In May 1295 he commanded various cities of Lom-
bardy, Venice, and Genoa to send representatives to Eome,
where they were to arrange the terms of peace, and he com-
1 We wish to express our very great Scholz, ' Die Publizistik zur Zeit
obligations, throughout this chapter, Philippe des Schdnen und Bonifaz
to the admirable work of Dr Richard VTH.
bardy, Venice, and Genoa to send representatives to Eome,
where they were to arrange the terms of peace, and he com-
1 We wish to express our very great Scholz, ' Die Publizistik zur Zeit
obligations, throughout this chapter, Philippe des Schdnen und Bonifaz
to the admirable work of Dr Richard VTH.
Thomas Carlyle
, 262 and 264.
Cf.
pp.
303, 4.
? Cf. p. 316.
? M. G. H. ,' Const. ,' vol. ii. 424 (16):
" Nam ille impro vidus Cons tan tinus
temptans sacerdotibus submittere alie-
num. nullius servitutis caraoterem
imponere potuit futuris impera tori bus,
quibus solummodo indicare, non autem
leges imponere concedit, codice, 1.
digna vox (' Code,' i. 14, 4). Com
ociam par in parem nullum imperium
habeat, ut jure legitur Digestorum s.
ff. De arbi. 1. ' nam et magistrates '
(' Digest,' iv. 8, 4), prseterea quum
Augustum ab augendo dici mandaverit
legislator, jam dicto Constantino do-
nante, non autem imperium ut tene-
batur augente, fuit donaoio ilia nulla,
quum et juris alieni donacio in pre-
judicium domini vel cujus intcrsit,
nullius juris valletur auxilio, si Diges-
torum et Codicis volumina ex quir-
untur. "
The editor points out that there is
only one MS. of this, of the fourteenth
century, and that the text is in great
confusion.
<< Id. id. id. , 405 (3): " Et licet
inter vos judicis partes assume re non
sine causa distulerit (i. e. , ecclesia)
prsesertim quum tam tui quam ipsius
regis nuntii in recordationis felicis
Alexandri Papse prsedecessoris nostri,
nostra et fratrum nostrorum prsesentia
constituti, super predictis judiciarium
apostolicse sedis examen expresM usque
ad hec tempora declinarint. "
Id. id. , 408 ( 2): " Nullum enim
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
369
At last, after some twenty years of confusion which followed
the death of Frederick II. , Eudolph of Hapsburg was elected
and recognised as emperor, and it is important to observe
under what terms the relations between the emperor and the
papacy were referred to.
It is in the first place very noticeable that neither the
German princes nor Eudolph himself, in notifying his election
to Pope Gregory in 1273, asked for his confirmation. They
announce his election and coronation as King of the Eomans
at Aix-la-Chapelle; they assure the Pope that he is a man
well fitted for the empire, both in his religious character and
his political position, and they ask him to receive him favour-
ably and to call him to the imperial dignity. 1 It is true that
the King of Bohemia wrote to the Pope and protested against
ferre angulum ipsius latere debet
imperii, quod de predictis electis,
hujus modi electionibus in discordia
celebratis et electis ipsia non curan-
tibus subiri judicium, sed propriis
se velle inniti viribus expresse
dicentibus. "
1 M. G. H. , ' Const. ,' Hi. 14 (2):
" De commurii consensu omnes et
singuli . . . eum (i. e. , Rudolfum) in
regem Romanorum, imperatorem futu-
rum, auctore altissimo, una voce vot-
oque unanimi unaniminiter eligentes.
(3) Qua quidem electione canonice,
immo divinitus procul dubio celebrata,
eundem cum inenarrabilis immensitate
tripudii, omnium applaudente caterva
nobilium necuon populi comitiva letante
ac in superne laudis canticum gratu-
labundus assurgente, apud Aquis-
granum ut pote sedem, que primum
sublimacionis et glorise regiss gradum
ponit, magnifice duximus, ubi tali die
a nobis Coloniensi Arcbiepiscopo, cujus
interest regibus ab antiquo beneficium
consecracionis impendere, fuit in sede
magnifici Caroli coronatus et unctionis
sacerime oleo delibutus. (4) Et ut
de regis electi sic et coronati persona
sacrosanctse Romanse ecclesise matris
VOL. V.
nostrse piissime nova congaudia cumu-
lentur, idem rex est fide catolicus,
ecclesiarum amator, justicia? cultor,
pollens consilio, fulgens pietate, propriis
potens viribus et multorum potentum
amnitate, connisus, Deo, ut firmiter
opinamus, amabilis et humanis as-
pectibus graciosus ac insuper corpore
strenuus et in rebus bellicis contra
perfidos fortunatus. . . .
(5) Vos itaque quresumus, pater
sancto, benigne suscipite filium singu-
larem quem procul dubio sencietis
intrepidum matris ecclesise pugilem
et invictum catolicse fidei defensorem.
Processum vero tam rite tam provide,
tam mature, de ipso sio habitum
gracioso approbacionis applausum beni-
valo prosequentes ac ex afHuenti
paterna dulcedine pietatis opus Dei
perficientes in ipso, eundem cum vestre
sanetitiit i placuerit et videritis opor-
? ? tunum, ad imperialis fastigii diadema
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? 370 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the election, but it would not appear that this was taken
very seriously by any one. 1
Gregory X. , however, as late as January 1274, addressed
Eudolph as King of the Eomans elect,2 and it was not till
September 1274 that he thought it proper to address him as
king. He intimates to Eudolph that for sufficient reasons
he had hitherto not given him the designation of king, but
now, after due deliberation with his brethren (i. e. , the car-
dinals) and by their advice, he " names " (norninamus) him
king, and tells him to make preparation for the imperial
coronation at an early date. 3
It is not very easy to determine how much exactly this im-
plies. Eudolph, writing to Pope Innocent V. on the latter's ac-
cession in 1276, used language which might be taken as implying
that it was Gregory who had established him on his throne ; 4
and, writing to Pope John XXI. in September of the same
year, says that he placed all things under his control and
desired to have him as ruler in the kingdom. 5 With these
phrases we may compare some words of the ' Privilegium '
of 1279, in which Eudolph recognised, in general terms,
the great benefits which his predecessors had received from
the Soman Church, and especially that it was the Church
which had transferred the empire from the Greeks to the
Germans. 4 The German princes, in confirming this ' Privile-
1 Id. id. , 16.
? Id. id. , 26.
>> Id. id. , 66: " Licet itaque, non
sine causa distulerimus hactenus re-
giam tibi denominationem ascribere,
cum fratribus tamen noetria delibe-
ratione prebabita, te regem Roma-
norum de ipsorum consilio nomina-
mus. "
? Id. id. , 106: " Prater alia . . .
