modesty and
reserve, traits valuable in due degree but harmful in excess.
When will educators learn that the education of the emotions is as
important as that of the intellect? When will the schools awake to the
fact that a large part of life consists in relations with other human
beings, and that much of their educational effort is absolutely
valueless, or detrimental, to success in the fundamentally necessary
practice of dealing with other individuals which is imposed on every
one? Many a college girl of the finest innate qualities, who sincerely
desires to enter matrimony, is unable to find a husband of her own
class, simply because she has been rendered so cold and unattractive, so
over-stuffed intellectually and starved emotionally, that a typical man
does not desire to spend the rest of his life in her company.