que pro bono statu catholice fidei
orthodoxe concepit et statuit, thronum
nostrum super reges et regna consti-
tuens. "
? Id. id. , 118: " Quomodo igitur
a semitis vestris declinavimus et a
via mandatorum vestrorum aliqua-
tenus recidemus, qui omnia vobis
subicimus, cuncta vestris manibus
tradimus, vobis vivere et in regno vos
recto rem habere volumus, sic ut inter
nos sit ydemptitas mencium et in-
separabilis unio voluntatum. "
? Id. id. , 222 (2): " Prefati itaque
predecessores, ad magnificentiam mune-
rum et graciarum quodammodo in-
effabilem largitatem, quse de ipsius
matris ecclesiie uberibus susceperunt,
faciem gratitudinis convertentes nec
minus attendentes, quod eadem mater
ecclesia ipsos in duloedinis benedicione
preveniens transferendo de Grsecis
Imperium in German os, eisdem dede-
runt id quod erant, ut grati pnedi-
carentur filii laubabile recognicionis
effectum, inter cetera que ipsi Romanse
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? CHAP, vn. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
371
gium ' in the same year, also recognised that it was the Eoman
Church which had conferred the supreme temporal authority
in the world on Germany, and established the princes as the
electors of the emperor; and they speak of the emperor as
that lesser luminary which was iUuminated by the greater--
that is, the vicar of Christ,--and say that the emperor is to
draw the material sword at his command (ad ipsius nutum). 1
These phrases go further than any others used by Eudolph
and the princes towards admitting the authority of the Pope
in temporal matters, but it should be observed that Eudolph
also wrote in terms which suggest very clearly the principle
of the distinction of the two powers. The ' Privilegium '
of 1279, to which we have just referred, begins with a state-
ment that the sacred authority of the " Pontifex " and the
royal power are the greatest gifts of God, and that as Christ
exercised the two powers, each is derived from him. In
a letter of 1286, in which he requested the Archbishop of
Cologne to excommunicate the Count of Cleves, who had
been for some time under the ban of the empire, he begins
by citing the Gelasian phrases that there are two powers
by which the world is ruled, the pontifical authority and
the royal, which are separate and distinct, and urges that
they should mutually aid each other, and that the sword of
the one should constrain those who resist the jurisdiction
of the other. 2
ecclesise confirmarunt, dimiserunt seu
etiam concesserunt, totam terram quse
est a Radicofano usque Ceperanum,
etc. "
1 Id. id. , 225 : " Complectens ab
olim sibi Romana mater ecclesia quasi
quadam germana caritate Germaniam
illam eo terreno dignitate decoravit,
quod est super omni nomen tempora-
liter, tantum presidentium super ter-
ram, plan tans in ea principes tanquam
arbores prelectos, et rigans ipsas gratia
singulari, illud eis dedit incrementum
mirande potentie, ut ipsius ecclesiss
auctoritato sufiulti velut germen elec-
tum per ipsorum electionem ilium, qui
frona Romani teneret imperii, germi-
narent. Hie est illud luminare minus
in firmamento militantis eoclesise per
luminare maius, Christi vicarium illus-
tratum. Hie est qui materialem gla-
dium ad ipsius nutum excutit et
convertit. "
>> Id. id. , 222 : " Summa respublicss
tuicio de stirpe duarum rerum sacer-
docii et imperii divina institucione
progrediens, vimque suam exinde mu-
niens humanum genus salubriter gu-
bernabit in posterum et reget Deo
propicio in eternum. Heo sunt duo
dona Dei maxima quidem in omnibus
a superna collata clcmencia, videlicet
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? 372 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
It is also noteworthy that Pope Gregory X. , writing to
Eudolph in 1275 about a date for the imperial coronation,
also speaks in terms which recognise very explicitly the
distinctive character and the divine origin of both powers.
The civil wisdom, he writes, has rightly said that the " sacer-
dotium " and the "imperium " do not greatly differ. They
are the two greatest gifts of God, and were instituted for the
perfect government of the world, and need each other's help :
the one should minister in spiritual things, the other should
rule over human affairs. They were instituted inseparably
for one and the same final cause, in spite of the diversity of
their ministries. 1
When we endeavour to sum up the impression which is
left upon us, after considering the materials with which we
have dealt in this chapter, it seems to us to be clear that
the conception that the papacy possessed, even in principle,
a supreme temporal authority, was, for the most part, em-
phatically repudiated. The position of the Empire was,
no doubt, somewhat different from that of other European
countries, but even there, except in the ' Schwabenspiegel,'
and even after the destruction of the Hohenstauffen, while
auctoritas sacra pontificum et regalis
excellencia potestatis. Hec duo sal-
vator noster mediator Dei et hom-
inum Jesus Christus sic per se ipsum
aetibus propriis et dignitatibus dis-
tinctis exercuit, ut utraque ab ipso
tanquam ex uno eodemque prin?
cipio manifeste procedere omnibus
indicaret. "
Id. id. , 386: " Quoniam duo sunt
quibus principaliter regitur orbis terrse,
sacra videlicet pontificalia auctoritas
et regalis potestas, non minus utile
quam necessarium fore dinoscitur
juxta legitimas sanctiones, utriusque
potestatis omcia, discreta divinis aeti-
bus distinctis dignitatibus et distincta,
sibi alterne subvencionis sum-agio sub-
veniant, ut sic mutuo interveniente
suocursu, quos unius jurisdictionis
coercio a malo non revocet, alterius
saltem potestatis gladius a contumacia
coerceat ac peccato, et per hoc utri-
usque vigor in suo permaneat robur
firmitatis. "
1 Id. id. , 77: " Sacerdotium et
imperium non multo differre morito
sapientia civilis asseruit. Si quidem
ilia tamquam maxima dona Dei a
coelesti collata clementia principi con-
jungit idemptitas, ea velut auxiliis
mutuis semper egentia suffragiis suis
inter ipsa vicibus alternandi unit
necessitas et ad perfectum mundi
regimen instituta, ut alterum videlicet,
spiritualibus ministret, reliquum vero
preeit humanis, una et eadem institu-
tionis causa finalis ipsa inseparabiliter,
licet sub ministeriorum diversitate
conjunct* designat. "
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? OHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY. 373
the Popes sometimes claim a special authority with regard
to the election of the German King, it cannot be said that
there was any acceptance of the extreme claims of the
later Canonists. And outside of the Empire there was no
recognition at all, but rather the affirmation of the contrary
principle that the temporal and the spiritual powers were
separate and distinct.
It is, however, true that these claims had been made, not
indeed officially and authoritatively, but by Canonists and
some ecclesiastical writers. We must now therefore consider
whether, or how far, these claims lie behind that great conflict
between the papacy and the secular power, in which Boniface
VIII. and Philip the Fair of France were the protagonists.
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? 374
CHAPTER VIII.
BONIFACE VIII. AND PHILIP THE FAIR.
We have arrived at the last stage of the great conflict of the
Middle Ages between the spiritual and temporal powers. It
is true that the literary controversy continued for some time,
and we hope in another volume to deal with this, for it had
some practical importance, especially with relation to the
empire. In fact, however, the tragic end of Boniface VIII.
marks the close, for all practical purposes, of the attempt to
claim on behalf of the papacy a universal temporal authority.
In fact, if the papacy had seemed to triumph in the destruc-
tion of the Hohenstauffen, the political authority of the
mediseval papacy was also destroyed within fifty years, when
it came into conflict with the national monarchy of France.
We are not writing a history of the pontificate of Boniface
VJLLL. , and we confine ourselves to the attempt to set out
briefly the progress of the struggle between him and Philip
the Fair, as it can be traced in the documents, letters, and
pamphlets in which are stated and criticised the claims of
Boniface and his supporters. 1
Among the first public actions of his pontificate was the
attempt to impose peace on the cities of Italy and the northern
nations.
In May 1295 he commanded various cities of Lom-
bardy, Venice, and Genoa to send representatives to Eome,
where they were to arrange the terms of peace, and he com-
1 We wish to express our very great Scholz, ' Die Publizistik zur Zeit
obligations, throughout this chapter, Philippe des Schdnen und Bonifaz
to the admirable work of Dr Richard VTH. '
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? CHAP. VIII. ] BONIFACE VIII. AND PHILIP THE FAIR. 375
manded this under the threat of excommunication. 1 In the
same month he wrote to the Kings of France and England
announcing to them that he was sending legates who should
endeavour to arrange peace between them, and at the same
time he commanded England, France, and Germany to accept
a truce for a year, under pain of excommunication. 4 In
September 1296, in the Bull " Ineffabilis Amoris," he urged
on Philip the Fair of France that the questions at issue be-
tween him and England and Germany were questions of sin,
and that these belonged to the jurisdiction of the Holy See. 3
This claim of Boniface VIII. was, it seems, at once repudi-
ated by Philip the Fair, as we see from the letter of the papal
legate of 20th April 1297. In this letter the legate gives an
account of the interview between himself and Philip with
regard to a truce between him and the King of England.
When he was about to present the Pope's letter, and before
the letter was read, Philip caused a protest to be made, in
which it was emphatically declared that the temporal rule of
the kingdom belonged to himself alone, and to no one else,
that he recognised no superior to himself in his kingdom,
and that he would not submit himself to any one in matters
belonging to the temporal rule of the kingdom. *
It is evident that Boniface had to give way upon the matter,
for, in a letter of July 1298 to Philip, Boniface says plainly
that while Philip of France and Edward of England had
committed some part of the matter in dispute between them
1 Boniface VTJI . Registrum, 780,
812, 813.
>> Id. id. , 868, 869, 870.
8 Id. id. , 1653, " Ineffabilis Amoris ":
" Numquid super hiis dioti reges dene-
gant stare juri ? Numquid Apostolice
sedis, que Christicolis omnibus premi-
net, judicium vel ordinationem recu-
sant ? Denique in eos super hiis, ipsi
peccare te asserunt, de hoc judicium
ad sedem eamdem non est dubium
pertinere. "
4 Dupuy, ' Histoire du Differend
d'entre le Pape Boniface VIII. et
Philippe le Bel,' ed. 1655, 'Preuves,'
p. 27 : " Cumque dictas litteras pre-
sentaremus dicto Regi Francise legen-
das, idem rox incontinenter, antequam
esedem litterae legerentur, nomine suo,
et se prsesente, fecit exprimi et man-
davit in nostra prasentia protestationes
hujusmodi, et alia quse sequuntur:
videlicet, regimen temporalitatis regni
sui ad ipsum regem solum et neminem
alium pertinere, seque in eo neminem
superiorem recognoscere, nee habere,
nec se intendere supponere vel subjicere
modo quocunque viventi alicui, super
rebus pertinentibus ad temporale re-
gimen regni. "
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? 376
[PABT II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
to his arbitration, this was only done on the understanding
that he was acting not as Pope, but as a private person,
Benedict Gaietani, and he promises that he would not deal
with any part of the matter in dispute other than that which
had been mentioned, without Philip's consent to be intimated
in " patent letters. " 1
These letters, indeed, are not in the Eegister of Boniface
VIII. , but the statement that Boniface was accepted as
arbitrator only on the understanding that he was acting as
a private person, is confirmed by the terms of several letters
in the Eegister. 2
It was in another matter that the first really important
conflict between him and the temporal power began. It
was in February 1296 that Boniface issued the famous Bull,
" Clericis Laicos," in which, after complaining bitterly of the
attempts of the laity to impose heavy burdens upon the
clergy, he absolutely forbade the clergy to pay " collectas vel
tallias, decimam, vicesimam seu centesimam suorum et eccle-
siarum proventuum vel bonorum " to the laity without the
permission of the Holy See, and declared that those who
paid such exactions, and all emperors, kings, or other secular
authorities who should impose such exactions, would incur,
" eo ipso," the sentence of excommunication. 3
1 Id. id. (p. 41), "Licet per spe-
ciales": "In nos tamquam in privatam
personam, et Benedictum Gaietanum
tanquam in arbitrum, arbitratorem,
laudatorem, diffinitorem . . . absolute
et libere compromiseris. . . . Nos tamen
ad tuam cautelam et ut eecurius in
nostra puritate quiescas, serenitati
tuse presontium tenore prsedicimus,
et expresee promittimus, quod prseter
contenta in iis quse jam pronuntiata
noscuntur, nostrse nequaquam inten-
tionis existit ad aliquam in reliquis
pronuntiationem, vel diffinitionem in
hujusmodi negotio ex predicto compro-
misso procedere, sine tuo expresso
consensu prehabito, a te per patentes
litteras tuas, et per specialem nuntium
destinando. "
>> Cf. Boniface vTH. Register, 2810,
2811.
>> Id. id. , 1567, " Clericis Laicos " :
" Nos igitur talibus iniquis actibus
obviare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum
consilio, apostolica auctoritate statui-
mus quod quicunque prelati ecclesias-
ticeque persone religiosi vel soculares,
quorumcunque ordinum, conditioni 9
seu statuum, collectas vel tallias, deci-
mam, vicesimam seu centesimam suo-
rum et ecclesiarum proventuum vel
bonorum laicis solverint vel promi-
serint, vel se soluturos consenserint,
aut quamvis aliam quantitatem, por-
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? CHAP. VIII. ] BONIFACE Vffl. AND PHILIP THE FAIR.
377
The bull produced a violent opposition in England and
France. In England, Archbishop Winchelsey, at the Parlia-
ment held in November 1296, maintained that the clergy
could not, in view of the papal prohibition, grant the aid
which the king demanded. The king replied by putting the
clergy out of the royal protection, and the clergy were com-
pelled to give way, the archbishop recommending the clergy
to act each on his own individual responsibility. 1 In France
the opposition was equally determined, and Boniface himself
in the course of a year had to give way. In September 1296
he assured Philip that the Bull " Clericis Laicos " did not
forbid the clergy to grant him aids for the defence and other
necessities of the kingdom, but only forbade them to do this
without the papal permission, his object being to protect
the clergy against intolerable exactions ; and he added that
the bull had no reference to the obligations and aids which
the clergy were bound to render in respect of their feudal
tenures. 2 In February and March 1297, in response to the
tionem, aut quotam proventuum vel
honorum, extimationia vel valoris
ipsorum sub adiutorii, mutui, subven-
tionis, subsidii, vel doni nomine, seu
quovis alio titulo, modo vel quesito
colore, absque auotoritate sedis eius-
dem; neenon imporatores reges seu
principes, duces, comites, vel barones,
potestates, capitanei, officiales, vel
rectores, quocunque nomine censeantur,
civitatum, castrorum seu quorum-
cunque locorum constitutorum ubili-
bet, et qui vis alius cuiuscunque pre-
minentise, conditionis et status, qui
talia imposuerint, exegerint vel re-
ceperint, aut apud edes sacras deposit*
eccleeiarum vel ecclesiasticarum per-
son arum ubilibet arestaverint . . .
necuon omnes qui scienter in predictis
dederint auxilium, consilium vel favo-
rem, publice vel occulte, eo ipso sen-
tentiam excommunicationis incurrant
. . . a supradictis autom excom-
municationum et interdicte sententiis
nullus absolvi valeat prrctorquam
in mortis articulo absque sedis
apostolice auctoritate et licentia
spetiali. "
1 Cf. Stubbe' ' Constit. Hist. ,' vol. ii.
cbap. 14, sect. 180.
>> Id. id. , 1653," Inefiabilis Amoris " :
" Non enim precise stat uimus, pro
defensione ac necessitatibus tui vel
regni tui ab eisdem prelatis, ecclesi-
asticisve personis pecuniarium subsi-
dium non prestari, sed adjecimus id
non fieri sine nostra licentia speciali ;
aductis in considerationem nostram,
exactionibus intolerabilibus ecclesiis et
personis ecclesiasticis, religiosis et
secularibus dicti regni, ab officialibus
tuis auctoritate tua impositis atquo
factis ; de futuris potius verisimiliter
formidantes, cum ex preteritis certitudo
presumi valeat de futuris .
Sunt et alii, sicut ad nostram
notitiam est deductum, qui maligne
surripiunt, dicentes, jam non poterunt
prelati et persone ecclesiastice regni
? ? tui servire de feudis, vel subventiones
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? 378 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
request of the archbishops and bishops of France, he gave
them permission to make a reasonable subvention to the
King of France, provided it was made freely and without
coercion ; they were to inform the Pope of the amount granted,
that he might see whether it was moderate. The grant was
to be for that year only, and was not to be repeated without
the renewed permission of the Pope. 1 In March and May
1297 we find Boniface authorising a contribution of one-
tenth to the king by all the ecclesiastical persons and bodies
in France. 2 In August 1297 he granted the first fruits of all
ecclesiastical dignities in France, except those of archbishops,
bishops, and abbots, to Philip during the time of the war. 3
He had, however, already, in July 1297 in a letter addressed
to the bishops, clergy, nobles, and others in France, substan-
tially withdrawn the prohibition of the " Clericis Laicos. "
His decree, he says, had been misinterpreted; it was not
intended to prohibit a voluntary grant by the bishops or
ecclesiastical persons, even if this were demanded by Philip
or his successors, or other temporal lords. The decree had
no reference to feudal dues and other customary services to
the crown ; and he adds that it should not apply to the
case of the imminent danger or necessity of the kingdom.
The king, therefore, might demand and the clergy might
sciphum, unum equum dare liberaliter
regj mo. Non fertur ad tales
et consimiles interpretationes sub-
dolas diete nostra constitutionis
intentio. '*
1 Id. id. , 2333 : " Veetris itaque in
hao parte supplicationibus annuentes
. . . liceat vobis et eisdem prelatis
ecclesie et personis ecclesiasticis, absque
metu constitutionis nostre predicte,
ipsi regi pro hujusmodi vestre ac
ipsorum regis et regni intrinsece defen-
sionis subsidio, subventionem con-
pruam, prout vobis et ceteris prelatis
regni prefati sou majori parti vestrum
et ipsorum videbitur, voluntariam,
liberalem et liberam, non coactam,
absque omni concussionc, exactione
et executione temporali vel laycali
exigendam, hac vice presente nostra
fretis lioentia impertiri, eamque simi-
liter regi liceat recipere memorato.
Volumus autem quod, si subventionem
hujusmodi prsestari contingat, formam
et modum et quantitatem etiam ac
quicquid super hoc factum extiterit
nobis per vestras litteras seriosius
intimare curetis, ut quantum discrete
vel indiscrete, moderate vel immoderate
premissa precesserint et acceptationem
vel moderationem exegerint clarius
videamus. Scire quoque vos volumus
nostre intentionis existere quod sine
iterata licentia hujusmodi subventio
annualem terminam non exoedat. "
Cf. id. id. , 1933.
>> Id. id. , 1822, 1829.
" Id. id. , 2367.
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? CHAP. VIII. ] BONIFACE YiH. AND PHILIP THE FAIR. 379
grant an aid or contribution for the defence of the realm
without consulting the Pope, notwithstanding the terms of
the decree (" Clericis Laicos ") or any privilege granted by the
Apostolic See. He assures them that he had had no intention
by this decree of destroying any of the laws, liberties, privi-
leges, or customs of the king or kingdom. 1
It would seem evident that Boniface had been worsted
in his second conflict with the temporal powers, and had
to withdraw his claim.
It is with these claims of Boniface to forbid the taxation
of the clergy that the unknown author of the tract entitled
' Disputatio inter Clericum et Militem ' seems specially to
deal; and, though it cannot be dated with any precision, it
1 Id. id. ,2364,"NoveritisNos": "N03
igitur declaramus, quod constitutio ipsa
vel ejus prohibitio ad donsria vel mutua
seu quevis alia voluntaria prelatorum
et pereonarum ecclesiasticarum ejus-
dem regni, cujuscunque status, ordinis
vel conditioni a existant, omni prorsus
occasione aut exactione cessante, se
aliquatemus non extendat, licet ad id
forsitan . . . Philippi Regis . . . vel
successorum suorum . . . aut nooilium
vel aliorum dominorum temporalium
de regno predioto, requisitio curialis et
amica precedat; quodque feudalia,
censuaria sive jura qu&libet in rerum
ecelesiasticarum datione retenta, vel
alia servitia consueta regi ejusque suc-
cessoribus, ducibus, comitibus, baro-
nibus, nobilibus et aliis temporalibus
dominis supradictis, tam de jure quam
de consuetudine a personis ecclesiasticis
debits, prefata constitutio non inoludat
vel aliquatenus comprehendat . . .
Adjicimus innuper hujusmodi declara-
cioni nostre quod, si prefatis regi
et succcssoribus suis pro universali
vel particulars ejusdem regni defen-
sione periculosa nocossitas immineret,
ad hujusmodi necessitatis casum
se nequaquam extendat constitutio
memorata.
Quin potius idem rex ac succes-
sores ipaius possint a prelatis et per-
sonis ecclesiasticis dicti regni petere
ac recipe re pro hujusmodi defensione
subsidium vel contributionom, illudque
aut illam prelati et persons? predicti
sepefato regi suis successoribus incon-
sulto etiam Romano pontifice, tenean-
tur et valeant, sub quote nomine aut
alias etiam, impertiri, non obstantibus
oonstitutione predicta, seu quovis
exemptionis vel alio quolibet privi-
legio, sub quacunque forma confecto,
a sedc apostolica impetrato.
Quodque praterea intentionis nos-
trse, non extitit, neo existet, per con-
stitutionem predictam seu declara-
tionem presentem jura, libertates,
franchysias, seu consuetudines, quio
prefatis regi et regno, ducibus, comi-
tibus, baronibus, nobilibus et quibusvis
aliis temporalibus dominis, editionis
prefati constitutionis tempore, ac etiam
ante illud competero noscebantur, tol-
? ? lere, diminuere vel quovis modo
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? 380
[PAET H.
TE51PORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
seems probable that it belongs to the years from 1296 to
1298. 1
The tract is noteworthy for its explicit and reasoned repudi-
ation of the claim of the supremacy of Church Law and the
Holy See over Secular Law and secular authorities. It is
in the form of a dialogue between a clerk and a knight, and
begins with a complaint on the part of the clerk that the
Church and its liberty was oppressed by financial exactions
and disregard of its laws. The knight asks what he means
by law (jus). The clerk replies that he means the decrees
of the Fathers and the statutes of the Eoman Pontiff. The
knight replies roundly that these laws, so far as they refer to
temporal matters, may be law to the clergy, but have no
authority over the laity, for no one can make laws where he
has no " dominium " ; and as the princes have no authority
to make law on spiritual matters, the clergy have none to do
this in temporal matters.
The clerk then argues that Christ is Lord of all, and Peter
is his vicar: how can they refuse to recognise that the vicar
of Christ has the same authority as Christ t The knight replies
by saying that he had heard that there were two " tempora "
in Christ, one of humility, the other of power. Peter was
Christ's vicar, " pro statu humilitatis, non pro statu glorie
et majestatis. " Christ said that his kingdom was not of this
world, and refused to act as a judge. Christ in the world
neither exercised the temporal authority nor committed it
to Peter. The clerk then urges the authority of the Church
in matters of sin, and therefore of justice. The knight replies
that the authority of judging according to the law, in ques-
tions of justice and injustice, belongs to him who has authority
to make the laws. The clerk contends that temporal things
should serve the spiritual, and that the spiritual power should
rule the temporal. The knight replies that he quite recognises
that spiritual persons should receive such things as they need
for their support, but this does not mean that they have
authority in temporal matters. He then turns upon the
1 For a full discussion of the date Scholz, ' Die Publizistik zur Zeit
and authorship of this work, cf. R. Philipps des Schdnen,' <fec.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:49 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1.
? Cf. p. 316.
? M. G. H. ,' Const. ,' vol. ii. 424 (16):
" Nam ille impro vidus Cons tan tinus
temptans sacerdotibus submittere alie-
num. nullius servitutis caraoterem
imponere potuit futuris impera tori bus,
quibus solummodo indicare, non autem
leges imponere concedit, codice, 1.
digna vox (' Code,' i. 14, 4). Com
ociam par in parem nullum imperium
habeat, ut jure legitur Digestorum s.
ff. De arbi. 1. ' nam et magistrates '
(' Digest,' iv. 8, 4), prseterea quum
Augustum ab augendo dici mandaverit
legislator, jam dicto Constantino do-
nante, non autem imperium ut tene-
batur augente, fuit donaoio ilia nulla,
quum et juris alieni donacio in pre-
judicium domini vel cujus intcrsit,
nullius juris valletur auxilio, si Diges-
torum et Codicis volumina ex quir-
untur. "
The editor points out that there is
only one MS. of this, of the fourteenth
century, and that the text is in great
confusion.
<< Id. id. id. , 405 (3): " Et licet
inter vos judicis partes assume re non
sine causa distulerit (i. e. , ecclesia)
prsesertim quum tam tui quam ipsius
regis nuntii in recordationis felicis
Alexandri Papse prsedecessoris nostri,
nostra et fratrum nostrorum prsesentia
constituti, super predictis judiciarium
apostolicse sedis examen expresM usque
ad hec tempora declinarint. "
Id. id. , 408 ( 2): " Nullum enim
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
369
At last, after some twenty years of confusion which followed
the death of Frederick II. , Eudolph of Hapsburg was elected
and recognised as emperor, and it is important to observe
under what terms the relations between the emperor and the
papacy were referred to.
It is in the first place very noticeable that neither the
German princes nor Eudolph himself, in notifying his election
to Pope Gregory in 1273, asked for his confirmation. They
announce his election and coronation as King of the Eomans
at Aix-la-Chapelle; they assure the Pope that he is a man
well fitted for the empire, both in his religious character and
his political position, and they ask him to receive him favour-
ably and to call him to the imperial dignity. 1 It is true that
the King of Bohemia wrote to the Pope and protested against
ferre angulum ipsius latere debet
imperii, quod de predictis electis,
hujus modi electionibus in discordia
celebratis et electis ipsia non curan-
tibus subiri judicium, sed propriis
se velle inniti viribus expresse
dicentibus. "
1 M. G. H. , ' Const. ,' Hi. 14 (2):
" De commurii consensu omnes et
singuli . . . eum (i. e. , Rudolfum) in
regem Romanorum, imperatorem futu-
rum, auctore altissimo, una voce vot-
oque unanimi unaniminiter eligentes.
(3) Qua quidem electione canonice,
immo divinitus procul dubio celebrata,
eundem cum inenarrabilis immensitate
tripudii, omnium applaudente caterva
nobilium necuon populi comitiva letante
ac in superne laudis canticum gratu-
labundus assurgente, apud Aquis-
granum ut pote sedem, que primum
sublimacionis et glorise regiss gradum
ponit, magnifice duximus, ubi tali die
a nobis Coloniensi Arcbiepiscopo, cujus
interest regibus ab antiquo beneficium
consecracionis impendere, fuit in sede
magnifici Caroli coronatus et unctionis
sacerime oleo delibutus. (4) Et ut
de regis electi sic et coronati persona
sacrosanctse Romanse ecclesise matris
VOL. V.
nostrse piissime nova congaudia cumu-
lentur, idem rex est fide catolicus,
ecclesiarum amator, justicia? cultor,
pollens consilio, fulgens pietate, propriis
potens viribus et multorum potentum
amnitate, connisus, Deo, ut firmiter
opinamus, amabilis et humanis as-
pectibus graciosus ac insuper corpore
strenuus et in rebus bellicis contra
perfidos fortunatus. . . .
(5) Vos itaque quresumus, pater
sancto, benigne suscipite filium singu-
larem quem procul dubio sencietis
intrepidum matris ecclesise pugilem
et invictum catolicse fidei defensorem.
Processum vero tam rite tam provide,
tam mature, de ipso sio habitum
gracioso approbacionis applausum beni-
valo prosequentes ac ex afHuenti
paterna dulcedine pietatis opus Dei
perficientes in ipso, eundem cum vestre
sanetitiit i placuerit et videritis opor-
? ? tunum, ad imperialis fastigii diadema
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? 370 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the election, but it would not appear that this was taken
very seriously by any one. 1
Gregory X. , however, as late as January 1274, addressed
Eudolph as King of the Eomans elect,2 and it was not till
September 1274 that he thought it proper to address him as
king. He intimates to Eudolph that for sufficient reasons
he had hitherto not given him the designation of king, but
now, after due deliberation with his brethren (i. e. , the car-
dinals) and by their advice, he " names " (norninamus) him
king, and tells him to make preparation for the imperial
coronation at an early date. 3
It is not very easy to determine how much exactly this im-
plies. Eudolph, writing to Pope Innocent V. on the latter's ac-
cession in 1276, used language which might be taken as implying
that it was Gregory who had established him on his throne ; 4
and, writing to Pope John XXI. in September of the same
year, says that he placed all things under his control and
desired to have him as ruler in the kingdom. 5 With these
phrases we may compare some words of the ' Privilegium '
of 1279, in which Eudolph recognised, in general terms,
the great benefits which his predecessors had received from
the Soman Church, and especially that it was the Church
which had transferred the empire from the Greeks to the
Germans. 4 The German princes, in confirming this ' Privile-
1 Id. id. , 16.
? Id. id. , 26.
>> Id. id. , 66: " Licet itaque, non
sine causa distulerimus hactenus re-
giam tibi denominationem ascribere,
cum fratribus tamen noetria delibe-
ratione prebabita, te regem Roma-
norum de ipsorum consilio nomina-
mus. "
? Id. id. , 106: " Prater alia . . .
que pro bono statu catholice fidei
orthodoxe concepit et statuit, thronum
nostrum super reges et regna consti-
tuens. "
? Id. id. , 118: " Quomodo igitur
a semitis vestris declinavimus et a
via mandatorum vestrorum aliqua-
tenus recidemus, qui omnia vobis
subicimus, cuncta vestris manibus
tradimus, vobis vivere et in regno vos
recto rem habere volumus, sic ut inter
nos sit ydemptitas mencium et in-
separabilis unio voluntatum. "
? Id. id. , 222 (2): " Prefati itaque
predecessores, ad magnificentiam mune-
rum et graciarum quodammodo in-
effabilem largitatem, quse de ipsius
matris ecclesiie uberibus susceperunt,
faciem gratitudinis convertentes nec
minus attendentes, quod eadem mater
ecclesia ipsos in duloedinis benedicione
preveniens transferendo de Grsecis
Imperium in German os, eisdem dede-
runt id quod erant, ut grati pnedi-
carentur filii laubabile recognicionis
effectum, inter cetera que ipsi Romanse
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? CHAP, vn. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
371
gium ' in the same year, also recognised that it was the Eoman
Church which had conferred the supreme temporal authority
in the world on Germany, and established the princes as the
electors of the emperor; and they speak of the emperor as
that lesser luminary which was iUuminated by the greater--
that is, the vicar of Christ,--and say that the emperor is to
draw the material sword at his command (ad ipsius nutum). 1
These phrases go further than any others used by Eudolph
and the princes towards admitting the authority of the Pope
in temporal matters, but it should be observed that Eudolph
also wrote in terms which suggest very clearly the principle
of the distinction of the two powers. The ' Privilegium '
of 1279, to which we have just referred, begins with a state-
ment that the sacred authority of the " Pontifex " and the
royal power are the greatest gifts of God, and that as Christ
exercised the two powers, each is derived from him. In
a letter of 1286, in which he requested the Archbishop of
Cologne to excommunicate the Count of Cleves, who had
been for some time under the ban of the empire, he begins
by citing the Gelasian phrases that there are two powers
by which the world is ruled, the pontifical authority and
the royal, which are separate and distinct, and urges that
they should mutually aid each other, and that the sword of
the one should constrain those who resist the jurisdiction
of the other. 2
ecclesise confirmarunt, dimiserunt seu
etiam concesserunt, totam terram quse
est a Radicofano usque Ceperanum,
etc. "
1 Id. id. , 225 : " Complectens ab
olim sibi Romana mater ecclesia quasi
quadam germana caritate Germaniam
illam eo terreno dignitate decoravit,
quod est super omni nomen tempora-
liter, tantum presidentium super ter-
ram, plan tans in ea principes tanquam
arbores prelectos, et rigans ipsas gratia
singulari, illud eis dedit incrementum
mirande potentie, ut ipsius ecclesiss
auctoritato sufiulti velut germen elec-
tum per ipsorum electionem ilium, qui
frona Romani teneret imperii, germi-
narent. Hie est illud luminare minus
in firmamento militantis eoclesise per
luminare maius, Christi vicarium illus-
tratum. Hie est qui materialem gla-
dium ad ipsius nutum excutit et
convertit. "
>> Id. id. , 222 : " Summa respublicss
tuicio de stirpe duarum rerum sacer-
docii et imperii divina institucione
progrediens, vimque suam exinde mu-
niens humanum genus salubriter gu-
bernabit in posterum et reget Deo
propicio in eternum. Heo sunt duo
dona Dei maxima quidem in omnibus
a superna collata clcmencia, videlicet
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? 372 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
It is also noteworthy that Pope Gregory X. , writing to
Eudolph in 1275 about a date for the imperial coronation,
also speaks in terms which recognise very explicitly the
distinctive character and the divine origin of both powers.
The civil wisdom, he writes, has rightly said that the " sacer-
dotium " and the "imperium " do not greatly differ. They
are the two greatest gifts of God, and were instituted for the
perfect government of the world, and need each other's help :
the one should minister in spiritual things, the other should
rule over human affairs. They were instituted inseparably
for one and the same final cause, in spite of the diversity of
their ministries. 1
When we endeavour to sum up the impression which is
left upon us, after considering the materials with which we
have dealt in this chapter, it seems to us to be clear that
the conception that the papacy possessed, even in principle,
a supreme temporal authority, was, for the most part, em-
phatically repudiated. The position of the Empire was,
no doubt, somewhat different from that of other European
countries, but even there, except in the ' Schwabenspiegel,'
and even after the destruction of the Hohenstauffen, while
auctoritas sacra pontificum et regalis
excellencia potestatis. Hec duo sal-
vator noster mediator Dei et hom-
inum Jesus Christus sic per se ipsum
aetibus propriis et dignitatibus dis-
tinctis exercuit, ut utraque ab ipso
tanquam ex uno eodemque prin?
cipio manifeste procedere omnibus
indicaret. "
Id. id. , 386: " Quoniam duo sunt
quibus principaliter regitur orbis terrse,
sacra videlicet pontificalia auctoritas
et regalis potestas, non minus utile
quam necessarium fore dinoscitur
juxta legitimas sanctiones, utriusque
potestatis omcia, discreta divinis aeti-
bus distinctis dignitatibus et distincta,
sibi alterne subvencionis sum-agio sub-
veniant, ut sic mutuo interveniente
suocursu, quos unius jurisdictionis
coercio a malo non revocet, alterius
saltem potestatis gladius a contumacia
coerceat ac peccato, et per hoc utri-
usque vigor in suo permaneat robur
firmitatis. "
1 Id. id. , 77: " Sacerdotium et
imperium non multo differre morito
sapientia civilis asseruit. Si quidem
ilia tamquam maxima dona Dei a
coelesti collata clementia principi con-
jungit idemptitas, ea velut auxiliis
mutuis semper egentia suffragiis suis
inter ipsa vicibus alternandi unit
necessitas et ad perfectum mundi
regimen instituta, ut alterum videlicet,
spiritualibus ministret, reliquum vero
preeit humanis, una et eadem institu-
tionis causa finalis ipsa inseparabiliter,
licet sub ministeriorum diversitate
conjunct* designat. "
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? OHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY. 373
the Popes sometimes claim a special authority with regard
to the election of the German King, it cannot be said that
there was any acceptance of the extreme claims of the
later Canonists. And outside of the Empire there was no
recognition at all, but rather the affirmation of the contrary
principle that the temporal and the spiritual powers were
separate and distinct.
It is, however, true that these claims had been made, not
indeed officially and authoritatively, but by Canonists and
some ecclesiastical writers. We must now therefore consider
whether, or how far, these claims lie behind that great conflict
between the papacy and the secular power, in which Boniface
VIII. and Philip the Fair of France were the protagonists.
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? 374
CHAPTER VIII.
BONIFACE VIII. AND PHILIP THE FAIR.
We have arrived at the last stage of the great conflict of the
Middle Ages between the spiritual and temporal powers. It
is true that the literary controversy continued for some time,
and we hope in another volume to deal with this, for it had
some practical importance, especially with relation to the
empire. In fact, however, the tragic end of Boniface VIII.
marks the close, for all practical purposes, of the attempt to
claim on behalf of the papacy a universal temporal authority.
In fact, if the papacy had seemed to triumph in the destruc-
tion of the Hohenstauffen, the political authority of the
mediseval papacy was also destroyed within fifty years, when
it came into conflict with the national monarchy of France.
We are not writing a history of the pontificate of Boniface
VJLLL. , and we confine ourselves to the attempt to set out
briefly the progress of the struggle between him and Philip
the Fair, as it can be traced in the documents, letters, and
pamphlets in which are stated and criticised the claims of
Boniface and his supporters. 1
Among the first public actions of his pontificate was the
attempt to impose peace on the cities of Italy and the northern
nations.
In May 1295 he commanded various cities of Lom-
bardy, Venice, and Genoa to send representatives to Eome,
where they were to arrange the terms of peace, and he com-
1 We wish to express our very great Scholz, ' Die Publizistik zur Zeit
obligations, throughout this chapter, Philippe des Schdnen und Bonifaz
to the admirable work of Dr Richard VTH. '
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? CHAP. VIII. ] BONIFACE VIII. AND PHILIP THE FAIR. 375
manded this under the threat of excommunication. 1 In the
same month he wrote to the Kings of France and England
announcing to them that he was sending legates who should
endeavour to arrange peace between them, and at the same
time he commanded England, France, and Germany to accept
a truce for a year, under pain of excommunication. 4 In
September 1296, in the Bull " Ineffabilis Amoris," he urged
on Philip the Fair of France that the questions at issue be-
tween him and England and Germany were questions of sin,
and that these belonged to the jurisdiction of the Holy See. 3
This claim of Boniface VIII. was, it seems, at once repudi-
ated by Philip the Fair, as we see from the letter of the papal
legate of 20th April 1297. In this letter the legate gives an
account of the interview between himself and Philip with
regard to a truce between him and the King of England.
When he was about to present the Pope's letter, and before
the letter was read, Philip caused a protest to be made, in
which it was emphatically declared that the temporal rule of
the kingdom belonged to himself alone, and to no one else,
that he recognised no superior to himself in his kingdom,
and that he would not submit himself to any one in matters
belonging to the temporal rule of the kingdom. *
It is evident that Boniface had to give way upon the matter,
for, in a letter of July 1298 to Philip, Boniface says plainly
that while Philip of France and Edward of England had
committed some part of the matter in dispute between them
1 Boniface VTJI . Registrum, 780,
812, 813.
>> Id. id. , 868, 869, 870.
8 Id. id. , 1653, " Ineffabilis Amoris ":
" Numquid super hiis dioti reges dene-
gant stare juri ? Numquid Apostolice
sedis, que Christicolis omnibus premi-
net, judicium vel ordinationem recu-
sant ? Denique in eos super hiis, ipsi
peccare te asserunt, de hoc judicium
ad sedem eamdem non est dubium
pertinere. "
4 Dupuy, ' Histoire du Differend
d'entre le Pape Boniface VIII. et
Philippe le Bel,' ed. 1655, 'Preuves,'
p. 27 : " Cumque dictas litteras pre-
sentaremus dicto Regi Francise legen-
das, idem rox incontinenter, antequam
esedem litterae legerentur, nomine suo,
et se prsesente, fecit exprimi et man-
davit in nostra prasentia protestationes
hujusmodi, et alia quse sequuntur:
videlicet, regimen temporalitatis regni
sui ad ipsum regem solum et neminem
alium pertinere, seque in eo neminem
superiorem recognoscere, nee habere,
nec se intendere supponere vel subjicere
modo quocunque viventi alicui, super
rebus pertinentibus ad temporale re-
gimen regni. "
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? 376
[PABT II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
to his arbitration, this was only done on the understanding
that he was acting not as Pope, but as a private person,
Benedict Gaietani, and he promises that he would not deal
with any part of the matter in dispute other than that which
had been mentioned, without Philip's consent to be intimated
in " patent letters. " 1
These letters, indeed, are not in the Eegister of Boniface
VIII. , but the statement that Boniface was accepted as
arbitrator only on the understanding that he was acting as
a private person, is confirmed by the terms of several letters
in the Eegister. 2
It was in another matter that the first really important
conflict between him and the temporal power began. It
was in February 1296 that Boniface issued the famous Bull,
" Clericis Laicos," in which, after complaining bitterly of the
attempts of the laity to impose heavy burdens upon the
clergy, he absolutely forbade the clergy to pay " collectas vel
tallias, decimam, vicesimam seu centesimam suorum et eccle-
siarum proventuum vel bonorum " to the laity without the
permission of the Holy See, and declared that those who
paid such exactions, and all emperors, kings, or other secular
authorities who should impose such exactions, would incur,
" eo ipso," the sentence of excommunication. 3
1 Id. id. (p. 41), "Licet per spe-
ciales": "In nos tamquam in privatam
personam, et Benedictum Gaietanum
tanquam in arbitrum, arbitratorem,
laudatorem, diffinitorem . . . absolute
et libere compromiseris. . . . Nos tamen
ad tuam cautelam et ut eecurius in
nostra puritate quiescas, serenitati
tuse presontium tenore prsedicimus,
et expresee promittimus, quod prseter
contenta in iis quse jam pronuntiata
noscuntur, nostrse nequaquam inten-
tionis existit ad aliquam in reliquis
pronuntiationem, vel diffinitionem in
hujusmodi negotio ex predicto compro-
misso procedere, sine tuo expresso
consensu prehabito, a te per patentes
litteras tuas, et per specialem nuntium
destinando. "
>> Cf. Boniface vTH. Register, 2810,
2811.
>> Id. id. , 1567, " Clericis Laicos " :
" Nos igitur talibus iniquis actibus
obviare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum
consilio, apostolica auctoritate statui-
mus quod quicunque prelati ecclesias-
ticeque persone religiosi vel soculares,
quorumcunque ordinum, conditioni 9
seu statuum, collectas vel tallias, deci-
mam, vicesimam seu centesimam suo-
rum et ecclesiarum proventuum vel
bonorum laicis solverint vel promi-
serint, vel se soluturos consenserint,
aut quamvis aliam quantitatem, por-
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? CHAP. VIII. ] BONIFACE Vffl. AND PHILIP THE FAIR.
377
The bull produced a violent opposition in England and
France. In England, Archbishop Winchelsey, at the Parlia-
ment held in November 1296, maintained that the clergy
could not, in view of the papal prohibition, grant the aid
which the king demanded. The king replied by putting the
clergy out of the royal protection, and the clergy were com-
pelled to give way, the archbishop recommending the clergy
to act each on his own individual responsibility. 1 In France
the opposition was equally determined, and Boniface himself
in the course of a year had to give way. In September 1296
he assured Philip that the Bull " Clericis Laicos " did not
forbid the clergy to grant him aids for the defence and other
necessities of the kingdom, but only forbade them to do this
without the papal permission, his object being to protect
the clergy against intolerable exactions ; and he added that
the bull had no reference to the obligations and aids which
the clergy were bound to render in respect of their feudal
tenures. 2 In February and March 1297, in response to the
tionem, aut quotam proventuum vel
honorum, extimationia vel valoris
ipsorum sub adiutorii, mutui, subven-
tionis, subsidii, vel doni nomine, seu
quovis alio titulo, modo vel quesito
colore, absque auotoritate sedis eius-
dem; neenon imporatores reges seu
principes, duces, comites, vel barones,
potestates, capitanei, officiales, vel
rectores, quocunque nomine censeantur,
civitatum, castrorum seu quorum-
cunque locorum constitutorum ubili-
bet, et qui vis alius cuiuscunque pre-
minentise, conditionis et status, qui
talia imposuerint, exegerint vel re-
ceperint, aut apud edes sacras deposit*
eccleeiarum vel ecclesiasticarum per-
son arum ubilibet arestaverint . . .
necuon omnes qui scienter in predictis
dederint auxilium, consilium vel favo-
rem, publice vel occulte, eo ipso sen-
tentiam excommunicationis incurrant
. . . a supradictis autom excom-
municationum et interdicte sententiis
nullus absolvi valeat prrctorquam
in mortis articulo absque sedis
apostolice auctoritate et licentia
spetiali. "
1 Cf. Stubbe' ' Constit. Hist. ,' vol. ii.
cbap. 14, sect. 180.
>> Id. id. , 1653," Inefiabilis Amoris " :
" Non enim precise stat uimus, pro
defensione ac necessitatibus tui vel
regni tui ab eisdem prelatis, ecclesi-
asticisve personis pecuniarium subsi-
dium non prestari, sed adjecimus id
non fieri sine nostra licentia speciali ;
aductis in considerationem nostram,
exactionibus intolerabilibus ecclesiis et
personis ecclesiasticis, religiosis et
secularibus dicti regni, ab officialibus
tuis auctoritate tua impositis atquo
factis ; de futuris potius verisimiliter
formidantes, cum ex preteritis certitudo
presumi valeat de futuris .
Sunt et alii, sicut ad nostram
notitiam est deductum, qui maligne
surripiunt, dicentes, jam non poterunt
prelati et persone ecclesiastice regni
? ? tui servire de feudis, vel subventiones
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? 378 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
request of the archbishops and bishops of France, he gave
them permission to make a reasonable subvention to the
King of France, provided it was made freely and without
coercion ; they were to inform the Pope of the amount granted,
that he might see whether it was moderate. The grant was
to be for that year only, and was not to be repeated without
the renewed permission of the Pope. 1 In March and May
1297 we find Boniface authorising a contribution of one-
tenth to the king by all the ecclesiastical persons and bodies
in France. 2 In August 1297 he granted the first fruits of all
ecclesiastical dignities in France, except those of archbishops,
bishops, and abbots, to Philip during the time of the war. 3
He had, however, already, in July 1297 in a letter addressed
to the bishops, clergy, nobles, and others in France, substan-
tially withdrawn the prohibition of the " Clericis Laicos. "
His decree, he says, had been misinterpreted; it was not
intended to prohibit a voluntary grant by the bishops or
ecclesiastical persons, even if this were demanded by Philip
or his successors, or other temporal lords. The decree had
no reference to feudal dues and other customary services to
the crown ; and he adds that it should not apply to the
case of the imminent danger or necessity of the kingdom.
The king, therefore, might demand and the clergy might
sciphum, unum equum dare liberaliter
regj mo. Non fertur ad tales
et consimiles interpretationes sub-
dolas diete nostra constitutionis
intentio. '*
1 Id. id. , 2333 : " Veetris itaque in
hao parte supplicationibus annuentes
. . . liceat vobis et eisdem prelatis
ecclesie et personis ecclesiasticis, absque
metu constitutionis nostre predicte,
ipsi regi pro hujusmodi vestre ac
ipsorum regis et regni intrinsece defen-
sionis subsidio, subventionem con-
pruam, prout vobis et ceteris prelatis
regni prefati sou majori parti vestrum
et ipsorum videbitur, voluntariam,
liberalem et liberam, non coactam,
absque omni concussionc, exactione
et executione temporali vel laycali
exigendam, hac vice presente nostra
fretis lioentia impertiri, eamque simi-
liter regi liceat recipere memorato.
Volumus autem quod, si subventionem
hujusmodi prsestari contingat, formam
et modum et quantitatem etiam ac
quicquid super hoc factum extiterit
nobis per vestras litteras seriosius
intimare curetis, ut quantum discrete
vel indiscrete, moderate vel immoderate
premissa precesserint et acceptationem
vel moderationem exegerint clarius
videamus. Scire quoque vos volumus
nostre intentionis existere quod sine
iterata licentia hujusmodi subventio
annualem terminam non exoedat. "
Cf. id. id. , 1933.
>> Id. id. , 1822, 1829.
" Id. id. , 2367.
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? CHAP. VIII. ] BONIFACE YiH. AND PHILIP THE FAIR. 379
grant an aid or contribution for the defence of the realm
without consulting the Pope, notwithstanding the terms of
the decree (" Clericis Laicos ") or any privilege granted by the
Apostolic See. He assures them that he had had no intention
by this decree of destroying any of the laws, liberties, privi-
leges, or customs of the king or kingdom. 1
It would seem evident that Boniface had been worsted
in his second conflict with the temporal powers, and had
to withdraw his claim.
It is with these claims of Boniface to forbid the taxation
of the clergy that the unknown author of the tract entitled
' Disputatio inter Clericum et Militem ' seems specially to
deal; and, though it cannot be dated with any precision, it
1 Id. id. ,2364,"NoveritisNos": "N03
igitur declaramus, quod constitutio ipsa
vel ejus prohibitio ad donsria vel mutua
seu quevis alia voluntaria prelatorum
et pereonarum ecclesiasticarum ejus-
dem regni, cujuscunque status, ordinis
vel conditioni a existant, omni prorsus
occasione aut exactione cessante, se
aliquatemus non extendat, licet ad id
forsitan . . . Philippi Regis . . . vel
successorum suorum . . . aut nooilium
vel aliorum dominorum temporalium
de regno predioto, requisitio curialis et
amica precedat; quodque feudalia,
censuaria sive jura qu&libet in rerum
ecelesiasticarum datione retenta, vel
alia servitia consueta regi ejusque suc-
cessoribus, ducibus, comitibus, baro-
nibus, nobilibus et aliis temporalibus
dominis supradictis, tam de jure quam
de consuetudine a personis ecclesiasticis
debits, prefata constitutio non inoludat
vel aliquatenus comprehendat . . .
Adjicimus innuper hujusmodi declara-
cioni nostre quod, si prefatis regi
et succcssoribus suis pro universali
vel particulars ejusdem regni defen-
sione periculosa nocossitas immineret,
ad hujusmodi necessitatis casum
se nequaquam extendat constitutio
memorata.
Quin potius idem rex ac succes-
sores ipaius possint a prelatis et per-
sonis ecclesiasticis dicti regni petere
ac recipe re pro hujusmodi defensione
subsidium vel contributionom, illudque
aut illam prelati et persons? predicti
sepefato regi suis successoribus incon-
sulto etiam Romano pontifice, tenean-
tur et valeant, sub quote nomine aut
alias etiam, impertiri, non obstantibus
oonstitutione predicta, seu quovis
exemptionis vel alio quolibet privi-
legio, sub quacunque forma confecto,
a sedc apostolica impetrato.
Quodque praterea intentionis nos-
trse, non extitit, neo existet, per con-
stitutionem predictam seu declara-
tionem presentem jura, libertates,
franchysias, seu consuetudines, quio
prefatis regi et regno, ducibus, comi-
tibus, baronibus, nobilibus et quibusvis
aliis temporalibus dominis, editionis
prefati constitutionis tempore, ac etiam
ante illud competero noscebantur, tol-
? ? lere, diminuere vel quovis modo
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? 380
[PAET H.
TE51PORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
seems probable that it belongs to the years from 1296 to
1298. 1
The tract is noteworthy for its explicit and reasoned repudi-
ation of the claim of the supremacy of Church Law and the
Holy See over Secular Law and secular authorities. It is
in the form of a dialogue between a clerk and a knight, and
begins with a complaint on the part of the clerk that the
Church and its liberty was oppressed by financial exactions
and disregard of its laws. The knight asks what he means
by law (jus). The clerk replies that he means the decrees
of the Fathers and the statutes of the Eoman Pontiff. The
knight replies roundly that these laws, so far as they refer to
temporal matters, may be law to the clergy, but have no
authority over the laity, for no one can make laws where he
has no " dominium " ; and as the princes have no authority
to make law on spiritual matters, the clergy have none to do
this in temporal matters.
The clerk then argues that Christ is Lord of all, and Peter
is his vicar: how can they refuse to recognise that the vicar
of Christ has the same authority as Christ t The knight replies
by saying that he had heard that there were two " tempora "
in Christ, one of humility, the other of power. Peter was
Christ's vicar, " pro statu humilitatis, non pro statu glorie
et majestatis. " Christ said that his kingdom was not of this
world, and refused to act as a judge. Christ in the world
neither exercised the temporal authority nor committed it
to Peter. The clerk then urges the authority of the Church
in matters of sin, and therefore of justice. The knight replies
that the authority of judging according to the law, in ques-
tions of justice and injustice, belongs to him who has authority
to make the laws. The clerk contends that temporal things
should serve the spiritual, and that the spiritual power should
rule the temporal. The knight replies that he quite recognises
that spiritual persons should receive such things as they need
for their support, but this does not mean that they have
authority in temporal matters. He then turns upon the
1 For a full discussion of the date Scholz, ' Die Publizistik zur Zeit
and authorship of this work, cf. R. Philipps des Schdnen,' <fec.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:49 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/uc1.
